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     Grammar Search "tanu" has 8 results.
     
tanū: masculine nominative dual stem: tanū
tanu: neuter nominative singular stem: tanu
tanū: masculine accusative dual stem: tanū
tanu: neuter accusative singular stem: tanu
tanu: neuter vocative singular stem: tanu
tanu: feminine vocative singular stem: tanu
tanū: masculine vocative dual stem: tanu
tanu: second person singular present imperative class 8 parasmaipadatan
     Amarakosha Search  
10 results
     
WordReferenceGenderNumberSynonymsDefinition
agniḥMasculineSingularjvalanaḥ, barhiḥ, śociṣkeśaḥ, bṛhadbhānuḥ, analaḥ, śikhāvān, hutabhuk, saptārciḥ, citrabhānuḥ, appittam, vaiśvānaraḥ, dhanañjayaḥ, jātavedāḥ, śuṣmā, uṣarbudhaḥ, kṛśānuḥ, rohitāśvaḥ, āśuśukṣaṇiḥ, dahanaḥ, damunāḥ, vibhāvasuḥ, vahniḥ, kṛpīṭayoniḥ, tanūnapāt, kṛṣṇavartmā, āśrayāśaḥ, pāvakaḥ, vāyusakhaḥ, hiraṇyaretāḥ, havyavāhanaḥ, śukraḥ, śuciḥ, vītihotraḥfire god
alpam3.1.61MasculineSingulartanu, sūkṣmam, stokaḥ, kaṇaḥ, truṭiḥ, kṛśam, ślakṣaṇam, leśaḥ, mātrā, dabhram, kṣullakaḥ, aṇuḥ, lavaḥ
garut2.5.38NeuterSingularpakṣaḥ, chadaḥ, pattram, patattram, tanūruham
jagaraḥ2.8.66MasculineSingularkaṅkaṭakaḥ, kavacaḥ, tanutram, varma, daṃśanam, uraśchadaḥ
pelavam3.1.66MasculineSingularviralam, tanu
pṛśniḥ2.6.48MasculineSingularalpatanu
śarīram2.6.71NeuterSingulartanūḥ, dehaḥ, varṣma, gātram, tanu, kāyaḥ, saṃhananam, kalevaram, mūrtiḥ, vigrahaḥ, vapuḥ
sūraḥ1.3.28-30MasculineSingularsahasrāṃśuḥ, raviḥ, chāyānāthaḥ, jagaccakṣuḥ, pradyotanaḥ, lokabāndhavaḥ, aryamā, dhāmanidhiḥ, divākaraḥ, braghnaḥ, bhāsvān, haridaśvaḥ, arkaḥ, aruṇaḥ, taraṇiḥ, virocanaḥ, tviṣāṃpatiḥ, haṃsaḥ, savitā, tejasāṃrāśiḥ, karmasākṣī, trayītanu, khadyotaḥ, sūryaḥ, bhagaḥ, dvādaśātmā, abjinīpatiḥ, ahaskaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, saptāśvaḥ, vikartanaḥ, mihiraḥ, dyumaṇiḥ, citrabhānuḥ, grahapatiḥ, bhānuḥ, tapanaḥ, padmākṣaḥ, tamisrahā, lokabandhuḥ, dinamaṇiḥ, inaḥ, ādityaḥ, aṃśumālī, bhāskaraḥ, prabhākaraḥ, vivasvān, uṣṇaraśmiḥ, mārtaṇḍaḥ, pūṣā, mitraḥ, vibhāvasuḥ, aharpatiḥ(53)the sun
tanu3.3.120FeminineSingularutsāhanam, hiṃsā, sūcanam
tanūruham2.6.100NeuterSingularroma, loma
     Monier-Williams
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162 results for tanu
     
Devanagari
BrahmiEXPERIMENTAL
tanumf(us-, /ūs-, -)n. thin, slender, attenuated, emaciated, small, little, minute, delicate, fine (texture ) etc. (in compound gaRa kaḍārādi-;also equals -dagdha- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumf(us-, /ūs-, -)n. (said of a speech or hymn) accomplished (in metre) (accusative f. nv/am-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. (gaRa 2. lohitādi-,not in ) Name of a ṛṣi- with a very emaciated body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuf. (us-) (once m. ) equals n/ū- (See sub voce, i.e. the word in the Sanskrit order), the body, person, self (see duṣ-ṭanu-, priy/a--) (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') (svakā t-,"one's own person", ) (accusative plural irregular navas-, ) etc. (iyaṃ tanur mama-,"this my self. id est I myself here "; nuṃ-tyaj-or -,"to give up one's life" ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. form or manifestation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. the skin View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. equals -gṛha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. Desmodium gangeticum View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. Balanites Roxburghii (vv.ll. tannī-, nni-,"Hemionitis cordifolia"; tajvi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. a metre of 4 + 24 syllables View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. Name of a wife of kṛṣṇa- (?) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanum. ([ confer, compare ; Latin tenuisetc.]) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanubalamf(ā-)n. "of small strength", a-- negative , strong View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanubhastrāf. "body-bellows", the nose View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanubhavam. equals -ja- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanubhāvam. equals -- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanubhṛtm. any being possessing a body, especially a human being View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanubhūmif. "stage of personality", Name of a period in a śrāvaka-'s life
tanubījam. "small-seeded", the jujube View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanucchad View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanucchadam. (see ) equals -tra- (often in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanucchadam. plural feathers View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanucchāyam. "shading little", a kind of Acacia View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanudagdhamfn. (said of a kleśa- in yoga- philosophy) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanudānan. offering the body (for sexual intercourse) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanudānan. a scanty gift. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanudhīmfn. little-minded View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanudīrghaghoṇamfn. one who has a thin long nose, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanugṛhan. the 1st lunar mansion, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuhradam. the rectum, anus View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanujam. equals -ruh-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanujam. a son View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuf. a daughter View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanujanmanm. equals -ja- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanujatvan. sonship View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanujihvatāf. the having a thin tongue (one of the 80 minor maeks of a buddha-), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukamfn. (gaRa yāvādi-) thin and (said of a liquid) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukamfn. small View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukam. Grislea tomentosa View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukam. Terminalia bellerica View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukam. the cinnamon tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuf. Diospyros embryopteris View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukeśamf(ī-)n. delicate-haired View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukeśāf. plural See kṣemavṛddhi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukṣīram. "thin-sapped", Spondias mangifera View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanukūpam. pore of the skin View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanulamfn. spread, expanded, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanulatāf. a slender body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumadhyan. "body-middle", the waist View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumadhyamf(ā-)n. equals dhyama- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumadhyāf. a metre of 4x6 (- - u u - -) syllables. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumadhyamamf(ā-)n. slender-waisted View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumatmfn. embodied View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanumūrtimfn. thin-shaped View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanupādakṣapāṭanan. Name of one of 18 ceremonies performed with particular kuṇḍa-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanupattram. "thin-leaved", Terminalia Catappa View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanupattram. leafy orpiment View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanurasam. "body fluid", sweat View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuruhn. "growing on the body", a hair of the body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuruhan. idem or 'n. "growing on the body", a hair of the body ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuruhan. a feather View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanusn. () the body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanusaṃcāriṇīf. "moving the body coquettishly (?)", a girl View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuśarīramfn. delicate-bodied. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanusatyan. a simple truth (?) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuśirasf. "small-headed", a kind of uṣṇih- metre (of 2 x 11 and 1 x 6 syllables). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanusthānan. equals -gṛha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuf. thinness, tenuity, littleness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutaramfn. equals t/anīyas- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutran. "body-guard", armour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutrāṇan. equals -tra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutravatmfn. having armour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutrinmfn. equals -tra-vat- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutvan. equals -- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutvacm. idem or 'mfn. thin-skinned ' , (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutvacm. the cinnamon tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutvacm. Cassia Senna View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutvacam. Premna spinosa View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutvakkamfn. thin-skinned View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutyāgamfn. spending little View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutyāgam. risking one's life View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutyajmfn. giving up one's body, dying, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanutyajmfn. equals -t- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuvarmann. armour for the boly, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuvātam. a highly rarified atmosphere (constituting a kind of hell;opposed to ghana-v-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanuvraṇam. "body-wound", elephantiasis View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
agnitanuf. plural Name (also title or epithet) of particular texts, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
alpatanumfn. small-bodied View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ardhatanuf. half a body. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aśīrtatanumfn. having an indestructible body, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aśītatanumfn. (only vocative case) having a hot body and (varia lectio for aśītama-of ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atanumfn. not thin, not small. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atanu us-, m. equals an-aṅga- Name of kāma-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
citratanum. "having a speckled body", the partridge View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dīrghatanumf(-)n. "having a long body", tall View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
duḥśīrtatanumfn. having an indestructible body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gharmatanuf. Name of 2 sāman-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gharmatanuf. (rmasya tanvau-) and View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hṛṣṭatanumfn. equals next View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kaṇṭatanuf. a sort of Solanum View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karatanum. (see karatantarvika-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kiṃtanu -tu-ghna-, etc. See k/im-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kiṃtanum. an insect (described as having eight legs and a very slender body), a species of spider View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṛtatanutrāṇamfn. covered with armour, mailed. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kutanum. "deformed", Name of kubera- (this deity being of a monstrous appearance, having three legs and but eight teeth) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kutanuetc. See View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
līlātanuf. a form assumed for mere sport or pleasure View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nānātanumfn. one who has assumed different bodies View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirbhinnatanumfn. having the body pierced through or transfixed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pañcamantratanum. "whose body consists of 5 mantra-s", Name of śiva- (with śaiva-s) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
patanum. a falcon, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratanumfn. very thin or fine, delicate, minute, slender, small, insignificant (also -ka-; pratanukam -kam- ind.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratanukamind. pratanu
priyatanu(priy/a--) mfn. loving the body, loving life View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃnipātanudm. "removing the above fever", a species of Nimba tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaṃtanumfn. (ś/aṃ--) wholesome for the body or the person ( śaṃtanutva -tv/a- n.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaṃtanum. (also written śāṃtanu-) Name of an ancient king with the patronymic kauravya- (he was fourteenth descendant of kuru-, son of pratīpa- and younger brother of devāpi-, and usurped the sovereignty whilst the latter became a hermit;he married gaṅgā- and satya-vatī-;by the former he had a son named bhīṣma-, and by the latter citrāṅgada- and vicitravīrya- see ) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaṃtanum. (with cakra-vartin-) Name of an author (son of uddharaṇa-, of the tomara- race) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāṃtanum. Name of the father of bhīṣma- (in older language ś/aṃtanu- q.v) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāṃtanum. a particular inferior kind of grain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃtanum. Name of a youth attending on rādhā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāṃtanunandanam. " śāṃtanu-'s son", patronymic of bhīṣma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaṃtanutanūjam. "son of śaṃtanu-", Name of bhīṣma-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śāṃtanutvan. the state or condition of (being) śāṃtanu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaṃtanutvan. śaṃtanu
śantanu śantama- etc. See śaṃ-tanu-, ś/aṃtama-, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarpatanuf. a species of Solanum (bṛhatī-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvatanumfn. (s/arva--.) complete in regard to the body or person View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
satanu(s/a--) mfn. having a body, together with the body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
stanutṛ(?) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sukumāratanutvacmfn. having very soft and delicate skin View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanumfn. very thin or slender ( sutanutā -- f.) (varia lectio) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanumfn. having a beautiful body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanum. Name of a gandharva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanum. of a son of ugra-sena- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanum. of a monkey View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanuf(u-or ū-). a fair woman (vocative case sutanu- see ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanum. Name of a daughter of āhuka- (wife of akrūra-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanum. of a concubine of vasu-deva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanum. of a daughter of ugra-sena- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanujamf(ā-)n. having beautiful children, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sutanuf. sutanu
tāmratanumfn. having a ruddy body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tapastanumfn. equals paḥ-kṛśa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tapastanumfn. having penance as a body, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tatanuṣṭiSee tan-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tatanuṣṭimfn. "wishing to show one's self", fond of ornaments () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trayītanum. equals -deha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trayītanum. śiva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trayītanum. equals -mukha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trivedītanum. (with deva-) idem or 'm. equals trayī-deha- ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāmanatanumfn. dwarf-bodied View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varatanumf(ū-)n. having a beautiful body View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varṇatanuf. Name of a particular mantra- addressed to sarasvatī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanulomana mfn. forcing the wind in the right direction or downwards (as in inflating she lungs) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanulominmfn. forcing the wind in the right direction or downwards (as in inflating she lungs) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vihvalatanumfn. one whose body is exhausted by (compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvatanumfn. whose body is the universe View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vitanumf(-)n. (v/i--) extremely thin or slender View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vitanumf(-)n. bodiless View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vitanumf(-)n. having no essence or reality View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vitanum. the god of love (see anaṅga-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
     Apte Search  
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tanu तनु a. (-नु, -न्वी f.) [तन्-उन्] 1 Thin, lean, emaciated; वीतप्रभावतनुरप्यतनुप्रभावः Ki.16.64. -2 Delicate, slender, slim (as a limb, as a mark of beauty); तनुवृत्तमध्यः R.6.32; cf. तन्वङ्गी -3 Fine, delicate (as cloth); स्तनेषु तन्वंशुकमुन्नतस्तना Ṛs.1.7. -4 Small, little, tiny, scanty, few, limited; तनुवाग्विभवो$पि सन् R.1.9;3.2; तनुत्यागो बहुग्रहः H.2.89. 'giving little' &c. -5 Trifling, unimportant, little; Amaru.28. -6 Shallow (as a river) -f. 1 The body, the person. -2 Outward form, manifestation; प्रत्यक्षाभिः प्रपन्नस्तनुभिरवतु वस्ताभिरष्टाभिरीशः Ś.1.1; M.1.1. -3 Nature, the form or character of anythig; तीक्ष्णां तनुं यः प्रथमं जहाति सो$नन्त्यमाप्नोत्यभयं प्रजाभ्यः Mb.12.245. 26. -4 Skin. [cf. L. tenuis, Eng. thin.] -Comp. -अङ्ग a. having slender limbs, delicate. (-ङ्गी) a delicate woman. -ऊनः the wind. -कूपः a pore of the skin. -गृहम्, -स्थानम् The first lunar mansion. -छद् (-द) a. protecting, clothing. -छदः an armour; ततस्तु द्रुपदानीकं शरैश्छिन्नतनुच्छदम् Mb.7.168.26; तरुपलाशसवर्णतनुच्छदः R.9.51;12.86. -ज a. born from the body; वाञ्छैव सूचयति पूर्वतरं भविष्यं पुंसां यदन्यतनुजं त्वशुभं शुभं वा Pt.2.8. (-जः) 1 a son; Bhāg.5.9.6. -2 the hair on the body; स्निग्धहर्यक्षतनुजश्मश्रुप्रवरमूर्द्धजम् Rām.1.16.12. -जा a daughter. -त्यज् a. risking one's life. -2 giving up one's person, dying; योगेनान्ते तनुत्यजाम् R.1.8. -3 rash, desperate, fool-hardy. -त्याग a. spending little, sparing, niggardly. -त्रम्, -त्राणम्, an armour; रक्षन् विप्रांस्तनुत्रवान् Bk; Bhāg.8.1.37. -दानम् 1 offering the body (for sexual intercourse). -2 a. scanty gift. -धी a. littleminded. -प्रकाश a. of dim lustre; तनुप्रकाशेन विचेयतारका; R.3.2. -बीजः the jujube. -भवः a son. (-वा) a daughter. -भस्त्रा the nose. -भृत् m. any being furnished with a body, a living being; particularly a human being; कल्पं स्थितं तनुभृतां तनुभिस्ततः किम् Bh.3.73. -मध्य a. having a slender waist. (-ध्यम्) the waist. (-ध्या) a metre. -रसः perspiration. -रुह् n., -रुहम् 1 the hair of the body. -2 a feather; तनुरुहाणि पुरो विजितध्वनेः Śi.6.45; Mv.6.33. -लता a. slender body; एणीदृशस्तनुलता तनुते मुदं नः P. R.2.19. -वातः a kind of hell; Jain. -वारम् an armour; तनुवारभसो भास्वानधीरो$विनतोरसा Ki.15.23. -व्रणः a pimple. -संचारिणी a young woman, a girl ten years old. -सरः perspiration. -ह्रदः the anus.
tanuka तनुक a. Thin, small.
tanula तनुल a. Spread, expanded.
tanus तनुस् n. The body.
tanu तनुता Thinness, littleness, waning; बहुले$पि गते निशा- करस्तनुतां दुःखमनङ्ग मोक्ष्यति Ku.4.13.
atanu अतनु a. More वीतप्रभावतनुरप्यतनुप्रभावः Ki.16.64.
pratanu प्रतनु a. (-नु or -न्वी) 1 Very thin or minute, delicate; वेणीभूतप्रतनुसलिला Me.29. -2 Very small, limited, narrow; प्रतनुतपसाम् K.43; U.1.2; Me.41. -3 Slender, emaciated; ततः सदर्पं प्रतनुं तपस्यया Ki.14.35. -4 Insignificant, trifling.
vitanu वितनु a. 1 Delicate. -2 Beautiful. -3 Slender. -4 Bodiless. -नुः The god of love.
śantanu शन्तनुः N. of a king of the lunar race. He married Gaṅgā and Satyavatī by the former wife he had a son named Bhīṣma, and by the latter Chītrāṅgada and Vichitravīrya. Bhīṣma remained a celibate all his life, and his younger brothers died childless; cf. भीष्म.
śāntanu शान्तनुः = शन्तनुः q. v.; शान्तनोः संतति तन्वन् पुण्यकीर्तिर्महा- यशाः Mb.1.6.6.
     Macdonell Search  
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tanu a. (ûbrev;, v-î) thin; small; slender; scanty, moderate (in amount); delicate, weak; u, û, f. body, person, form; one's self (=refl. prn.: also pl.); manifestation: rarâtyâm tanur manyoh=frown of anger; iyam tanur mama, I here; svakâ tanuh, one's own person.
tanucchada m. feather; armour, cuirass; -ga, m. son: â, f. daughter; -tâ, f. smallness; meagreness, slenderness; condition of having a body; -tyag, a. abandoning the body, dying; risking life, brave;-tyâga, m. sacrificing or risking one's life.
tanudāna n. giving up the body; scanty gift; -bhâva, m. slenderness, scanti ness; -bhrit, m. embodied being, esp. human being; -mat, a. possessing a body; -madhya, n. waist; a. slender-waisted; -madhyama, a. slender-waisted; -ruha, n. feather; -sam gama, m. personal union.
tanutra n. armour, cuirass; -trâna, n. id.; -tr-in, a. armoured.
atanubala a. strong.
atanu a. not small, great; m. Kâma; sexual love.
aśāntatanu a. whose body is not satisfied.
varatanu a. (û) having a beautiful form; f. beautiful woman; -tantu, m. N. of an ancient teacher; -tâ, f. condition of being a blessing.
śaṃtanu a. wholesome for the body; m. N. (RV., Br., C.): -tanûga, m. son of Samtanu, pat. of Bhîshma.
sutanu a. 1. very slender; 2. having a beautiful form: f. fair woman; -tantu, a. (&ubrevcirc;) having fair offspring; m. N. of a Dânava; -tantri, a. beautifully accompanied on the lute (song); -tápas, a.warming (V.); per forming severe penances (C.).
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aulāna Is a word occurring in a single passage of the Rigveda, where it may possibly be a patronymic of Samtanu as a ‘descendant of Ula.’ Ludwig, however, conjectures that the reading should be ‘ Kaulāna.’ Sieg regards Aulāna as a later descendant4 of śamtanu, who utilized the story of Devapi’s rain-making as an introduction to his rain hymn.
kṣatriya As the origin of caste, the relation of the castes, intermarriage, and cognate matters may most conveniently be discussed under Varna, this article will be confined to deter­mining, as far as possible, the real character of the class called Ksatriyas, or collectively Ksatra. The evidence of the Jātakas points to the word Khattiya denoting the members of the old Aryan nobility who had led the tribes to conquest, as well as those families of the aborigines who had managed to maintain their princely status in spite of the conquest. In the epic also the term Ksatriya seems to include these persons, but it has probably a wider signification than Khattiya, and would cover all the royal military vassals and feudal chiefs, expressing, in fact, pretty much the same as the barones of early English history. Neither in the Jātakas nor in the epic is the term co-extensive with all warriors; the army contains many besides the Ksatriyas, who are the leaders or officers, rather than the rank and file.In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas the Ksatriya stands as a definite member of the social body, distinct from the priest, the subject people, and the slaves, Brāhmana, Vaiśya, and Sūdra. It is significant that Rājanya is a variant to Ksatriya, and an earlier one. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that the Ksatriya and Rājanya are both of similar origin, being princely or connected with royalty. Moreover, the early use of Ksatriya in the Rigveda is exclusively con-nected with royal authority or divine authority. It is impossible to say exactly what persons would be in¬cluded in the term Ksatriya. That it covered the royal house and the various branches of the royal family may be regarded as certain. It, no doubt, also included the nobles and their families: this would explain the occasional opposition of Rājanya and Ksatriya, as in the Aitareya Brāhmana,8 where a Rājanya asks a Ksatriya for a place for sacrifice (deυa-yajana). Thus, when strictly applied, Ksatriya would have a wider denotation than Rājanya. As a rule, however, the two expressions are identical, and both are used as evidence in what follows. That Ksatriya ever included the mere fighting man has not been proved: in the Rigveda9 and later10 others than Ksatriyas regularly fought; but possibly if the nobles had retinues as the kings had, Ksatriya would embrace those retainers who had military functions. The term did not apply to all members of the royal entourage; for example, the Grāmanī was usually a Vaiśya. The connexion of the Ksatriyas with the Brahmins was very close. The prosperity of the two is repeatedly asserted to be indissolubly associated, especially in the relation of king (Rājan) and domestic priest (Purohita). Sometimes there was feud between Ksatriya and Brahmin. His management of the sacrifice then gave the Brahmin power to ruin the Ksatriya by embroiling him with the people or with other Ksatriyas. Towards the common people, on the other hand, the Ksa¬triya stood in a relation of well-nigh unquestioned superiority. There are, however, references to occasional feuds between the people and the nobles, in which no doubt the inferior numbers of the latter were compensated by their superior arms and prowess. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Vaiśya is described as tributary to another (anyasya bali-krt), to be devoured by another (anyasyādya), and to be oppressed at will (yathākāma-jyeya). Probably these epithets apply most strictly to the relation of the king and his people, but the passage shows that the people were greatly at the mercy of the nobles. No doubt the king granted to them the right, which may have been hereditary, to be supported by the common people, whose feudal superiors they thus became. In return for these privileges the Kṣatriyas had probably duties of protection to perform, as well as some judicial functions, to judge from an obscure passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā. The main duty of the Ksatriya in the small states of the Vedic period was readiness for war. The bow is thus his special attribute, just as the goad is that of the agriculturist; for the bow is the main weapon of the Veda. Whether the Ksatriyas paid much attention to mental occupations is uncertain. In the latest stratum of the Brāhmana literature there are references to learned princes like Janaka of Videha, who is said to have become a Brahmin (brahmā), apparently in the sense that he had the full knowledge which a Brahmin possessed. Other learned Ksatriyas of this period were Pravāhana Jaivali, Aśvapati Kaikeya, and Ajātaśatru Garbe, Grierson, and others believe they are justified in holding the view that the Ksatriyas developed a special philosophy of their own as opposed to Brahminism, which appears later as Bhakti, or Faith. On the other hand, there is clear evidence that the opinion of Ksatriyas on such topics were held in little respect, and it must be remembered that to attribute wisdom to a king was a delicate and effective piece of flattery. There are earlier references to royal sages (rājan- yarsi) but it is very doubtful if much stress can be laid on them, and none can be laid on the later tradition of Sāyana. Again, the Nirukta gives a tradition relating how Devāpi, a king’s son, became the Purohita of his younger brother Samtanu; but it is very doubtful if the story can really be traced with Sieg in the Rigveda itself. In any case, the stories refer only to a few selected Ksatriyas of high rank, while there is no evidence that the average Ksatriya was concerned with intellectual pursuits. Nor is there any reference to Ksatriyas engaging in agriculture or in trade or commerce. It may be assumed that the duties of administration and war were adequate to absorb his atten¬tion. On the other hand, we do hear of a Rājanya as a lute player and singer at the Aśvamedha or horse sacrifice. Of the training and education of a Ksatriya we have no record; presumably, as in fact if not in theory later on, he was mainly instructed in the art of war, the science of the bow, and the rudimentary administrative functions which would devolve on him. At this early state of the development of the nobility which appears to be represented in the Rigveda, it was probably not unusual or impossible for a Vaiśya to become a Ksatriya; at least, this assumption best explains the phrase ‘claiming falsely a Ksatriya’s rank ’ (ksatriyam mithuyā dhārayantam). The king and the Ksatriyas must have stood in a particularly close relation. The former being the Ksatriya par excellence, it is to him rather than to the ordinary Ksatriya that we must refer passages like that in the Satapatha Brāhmana, where it is said that the Ksatriya, with the consent of the clansmen, gives a settlement to a man : clearly a parallel to the rule found among many peoples that the chief, but only with the consent of the people, can make a grant of unoccupied land. In the same Brāhmana it is said that a Ksatriya consecrates a Ksatriya, a clear reference, as the commentator explains, to the practice of the old king consecrating the prince (kumāra) who is to succeed him ; and again, the Ksatriya and the Purohita are regarded as alone complete in contrast with other people, the parallel with the Purohita here suggesting that the Ksatriya par excellence is meant. On the other hand, the king is sometimes con¬trasted with the Rājanya. The Sūtra literature contains elaborate rules for the education and occupations of Ksatriyas, but their contents cannot always be traced in the Brāhmana literature, and their value is questionable.
jambha Occurs twice in the Atharvaveda as the name of a disease or a demon of disease. In one passage it is said to be cured by the Jañgida plant; in the other it is described as samhanuh, ‘ bringing the jaws together.’ Weber argued from the Kauśika Sūtra that it was a child’s ailment, especially ‘teething.’ Bloomfield considers it to mean ‘convulsions,’ while Caland thinks it denotes ‘ tetanus.’ Whitney decides for ‘ lockjaw ’ or ‘ convulsions.’
takman Is a disease repeatedly mentioned in the Athar­vaveda, but later not known under this name. It is the subject of five hymns of the Atharvaveda, and is often mentioned else­where. Weber first identified it with fever,’ and Grohmann showed that all the symptoms pointed to that ailment. Refer­ence is made to the alternate hot and shivering fits of the patient, to the yellow colour of the jaundice which accompanies the fever, and to its peculiar periodicity. The words used to describe its varieties are aηye-dyuh, ubhaya-dyuh, trtīyaka, vi-trtīya, and sadam-di, the exact sense of most of which terms is somewhat uncertain. It is agreed that the first epithet designates the fever known as quotidiaηus, which recurs each day at the same hour, though the word is curious (lit.‘ on the other—i.e., next, day’). The ubhaya-dyuk (‘ on both days ’) variety appears to mean a disease recurring for two suc¬cessive days, the third being free; this corresponds to the rhythmus quartanus complicatus. But Sāyana considers that it means a fever recurring on the third day, the * tertian.’ The tvtīyaka, however,must be the ‘tertian’ fever, though Zimmer suggests that it may mean a fever which is fatal at the third paroxysm. Grohmann regards the vi-trtīyaka as equivalent to the tertiana duplicata, a common form in southern countries, in which the fever occurs daily, but with a correspondence in point of time or severity of attack on alternate days. Bloomfield suggests that it is identical with the ubhaya-dyuh, variety. The sadam-di type appears to be the kind later known as samtata-jvara (‘ continuous fever ’), in which there are attacks of several days’ duration, with an interval followed by a fresh period of attack. Fever occurred at different seasons, in the autumn (śārada), in the hot weather (graisma), in the rains (vārsika) but was especially prevalent in the first, as is indicated by the epithet viśva-śārada, occurring every autumn.’ The disease is said to arise when Agni enters the waters. From this Weber deduced that it was considered to be the result of a chill supervening on heat, or the influence of heat on marshy land. Grohmann preferred to see in this connexion of the origin of the disease with Agni’s entering the waters an allusion to the fact that fever arises in the rainy season, the time when Agni, as lightning, descends to earth with the rain. Zimmer, who accepts this view, further refers to the prevalence of fever in the Terai, and interprets vanya, an epithet of fever found in the Atharvaveda, as meaning ‘ sprung from the forest,’ pointing out that fever is mentioned as prevalent among the Mūjavants and Mahāvrsas, two mountain tribes of the western Himalaya. There is no trace of fever having been observed to be caused by the bite of the anopheles mosquito, which breeds in stagnant water : this theory has without reason been held to be known to classical Indian medicine. Among the symptoms of Takman, or among complications accompanying it, are mentioned ‘itch’ (Pāman), ‘headache’ (§īrsa-śoka),so ‘cough’ (Kāsikā), and ‘consumption,’ or perhaps some form of itch (Balāsa). It is perhaps significant that the Takman does not appear until the Atharvaveda. It is quite possible that the Vedic Aryans, when first settled in India, did not know the disease, which would take some generations to become endemic and recognized as dangerous. What remedies they used against it is quite uncertain, for the Atharvaveda mentions only spells and the Kustha, which can hardly have been an effective remedy, though still used in later times. Fever must, even in the Atharvan period, have claimed many victims, or it would not be mentioned so prominently.
devāpi arṣṭiṣeṇa (‘Descendant of Rstisena ’) is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda and in the Nirukta. According to the latter source there were two brothers, Devāpi and Santanu, princes of the Kurus. The elder was Devāpi, but śantanu got himself anointed king, whereupon no rain fell for twelve years. The drought being attributed by the Brahmins to his having superseded his elder brother, Santanu offered the kingdom to Devāpi. The latter, however, refused, but acting as Purohita, or domestic priest, for his brother, obtained rain. The Brhad­devatā tells much the same tale, but adds that the reason for Devapi’s exclusion from the throne was the fact that he suffered from a skin disease. The Epic and later legends further develop the story, presenting two somewhat discrepant accounts. According to the one version, the ground of Devāpi's being passed over was leprosy, while in the other his devoting himself to asceticism in his youth was the cause of his brother’s taking his place. The Epic, moreover, treats him as a son of Pratīpa, and names as his brothers Bāhlīka6 and Arstisena, who is a new figure developed from the patronymic of Devāpi. Possibly Sieg is right in holding that two stories, those of Devāpi, Pratlpa’s son, and of Devāpi, Estisena’s son, have been confused; but in any case it is impossible to extract history from them. The Rigvedic hymn certainly appears to represent Devāpi as sacrificing for Santanu, who seems to be called Aulāna. But there is no trace in it of the brotherhood of the two men, nor is there anything to show that Devāpi was not a Brahmin, but a Ksatriya. Sieg, who interprets the hymn by the Nirukta, thinks that he was a Ksatriya, but on this occasion was enabled by the favour of Brhaspati to officiate as priest, and that the hymn shows clear recognition of the unusual character of his action ; but this view seems very improbable.
dhṛtarāṣṭra vaicitravīrya (‘Descendant of Vicitra- vīrya’) is mentioned in a passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā, which is, unhappily, far from intelligible. But there is no ground for supposing that he was a Kuru-Pañcāla king; he seems rather to have lived at some distance from the Kuru- Pañcālas. There is no good reason to deny his identity with the Dhrtarāstra of the Satapatha Brāhmana, king of Kāśi, who was defeated, when he attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, by Sātrājita śatānīka. The fact that the latter was a Bharata also points to Dhrtarāstra's not having been a Kuru-Pañcāla at all. In the Kāthaka Samhitā he appears as having a dispute with Vaka Dālbhi; but even assuming that the latter was a Pañcāla, there is nothing to hint that the former was a Kuru or that this dispute is a sign of an early hostility of Kuru and Pañcāla. It is true that in the Epic śantanu and Vicitravīrya and Dhrtarāstra himself are all connected, but this connexion seems to be due, as so often in the Epic, to a confused derange¬ment of great figures of the past.
parikṣit Appears in the Atharvaveda as a king in whose realm, that of the Kurus, prosperity and peace abound. The verses in which he is celebrated are later called Pāriksityafy, and the Brāhmanas explain that Agni is pari-ksit because he dwells among men. Hence Roth and Bloomfield regard Pariksit in the Atharvaveda not as a human king at all. This may be correct, but it is not certain. Both Zimmer and Oldenberg recognize Pariksit as a real king, a view supported by the fact that in the later Vedic literature King Janamejaya bears the patronymic Pāriksita. If this be so, Pariksit belonged to the later period, since the Atharvan passage in which his name occurs is certainly late, and none of the other Samhitās know Pariksit at all. The Epic makes him grandfather of Pratisravas and great-grandfather of Pratīpa, and Zimmer, probably with justice, compares the Prātisutvana and Pratīpa found in another late Atharvan passage.8 But Devāpi and Santanu cannot be brought into connexion with Pratīpa.
purohita (‘Placed in front,’ ‘appointed’) is the name of a priest in the Rigveda and later. The office of Purohita is called Purohiti and Purodhā. It is clear that the primary function of the Purohita was that of ‘ domestic priest ’ of a king, or perhaps a great noble; his quite exceptional position is shown by the fact that only one Purohita seems ever to be mentioned in Vedic literature. Examples of Purohitas in the Rigveda are Viśvāmitra or Vasiçtha in the service of the Bharata king,.Sudās. of the Trtsu family; the Purohita of Kuruśravana ; and Devāpi, the Purohita of Santanu. The Purohita was in all religious matters the alter ego of the king. In the ritual it is laid down that a king must have a Purohita, else the gods will not accept his offerings. He ensures the king's safety and victory in battle by his prayers ; he procures the fall of rain for the crops j he is the flaming fire that guards the kingdom. Divodāsa in trouble is rescued by Bharadvāja; and King Tryaruna Traidhātva Aikçvāka reproaches his Purohita, Vj?śa Jāna, when his car runs over a Brahmin boy and kills him. The close relation of king and Purohita is illustrated by the case of Klltsa Aurava, who slew his Purohita, UpagfU Sauśravasa, for disloyalty in serving Indra, to whom Kutsa was hostile. Other disputes between kings and priests who officiated for them are those of Janam- ejaya and the Kaśyapas, and of Viśvantara and the śyā- parnas ;lβ and between Asamāti and the Gaupāyanas. In some cases one Purohita served more than one king; for example, Devabhāg a Srautarṣa was the Purohita of the Xufus and the Sfñjayas at the same time, and Jala Jātū- karnya was the Purohita of the kings of Kāśi, Videha, and Kosala. There is no certain proof that the office of Purohita was hereditary in a family, though it probably was so. At any rate, it seems clear from the relations of the Purohita with King Kuruśravana, and with his son Upamaśravas, that a king would keep on the Purohita of his father. Zimmer thinks that the king might act as his own Purohita, as shown by the case of King Viśvantara, who sacrificed without the help of the śyāparṇas, and that a Purohita need not be a priest, as shown by the case of Devāpi and śantanu. But neither opinion seems to be justified. It is not said that Viśvantara sacrificed without priests, while Devāpi is not regarded as a king until the Nirukta, and there is no reason to suppose that Yāska's view expressed in that work is correct. According to Geldner, the Purohita from the beginning acted as the Brahman priest in the sacrificial ritual, being there the general superintendent of the sacrifice. In favour of this view, he cites the fact that Vasiṣtha is mentioned both as Purohita and as Brahman: at the sacrifice of Sunahśepa he served as Brahman, but he was the Purohita of Sudās; Bṛhaspati is called the Purohita and the Brahman of the gods; and the Vasisthas who are Purohitas are also the Brahmans at the sacrifice. It is thus clear that the Brahman was often the Purohita; and it was natural that this should be the case when once the Brahman’s place became, as it did in the later ritual, the most important position at the sacrifice. But the Brahman can hardly be said to have held this place in the earlier ritual; Oldenberg seems to be right in holding that the Purohita was originally the Hotr priest, the singer par excellence, when he took any part at all in the ritual of the great sacrifices with the Rtvijs. So Devāpi seems clearly to have been a Hotr; Agni is at once Purohita and Hotr; and the two divine Hotṛs ’ referred to in the Apr! litanies are also called the ‘two Purohitas.’ Later, no doubt, when the priestly activity ceased to centre in the song, the Purohita, with his skill in magic, became the Brahman, who also required magic to undo the errors of the sacrifice. There is little doubt that in the original growth of the priest¬hood the Purohita played a considerable part. In historical times he represented the real power of the kingship, and may safely be deemed to have exercised great influence in all public affairs, such as the administration of justice and the king’s conduct of business. But it is not at all probable that the Purohita represents, as Roth and Zimmer thought, the source which gave rise to caste. The priestly clcss is already in existence in the Rigveda (see Varṣa).
balhika prātipīya Is the name of a Kuru king in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, where he appears as having been opposed to the restoration of Duçtarītu Paumsāyana to his hereditary sovereignty over the Srñjayas, but as having failed to prevent the restoration being carried out by Revottaras Pā^ava Cākra Sthapati. The epithet Prātipīya is curious: if it connects him with Pratīpa (whose son he is in the Epic), the form is remarkable, Zimmer indeed tacitly altering it to Prātīpīya. In the Epic and the Purānas he is in the form of Vāhlīka made a brother of Devāpi and śantanu, and a son of Pratīpa. To base chronological conclusions on this would be utterly misleading, for the facts are that Devāpi was son of çṣ^iṣena and a priest, while śantanu was a Kura prince of unknown parentage, but not probably a son of Pratīpa, who seems to be a late figure in the Vedic age, later than Parikçit, being his great-grandson in the Epic. Very possibly Balhika was a descendant of Pratīpa. Why he bore the name Balhika must remain uncertain, for there is no evidence of any sort regarding it.
mṛtyu ‘Death,’ is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda and later as a thing of terror. There are a hundred and one forms of death, the natural one by old age (jam), and a hundred others, all to be avoided. To die before old age (purā jarasah) is to die before the allotted span (purā āy«sa#),β the normal length of life being throughout Vedic literature spoken of as a hundred years. On the other hand, the evils of old age in the loss of physical strength were clearly realized : one of the feats of the Aśvins was to restore old Cyavāna to his former youth and powers, and another was the rejuvenation of Kali. The Atharvaveda is full of charms of all sorts to avert death and secure length of years (āytisya). The modes of disposing of the dead were burial and cremation (see Ag’nidag’dha). Both existed in the early Vedic period, as in Greece; but the former method was on the whole less favoured, and tended to be regarded with disapproval. The bones of the dead, whether burned or not, were marked by the erection of a tumulus (śmaáāna): the śatapatha Brāhmana preserves traces of strong differences of opinion as to the mode in which these tumuli should be constructed. There is little or no trace of the custom common in northern lands of sending the dead man to sea in a burning ship: the reference to a ship seems to point to mythical perils after death, not to the mode of burial. The life after death was to the Vedic Indian a repetition of the life in this world. He passed into the next world sarυa- tanuh sūñgah, ‘ with whole body and all his members,’ enjoying there the same pleasures as he had enjoyed on earth. Even in the Rigveda there are hints of evil awaiting evil-doers, but it is not until the Atharvaveda and the Brāhmaṇas that a hell of punishment is set out, and it is in the Brāhmaṇas that good and evil deeds are said to produce happiness or hell hereafter. But there is no hint of extinction in the Rigveda as the fate of the wicked, as Roth inclined to think. The Vedic poet not being deeply moral, his verses do not convey, as would those of a man convinced of sin, warnings of future judgment.
rājan King,' is a term repeatedly occuring in the rigveda and the later literature. It is quite clear that the normal, though not universal form of government, in early India was that by kings, as might be expected in view of the fact that the Āryan Indian were invaders in a hostile territory : a situation which, as in the case of Ārayan invaders of Greece and German invaders of England, resulted almost necessarily in strengthening the monarchic element of the constitution. The mere patriarchal organization of society is not sufficient, as Zimmer assumes, to explain the Vedic kingship. Tenure of Monarchy.—Zimmer is of opinion that while the Vedic monarchy was sometimes hereditary, as is indeed shown by several cases where the descent can be traced,® yet in others the monarchy was elective, though it is not clear whether the selection by the people was between the members of the royal family only or extended to members of all the noble clans. It must, however, be admitted that the evidence for the elective monarchy is not strong. As Geldner argues, all the passages cited can be regarded not as choice by the cantons (Viś), but as acceptance by the subjects (viś): this seems the more prob¬able sense. Of course this is no proof that the monarchy was not sometimes elective: the practice of selecting one member of the family to the exclusion of another less well qualified is exemplified by the legend in Yāska of the Kuru brothers, Devāpi and śantanu, the value of which, as evidence of contemporary views, is not seriously affected by the legend itself being of dubious character and validity. Royal power was clearly insecure: there are several references to kings being expelled from their realms, and their efforts to recover their sovereignty, and the Atharvaveda contains spells in the interest of royalty. The King in War.—Naturally the Vedic texts, after the Rigveda, contain few notices of the warlike adventures that no doubt formed a very considerable proportion of the royal functions. But the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa contains the statement that the Kuru-Pañcāla kings, who, like the Brahmins of those tribes, stand as representatives of good form, used to make their raids in the dewy season. The word Udāja, too, with its variant Nirāja, records that kings took a share of the booty of war. The Rigveda13 has many references to Vedic wars: it is clear that the Kṣatriyas were at least as intent on fulfilling their duty of war as the Brahmins on sacrificing and their other functions. Moreover, beside offensive war, defence was a chief duty of the king: he is emphatically the ‘ protector of the tribe* (gopā janasya), or, as is said in the Rājasūya (‘royal consecration’), ‘protector of the Brahmin.’14 His Purohita was expected to use his spells and charms to secure the success of his king’s arms. The king no doubt fought in person: so Pratardana met death in war according to the Kausītaki Upanisad;16 and in the Rājasūya the king is invoked as ‘sacker of cities’ (purāψ bhettā). The King in Peace.—In return for his warlike services the king received the obedience—sometimes forced—of the people, and in particular their contributions for the maintenance of royalty. The king is regularly regarded as ‘ devouring the people,’ but this phrase must not be explained as meaning that he necessarily oppressed them. It obviously has its origin in a custom by which the king and his retinue were fed by the people’s contributions, a plan with many parallels. It is also probable that the king could assign the royal right of mainten¬ance to a Ksatriya, thus developing a nobility supported by the people. Taxation would not normally fall on Kṣatriya or Brahmin; the texts contain emphatic assertions of the exemption of the goods of the latter from the royal bounty. In the people, however, lay the strength of the king. See also Bali. In return the king performed the duties of judge. Himself immune from punishment (a-daiidya), he wields the rod of punishment (Daṇda). It is probable that criminal justice remained largely in his actual administration, for the Sūtras preserve clear traces of the personal exercise of royal criminal jurisdiction. Possibly the jurisdiction could be exercised by a royal officer, or even by a delegate, for a Rājanya is mentioned as an overseer (adhyaksa) of the punishment of a śūdra in the Kāthaka Samhitā. In civil justice it may be that the king played a much less prominent part, save as a court of final appeal, but evidence is lacking on this head. The Madhyamaśi of the Rigveda was probably not a royal, but a private judge or arbitrator. A wide criminal jurisdiction is, however, to some extent supported by the frequent mention of Varuna’s spies, for Varuṇa is the divine counterpart of the human king. Possibly such spies could be used in' war also. There is no reference in early Vedic literature to the exercise of legislative activity by the king, though later it is an essential part of his duties. Nor can we say exactly what executive functions devolved on the king. In all his acts the king was regularly advised by his Purohita ; he also had the advantage of the advice of the royal ministers and attendants (see Ratnin). The local administration was entrusted to the Grāmartī, or village chief, who may have been selected or appointed by the'king. The outward signs of the king’s rank were his palace and his brilliant dress. The King as Landowner.—The position of the king with regard to the land is somewhat obscure. The Greek notices,30 in which, unhappily, it would be dangerous to put much trust, since they were collected by observers who were probably little used to accurate investigations of such matters, and whose statements wore based on inadequate information, vary in their statements. In part they speak of rent being paid, and declare that only the king and no private person could own land, while in part they refer to the taxation of land. Hopkins is strongly of opinion that the payments made were paid for protection —i.e., in modern terminology as a tax, but that the king was recognized as the owner of all the land, while yet the individual or the joint family also owned the land. As against Baden- Powell, who asserted that the idea of the king as a landowner was later, he urges for the Vedic period that the king, as we have seen, is described as devouring the people, and that, according to the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Vaiśya can be devoured at will and maltreated (but, unlike the śūdra, not killed); and for the period of the legal Sūtras and śāstras he cites Bṛhaspati and Nārada as clearly recognizing the king’s overlordship, besides a passage of the Mānava Dharma Sāstra which describes the king as ‘lord of all a phrase which Būhler35 was inclined to interpret as a proof of landowning. The evidence is, however, inadequate to prove what is sought. It is not denied that gradually the king came to be vaguely con¬ceived—as the English king still is—as lord of all the land in a proprietorial sense, but it is far more probable that such an idea was only a gradual development than that it was primitive. The power of devouring the people is a political power, not a right of ownership; precisely the same feature can be traced in South Africa,3® where the chief can deprive a man arbitrarily of his land, though the land is really owned by the native. The matter is ultimately to some extent one of terminology, but the parallel cases are in favour of distinguishing between the political rights of the crown, which can be transferred by way of a grant, and the rights of ownership. Hopkins37 thinks that the gifts of land to priests, which seems to be the first sign of land transactions in the Brāhmaṇas, was an actual gift of land; it may have been so in many cases, but it may easily also have been the grant of a superiority : the Epic grants are hardly decisive one way or the other. For the relations of the king with the assembly, see Sabhā ; for his consecration, see Rājasūya. A rāja-tā, lack of a king,’ means‘anarchy.’
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
śamtanu Is the hero of a tale told by Yāska, and often found later. He supersedes his elder brother Devāpi as king of the Kurus. When his improper deed brings on a prolonged drought in his realm, he is compelled to ask his brother to assume the kingship; Devāpi, however, refuses, but instead performs a sacrifice which produces rain. Sieg endeavours to trace this story in the Rigveda, but all that is there stated is that Devāpi Árṣtiseṇa obtained (no doubt as priest) rain for śamtanu (no doubt a king). There is no hint of relationship at all.
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tanuvaṃ etc. see tanvaṃ etc.
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216 results
     
tanu bodyCC Adi 5.27-28
CC Adi 8.59
CC Antya 12.29
CC Antya 14.29
CC Antya 16.121-122
CC Antya 18.72
CC Madhya 12.86
CC Madhya 2.53
CC Madhya 3.124
tanu having such a bodyCC Adi 3.43
tanu smallSB 3.28.33
tanu the bodyCC Adi 7.87
CC Antya 11.59
tanu their bodiesSB 10.47.58
tanu with their bodySB 10.14.3
tanu nahe is not an ordinary bodyCC Antya 19.40
tanu nahe is not an ordinary bodyCC Antya 19.40
tanu-bhā the effulgence of His transcendental bodyCC Adi 1.3
tanu-bhā the effulgence of His transcendental bodyCC Adi 1.3
CC Adi 2.5
tanu-bhā the effulgence of His transcendental bodyCC Adi 2.5
tanu-bhṛt a living entity who has accepted a material bodySB 5.1.12
tanu-bhṛt a living entity who has accepted a material bodySB 5.1.12
tanu-bhṛt one who has accepted a material bodySB 5.11.15
tanu-bhṛt one who has accepted a material bodySB 5.11.15
tanu-bhṛt resembling the embodied living beingsSB 11.31.11
tanu-bhṛt resembling the embodied living beingsSB 11.31.11
tanu-bhṛt the living entities embodied in material natureSB 8.3.17
tanu-bhṛt the living entities embodied in material natureSB 8.3.17
tanu-bhṛtaḥ conditioned souls with material bodiesSB 11.7.17
tanu-bhṛtaḥ conditioned souls with material bodiesSB 11.7.17
tanu-bhṛtaḥ embodied living entitiesSB 4.7.30
tanu-bhṛtaḥ embodied living entitiesSB 4.7.30
tanu-bhṛtaḥ the embodied living beingsSB 11.6.14
tanu-bhṛtaḥ the embodied living beingsSB 11.6.14
tanu-bhṛtaḥ the embodied living entitiesSB 10.87.30
tanu-bhṛtaḥ the embodied living entitiesSB 10.87.30
tanu-bhṛtaḥ who have accepted material bodiesCC Madhya 19.143
tanu-bhṛtaḥ who have accepted material bodiesCC Madhya 19.143
tanu-bhṛtām for all embodied living beingsSB 10.29.32
tanu-bhṛtām for all embodied living beingsSB 10.29.32
tanu-bhṛtām of all embodied living beingsSB 12.8.40
tanu-bhṛtām of all embodied living beingsSB 12.8.40
tanu-bhṛtām of the embodiedSB 4.1.28
tanu-bhṛtām of the embodiedSB 4.1.28
SB 4.9.10
tanu-bhṛtām of the embodiedSB 4.9.10
tanu-bhṛtām of the embodied living beingsSB 11.4.4
tanu-bhṛtām of the embodied living beingsSB 11.4.4
tanu-bhṛtām of the living entities who have accepted material bodiesSB 7.9.19
tanu-bhṛtām of the living entities who have accepted material bodiesSB 7.9.19
tanu-bhṛtām of those who are embodiedCC Adi 1.48
tanu-bhṛtām of those who are embodiedCC Adi 1.48
CC Madhya 22.48
tanu-bhṛtām of those who are embodiedCC Madhya 22.48
SB 11.29.6
tanu-bhṛtām of those who are embodiedSB 11.29.6
tanu-bhṛtām with reference to living entities possessing material bodiesSB 7.9.24
tanu-bhṛtām with reference to living entities possessing material bodiesSB 7.9.24
tanu-bhṛtsu among the living entitiesCC Madhya 24.207
tanu-bhṛtsu among the living entitiesCC Madhya 24.207
tanu-bhṛtsu embodied living beingsSB 11.5.10
tanu-bhṛtsu embodied living beingsSB 11.5.10
tanu-hīna without a bodyCC Madhya 2.22
tanu-hīna without a bodyCC Madhya 2.22
tanu-jānām sonsSB 10.90.35
tanu-jānām sonsSB 10.90.35
tanu-je in his son, Jaḍa BharataSB 5.9.6
tanu-je in his son, Jaḍa BharataSB 5.9.6
tanu-latā of creeperlike bodiesMM 4
tanu-latā of creeperlike bodiesMM 4
tanu-mana body and mindCC Antya 20.48
tanu-mana body and mindCC Antya 20.48
CC Madhya 2.76
tanu-mana body and mindCC Madhya 2.76
tanu-mana mind and bodyCC Antya 20.50
tanu-mana mind and bodyCC Antya 20.50
CC Antya 5.35-36
tanu-mana mind and bodyCC Antya 5.35-36
tanu-mana the minds and bodiesCC Antya 19.96
tanu-mana the minds and bodiesCC Antya 19.96
tanu-manera of the mind and bodyCC Madhya 2.64
tanu-manera of the mind and bodyCC Madhya 2.64
tanu-māninaḥ of a person in the bodily concept of lifeSB 10.2.22
tanu-māninaḥ of a person in the bodily concept of lifeSB 10.2.22
tanu-rūpa-ṛddhim an abundance of bodily beautyCC Antya 1.92
tanu-rūpa-ṛddhim an abundance of bodily beautyCC Antya 1.92
tanu-rūpa-ṛddhim an abundance of bodily beautyCC Antya 1.92
tanu-taram very faintMM 14
tanu-taram very faintMM 14
tanu-tyajaḥ and thus lay down their livesSB 8.20.9
tanu-tyajaḥ and thus lay down their livesSB 8.20.9
tanu-udyat-sańkocāt by contracting within the bodyCC Antya 17.72
tanu-udyat-sańkocāt by contracting within the bodyCC Antya 17.72
tanu-udyat-sańkocāt by contracting within the bodyCC Antya 17.72
tanu-vāk-manobhiḥ by the body, words and mindCC Madhya 8.67
tanu-vāk-manobhiḥ by the body, words and mindCC Madhya 8.67
tanu-vāk-manobhiḥ by the body, words and mindCC Madhya 8.67
tanubhiḥ and the bodySB 7.15.64
tanubhiḥ by multimanifestationsSB 3.16.18
tanubhiḥ by Your transcendental formsSB 10.27.6
tanubhiḥ smallSB 8.18.31
tanubhiḥ with different formsSB 6.9.26-27
tanubhṛtsu among the living entitiesSB 10.21.19
tanu a bodySB 10.58.37
tanu bodyCC Adi 4.259
CC Madhya 13.207
SB 2.9.18
tanu the bodyCC Antya 1.146
SB 10.20.7
SB 6.4.46
SB 6.7.29-30
tanu the medium of its manifestationSB 7.13.27
tanu whose bodySB 10.71.26
SB 10.84.8
tanum a bodyBG 9.11
CC Madhya 25.39
tanum bodily formBs 5.55
tanum bodyCC Madhya 25.140
SB 1.15.34
SB 1.6.28
SB 11.3.31
SB 5.18.29
tanum body, or representationSB 7.14.41
tanum formSB 2.7.1
SB 3.20.39
SB 8.12.37
tanum form (as Hayagrīva)SB 7.9.37
tanum form of a demigodBG 7.21
tanum his bodySB 6.10.11
tanum His transcendental formSB 8.6.3-7
tanum such a bodySB 3.13.34
tanum the bodyCC Adi 17.281
CC Madhya 9.150
SB 11.30.2
SB 3.19.28
SB 3.20.41
tanum the material bodySB 11.15.24
tanum the personal formSB 12.8.46
tanuṣe expandSB 4.6.45
tanuṣe You manifestSB 3.21.20
tanutara smallSB 5.8.23
tanute expandsSB 3.29.43
tanute he expandsSB 7.7.47
tanute spreadsSB 12.11.46
tanutra armorSB 8.10.37
tanu by Your transcendental formSB 3.16.22
tanu with his bodySB 4.5.3
tanuvam the incarnationSB 7.9.37
ālālita-tanu whose body is coveredCC Madhya 14.194
sat-cit-ānanda-tanu Kṛṣṇa's body is transcendental, full of knowledge, bliss and eternityCC Madhya 8.136
ātanuta extendedSB 5.24.22
ātma-tanum your bodySB 3.20.28
bhagavat-tanu part of the body of the Supreme Personality of GodheadSB 4.19.30
brahma-tanum having assumed the form of a brāhmaṇa-brahmacārīSB 8.20.12
sat-cit-ānanda-tanu Kṛṣṇa's body is transcendental, full of knowledge, bliss and eternityCC Madhya 8.136
devakī-tanuja the son of DevakīCC Madhya 20.175
eka-tanu one bodyCC Adi 5.175
śaryātiḥ śantanuḥ gayaḥ Śaryāti, Śantanu and GayaSB 12.3.9-13
hari-tanum the transcendental body of the LordCC Adi 5.224
hṛṣyat-tanu having transcendental ecstatic bliss manifested in the bodySB 7.9.6
janma-tanu-mana their births, bodies and mindsCC Madhya 21.114
kṛṣṇa-tanu-sama exactly like the transcendental body of KṛṣṇaCC Adi 5.18
kṛṣṇa-tanu the body of KṛṣṇaCC Antya 19.40
kula-vara-tanu of the family womenCC Antya 1.167
kūrma-tanum the body of a tortoiseSB 5.18.29
līlā-tanubhiḥ by different pastime formsSB 7.7.34
janma-tanu-mana their births, bodies and mindsCC Madhya 21.114
utphullita tanu-mane the body and mind become jubilantCC Madhya 25.278
nanda-tanuja the son of Nanda Mahārāja, KṛṣṇaCC Antya 20.32
priyām tanum very dear formSB 5.18.1
kṛṣṇa-tanu-sama exactly like the transcendental body of KṛṣṇaCC Adi 5.18
santanu please describeSB 8.23.14
śāntanu King ŚāntanuSB 9.21.36
śāntanu ŚāntanuSB 9.22.11
śāntanu ŚāntanuSB 9.22.11
śāntanu known as ŚāntanuSB 9.22.11
śāntanu ŚāntanuSB 9.22.11
śaryātiḥ śantanuḥ gayaḥ Śaryāti, Śantanu and GayaSB 12.3.9-13
śaryātiḥ śantanuḥ gayaḥ Śaryāti, Śantanu and GayaSB 12.3.9-13
sat-cit-ānanda-tanu Kṛṣṇa's body is transcendental, full of knowledge, bliss and eternityCC Madhya 8.136
śuklayā tanu in His original spiritual form, which is above the modes of material natureSB 5.3.20
sva-tanum His own transcendental bodySB 11.31.6
śveta-tanu white bodyCC Antya 18.71
śyāma-tanu the blackish bodyCC Antya 19.39
kṛṣṇa-tanu-sama exactly like the transcendental body of KṛṣṇaCC Adi 5.18
eka-tanu one bodyCC Adi 5.175
sat-cit-ānanda-tanu Kṛṣṇa's body is transcendental, full of knowledge, bliss and eternityCC Madhya 8.136
janma-tanu-mana their births, bodies and mindsCC Madhya 21.114
utphullita tanu-mane the body and mind become jubilantCC Madhya 25.278
kula-vara-tanu of the family womenCC Antya 1.167
śveta-tanu white bodyCC Antya 18.71
śyāma-tanu the blackish bodyCC Antya 19.39
kṛṣṇa-tanu the body of KṛṣṇaCC Antya 19.40
līlā-tanubhiḥ by different pastime formsSB 7.7.34
bhagavat-tanu part of the body of the Supreme Personality of GodheadSB 4.19.30
hṛṣyat-tanu having transcendental ecstatic bliss manifested in the bodySB 7.9.6
ālālita-tanu whose body is coveredCC Madhya 14.194
devakī-tanuja the son of DevakīCC Madhya 20.175
nanda-tanuja the son of Nanda Mahārāja, KṛṣṇaCC Antya 20.32
ātma-tanum your bodySB 3.20.28
priyām tanum very dear formSB 5.18.1
kūrma-tanum the body of a tortoiseSB 5.18.29
brahma-tanum having assumed the form of a brāhmaṇa-brahmacārīSB 8.20.12
sva-tanum His own transcendental bodySB 11.31.6
hari-tanum the transcendental body of the LordCC Adi 5.224
śuklayā tanu in His original spiritual form, which is above the modes of material natureSB 5.3.20
utphullita tanu-mane the body and mind become jubilantCC Madhya 25.278
kula-vara-tanu of the family womenCC Antya 1.167
vitanute he performsSB 4.2.22
vitanute expandsCC Antya 1.99
vitanute expandsCC Antya 1.120
vitanute bestowsMM 15
vyatanuta spread, manifestedSB 12.12.69
vyatanuta spread, manifestedCC Madhya 17.138
vyatanuta described and spreadCC Madhya 24.48
     DCS with thanks   
37 results
     
tanu adjective accomplished (in metre) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
delicate (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
emaciated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
fine (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
minute (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
slender (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
small (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
thin (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 1851/72933
tanu noun (masculine) name of a Ṛṣi with a very emaciated body (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 21358/72933
tanu noun (feminine) tanū (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
form (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
life manifestation (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
person (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the body (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the skin (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 916/72933
tanubhṛt noun (masculine) any being possessing a body (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 19363/72933
tanubīja noun (masculine) the jujube (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 53268/72933
tanucchada noun (masculine) feathers (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 21359/72933
tanucchāya noun (masculine) a kind of Acacia (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 53262/72933
tanudhṛt noun (masculine) a man (gen.)
Frequency rank 53267/72933
tanuja noun (masculine) a son (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 19362/72933
tanu noun (feminine) a daughter (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 53263/72933
tanuka adjective small (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
thin (said of a liquid) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 28154/72933
tanukṣīra noun (masculine) Spondias mangifera (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 35273/72933
tanuruha noun (neuter) a feather (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a hair of the body (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 53269/72933
tanutara adjective
Frequency rank 21360/72933
tanutra noun (neuter) armour (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 13526/72933
tanutrāṇa noun (neuter)
Frequency rank 11638/72933
tanutvac noun (masculine) Cassiā Senna (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the cinnamon tree (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
thin-skinned (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 53266/72933
tanutvacā noun (feminine)
Frequency rank 53265/72933
tanutvakka adjective thin-skinned (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 53264/72933
tanutyaj adjective dying (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
giving up one's body (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 13525/72933
tanutyāga noun (masculine) risking one's life (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 35274/72933
tanuvalkala noun (masculine) a kind of plant
Frequency rank 53270/72933
atanu adjective not small (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not thin (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 18734/72933
atanutara adjective
Frequency rank 41981/72933
kaṇṭatanu noun (feminine) sort of Solanum (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 48383/72933
tapanatanu noun (feminine) the Yamunā
Frequency rank 53297/72933
tapanatanunaṣṭā noun (feminine) Prosopis Spicigera
Frequency rank 53298/72933
trayītanu noun (masculine) Śiva (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 28257/72933
pratanu adjective delicate (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
insignificant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
minute (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
slender (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
small (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
very thin or fine (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 15051/72933
pratanuka adjective
Frequency rank 58707/72933
pratanutama adjective extremely delicate
Frequency rank 58708/72933
bhūtanud noun (masculine) a kind of plant
Frequency rank 60930/72933
vitanu noun (masculine) the god of love (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 39323/72933
śaṃtanu noun (masculine) name of an ancient king with the patr. Kauravya (he was fourteenth descendant of Kuru) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of an author (son of Uddharaṇa) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 3297/72933
śāṃtanu noun (masculine) a particular inferior kind of grain (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of the father of Bhīshma (in older language śṝṃtanu) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 20157/72933
sarpatanu noun (feminine) a species of Solanum (bṛhatī) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 69400/72933
sutanu noun (feminine) a fair woman (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a concubine of Vasudeva (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a daughter of Ahuka (wife of Akrūra) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a daughter of Ugrasena (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 25880/72933
Ayurvedic Medical
Dictionary
     Dr. Potturu with thanks
     
     Purchase Kindle edition

antarāmaya

emprosthotonos or forward bending of the body in lying posture as in tetanus.

apatānaka

convulsion; spasm; tetanus.

apatantraka

hysteria with loss of consciousness; tetanus; apoplectic fits; dāruṇa apatantraka hysterical fits.

bahirāmaya

tetanus; opisthotonus; state of severe hyperextension and spasticity in which patient'sbody enter into a complete arching position like a bow.

danti

1. Plant wild croton, Baliospermum montanum, syn. Croton polyandrus.

dhanurvāta

tetanus, a serious illness caused by tetanus bacteria.

viṣkandha-saṃskandh

tetanus.

     Wordnet Search "tanu" has 44 results.
     

tanu

komalāṅga, tanu   

yasya aṅgaṃ komalam।

mārge ekā komalāṅgī yuvatiḥ gacchati।

tanu

pakṣaḥ, pakṣma, garut, dhadhiḥ, patram, patatram, chadaḥ, chadaḥ, chadanam, tanurūhaḥ, tanuruhaḥ, vājaḥ, bāhukutthaḥ   

khagādīnām avayavaviśeṣaḥ।

lubdhakaḥ khaḍagena khagasya pakṣau achidat।

tanu

ghrāṇam, nāsā, nāsikā, nasā, nasyā, ghoṇā, gandhavāhaḥ, gandhajñā, gandhanālī, ghratiḥ, nāḥ, nastaḥ, nāsikyam, nāsikyakam, siṅghinī, vikūṇikā, tanubhasrā, nakram, nakuṭam, narkuṭakam   

avayavaviśeṣaḥ, jighrate anena iti।

nyāyamatena ghrāṇasya gandhagrāhitvam iti guṇaḥ।

tanu

sūkṣmagaṇḍaḥ, avagaṇḍaḥ, kṣudravraṇaḥ, varaṇḍaḥ, varaṇḍakaḥ, raktaspoṭaḥ, raktaspoṭakaḥ, kṣudrasphoṭaḥ, sūkṣmasphoṭaḥ, raktapiṇḍaḥ tanuvraṇaḥ, sūkṣmavraṇaḥ, kacchapikā, raktavaraṭī, raktavaṭī, piḍakaḥ, piḍakā, naraṅgaḥ, muramaṇḍaḥ, irāvellikā   

yuvāvasthāyām mukhādiṣu jātaḥ gaṇḍaḥ।

sā sūkṣmagaṇḍe candanādi lepayati।

tanu

kṛśāṅgaḥ, tanuḥ, pratanuḥ, vitanuḥ, kṣīṇaḥ, sūkṣmaḥ, kṣāmaḥ, kṛśaḥ, śīrṇaḥ, avipulaḥ   

yasya śarīraṃ kṛśam asti।

kṛśāṅgena yuvakena sā dhāvanapratiyogitā jitā।

tanu

apānam, gudam, pāyuḥ, maitraḥ, guhyam, gudavartma, tanuhradaḥ, mārgaḥ   

avayavaviśeṣaḥ -yasmād malādi niḥsarati।

apānasya śuddheḥ naikebhyaḥ rogebhyaḥ rakṣaṇaṃ bhavati apānavāyuḥ apāne vartate।

tanu

kavacam, kavacaḥ, varma, tanutram, tanutrāṇam, vāravāṇaḥ, kañcukaḥ, daṃśanam, sannāhaḥ, tanuvāram, sajjā, tvaktram   

yuddhe yodhasya surakṣāpradāyakaṃ lohamayam āvaraṇam।

ākramaṇāt rakṣaṇārthe yoddhā kavacaṃ dhārayati।

tanu

śarīrin, tanudhārin, dehadhārin, tanudhārin   

yaḥ śarīreṇa yuktaḥ।

aham ekaḥ śarīrī jīvaḥ।

tanu

mṛtyuḥ, maraṇam, nidhanam, pañcattvam, pañcatā, atyayaḥ, antaḥ, antakālaḥ, antakaḥ, apagamaḥ, nāśaḥ, nāśa, vināśaḥ, pralayaḥ, saṃsthānam, saṃsthitiḥ, avasānam, niḥsaraṇam, uparatiḥ, apāyaḥ, prayāṇam, jīvanatyāgaḥ, tanutyāgaḥ, jīvotsargaḥ, dehakṣayaḥ, prāṇaviyogaḥ, mṛtam, mṛtiḥ, marimā, mahānidrā, dīrghanidrā, kālaḥ, kāladharmaḥ, kāladaṇḍaḥ, kālāntakaḥ, narāntakaḥ, diṣṭāntakaḥ, vyāpadaḥ, hāndram, kathāśeṣatā, kīrtiśeṣatā, lokāntaratā   

bhavanasya nāśaḥ- athavā śarīrāt prāṇanirgamanasya kriyā।

dhruvo mṛtyuḥ jīvitasya।

tanu

anaṅga, akāya, agātra, atanu, videha   

yasya śarīraṃ nāsti।

vetālādayaḥ anaṅgāḥ santi।

tanu

pratanu   

yasya śarīraṃ laghu asti।

mahyaṃ pratanuḥ kīṭaḥ rocate। / prakṛtiḥ naikeṣāṃ pratanūnāṃ jīvānām utpattisthalam asti।

tanu

avistṛta, saṅkaṭa, nirantarāla, saṅkucita, saṅkocita, saṃvṛta, niruddha, saṃruddha, saṃhata, saṃhṛta, tanu, apṛthu   

yasya saṅkocaḥ jātaḥ।

vārāṇasyāṃ naike avistṛtāḥ mārgāḥ santi।

tanu

putraḥ, putrakaḥ, sutaḥ, sūnu, tanayaḥ, nandanaḥ, ātmajaḥ, svajaḥ, ātmasambhavaḥ, aṅgajaḥ, śarīrajaḥ, tanujaḥ, tanūjaḥ, tanūjaniḥ, prasūtaḥ, dārakaḥ, kumāraḥ, udvahaḥ   

manuṣyāṇāṃ pumān apatyam।

lālayet pañcavarṣāṇi daśa varṣāṇi tāḍayet prāpte tu ṣoḍaśe varṣe putraṃ mitravadācaret।

tanu

vāyuḥ, vātaḥ, anilaḥ, pavanaḥ, pavamānaḥ, prabhañjanaḥ, śvasanaḥ, sparśanaḥ, mātariśvā, sadāgatiḥ, pṛṣadaśvaḥ, gandhavahaḥ, gandhavāhaḥ, āśugaḥ, samīraḥ, mārutaḥ, marut, jagatprāṇaḥ, samīraṇaḥ, nabhasvān, ajagatprāṇaḥ, khaśvāsaḥ, vābaḥ, dhūlidhvajaḥ, phaṇipriyaḥ, vātiḥ, nabhaḥprāṇaḥ, bhogikāntaḥ, svakampanaḥ, akṣatiḥ, kampalakṣmā, śasīniḥ, āvakaḥ, hariḥ, vāsaḥ, sukhāśaḥ, mṛgavābanaḥ, sāraḥ, cañcalaḥ, vihagaḥ, prakampanaḥ, nabhaḥ, svaraḥ, niśvāsakaḥ, stanūnaḥ, pṛṣatāmpatiḥ, śīghraḥ   

viśvagamanavān viśvavyāpī tathā ca yasmin jīvāḥ śvasanti।

vāyuṃ vinā jīvanasya kalpanāpi aśakyā।

tanu

dharmāvalambin, matānuyāyin, dharmānuyāyin   

yaḥ kasyāpi dharmasya anuyāyī asti।

bhārate hindūdharmasya dharmāvalambinaḥ janāḥ anyebhyaḥ apekṣayā adhikāḥ santi।

tanu

citrakaḥ, tanūnapāt   

bheṣajarupeṇa upayujyamānaḥ vṛkṣaḥ।

citrakāt vividhāḥ bheṣajāḥ nirmīyante।

tanu

yamunā, yamunānadī, kālindī, sūryatanayā, śamanasvasā, tapanatanūjā, kalindakanyā, yamasvasā, śyāmā, tāpī, kalindalandinī, yamanī, yamī, kalindaśailajā, sūryasutā, tapanatanayā, aruṇātmajā, dineśātmajā, bhānujā, ravijā, bhānusutā, sūryasutā, sūryajā, yamānujā, arkatanayā, arkasutā, arkajā   

bhāratīyanadīviśeṣaḥ sā tu himālayadakṣiṇadeśād nirgatya prayāge gaṅgāyāṃ miśritā।

sarnāṇi hṛdayāsthāni maṅgalāni śubhāni ca। dadāti cepsitān loke tena sā sarvamaṅgalā॥ saṅgamād gamanād gaṅgā loke devī vibhāvyate। yamasya bhaginī jātā yamunā tena sā matā॥

tanu

karkaṭī, kaṭudalī, jīnasā, mūtraphalā, trapuṣā, hastiparṇī, lomaśakāṇḍā, mūtralā, bahukandā, karkaṭākṣaḥ, śāntanuḥ, cirbhaṭī, vālukī, ervāruḥ, trapuṣī   

phalaviśeṣaḥ- devadālīlatāyāḥ dīrghaṃ tathā ca atundaṃ phalam।

janāḥ grīṣmakāle karkaṭīm adanti।

tanu

śāntanuḥ, mahābhīṣmaḥ, prātīpaḥ, pratīpaḥ, pratipaḥ   

candravaṃśīyaḥ rājā yaḥ bhīṣmasya pitā āsīt।

śāntanuḥ dvāpārayugīnaḥ ekaviṃśatitamaḥ candravaṃśīyaḥ rājā āsīt।

tanu

sukumāra, adṛḍha, asthūla, kṣīṇa, tanu, mṛdu, miṣṭa, pelava, peśala, saghṛṇa, subhaga   

yaḥ dṛḍhaṃ nāsti।

sukumārāṇi vastūni anāyāsena bhidyante।

tanu

āragvadhaḥ, rājavṛkṣaḥ, sampākaḥ, caturaṅgulaḥ, ārevataḥ, vyādhighātaḥ, kṛtamālaḥ, suvarṇakaḥ, manthānaḥ, rocanaḥ, dīrghaphalaḥ, nṛpadṛmaḥ, himapuṣpaḥ, rājatanuḥ, kaṇḍughnaḥ, jvarāntakaḥ, arujaḥ, svarṇapuṣpam, svarṇadruḥ, kuṣṭhasudanaḥ, karṇābharaṇakaḥ, mahārājadrumaḥ, karṇikāraḥ, svarṇāṅgaḥ, pragrahaḥ, śampākaḥ, śampātaḥ   

vṛkṣaviśeṣaḥ yasya māṣaḥ dīrghaḥ asti।

āragvadhasya puṣpāṇi pītāni tathā ca parṇāni śirīṣasadṛśāni bhavanti।

tanu

tvaksāraḥ, kāmavallabhaḥ, tanutvac, tanukaḥ, tvac, tvacaḥ, vanapriyaḥ   

vṛkṣaprakāraḥ yasya sugandhitā tvak vyañjane upayujyate।

keralaprānte tvaksārasya kṛṣiḥ kriyate।

tanu

devatvam, daivatvam, divyatā, devatānubhāvaḥ, devabhūyam, devasāyujyam, amaratā, amaratvam, tridaśatvam   

devasya bhāvaḥ।

devatāyāḥ devatvaṃ tasyāḥ satkarmaṇāṃ kāraṇāt eva asti।

tanu

romarandhram, lomavivaram, tanukūpaḥ, romakūpaḥ, lomakūpaḥ, lomagartaḥ   

śarīre vartamānāḥ randhrāḥ yebhyaḥ romāḥ jāyante।

pratidinaṃ snānena romarandhrāḥ amalināḥ bhavanti।

tanu

alpatā, lāghavaḥ, laghutā, tanutā, stokatā, kṣudratā, alpatvam, tānavaḥ   

laghoḥ avasthā bhāvaḥ vā।

kamapi alpatāyāḥ bodhaṃ na kārayet।

tanu

vātānukūla   

vātāvasthāpakena śītaṃ kṛtam।

auṣmyāt trātuṃ vayaṃ vātānukūle kakṣe upāviśāma।

tanu

sunnīmatānuyāyī   

yaḥ sunnīsampradāyasya anuyāyī asti।

kadācit śīyāmatānuyāyinaḥ sunnīmatānuyāyinaśca parasparayoḥ yudhyete।

tanu

vātānukūlaka   

yaḥ vātāvaraṇam anukūlaṃ karoti।

uṣṇatāyāḥ śītatāyāḥ vā trāṇārthe janāḥ vātānukūlakasya yantrasya prayogaṃ kurvanti।

tanu

āmrātakaḥ, pītanaḥ, kapītanaḥ, varṣapākī, pītanakaḥ, kapicūḍā, amravāṭikaḥ, bhṛṅgīphalaḥ, rasāḍhyaḥ, tanukṣīraḥ, kapipriyaḥ, ambarātakaḥ, ambarīyaḥ, kapicūḍaḥ, āmrāvartaḥ   

amlarasayuktaphalaviśiṣṭaḥ vṛkṣaḥ।

markaṭaḥ āmrātakam āruhya upaviṣṭaḥ।

tanu

lāṭānuprāsaḥ   

anuprāsasya bhedaḥ।

lāṭānuprāse śabdānāṃ punaruktiḥ bhavati tathā ca anvayaparivartanāt arthe api parivartanaṃ bhavati।

tanu

sutanu   

ekaḥ gandharvaḥ।

sutanoḥ varṇanaṃ purāṇeṣu vartate।

tanu

sutanu   

ugrasenasya ekaḥ putraḥ।

sutanoḥ ullekhaḥ bhāgavate vartate।

tanu

sutanu   

akrūrasya patnī।

sutanuḥ sucārāyāḥ putrī āsīt।

tanu

kṛśatā, kārśyam, kṣāmatā, śarīraśoṣaṇam, tanutā, sūkṣmatā   

kṛśasya avasthā bhāvaḥ vā।

tasya kṛśatā tasya kārye vighnaṃ na utpādayati।

tanu

kṛśodarī, tanūdarī, alpamadhyamā, śātodarī   

yasyāḥ sūkṣmā kaṭiḥ।

ekā kṛśodarī nartakī nṛtyati।

tanu

yathocitam, yathārhaḥ, yoguyatānusāram   

ucitam anatikramya iti;

karmāṇi ca yathākālaṃ yathādeśaṃ yathābalam। yathocitaṃ yathāvittam akarod brahmasātkṛtam॥

tanu

ślakṣṇaśilā, tanuśilā, ślakṣṇaśilāphalakaḥ, śleṭsaṃjñakaḥ   

ślakṣṇaśilādibhiḥ vinirmitaṃ phalakam।

bālakaḥ ślakṣṇaśilāyāṃ likhati।

tanu

tanumadhyā   

varṇavṛttaviśeṣaḥ।

tanumadhyāyāḥ praticaraṇe ekaḥ tagaṇaḥ ekaḥ yagaṇaḥ ca bhavataḥ।

tanu

supeśa, tanu, kṛśa, sutanu, saru, ślakṣṇa, śīrṇa, śāta, pātraṭa, apacita, talina, aṇu, aṇutara, āma, caṭula, pratanu, pelava, paripelava   

yasya ghanatvam alpam asti।

etad aṃśukaṃ supeśam asti।

tanu

agniḥ, vaiśvānaraḥ, vītahotraḥ, agnihotraḥ, huraṇyaretāḥ, saptārci, vibhāvasuḥ, vṛṣākapiḥ, svāhāpatiḥ, svāhāprayaḥ, svāhābhuk, agnidevaḥ, agnidevatā, dhanañjayaḥ, jātavedaḥ, kṛpīṭayoniḥ, śociṣkeśaḥ, uṣarbudhaḥ, bṛhadbhānuḥ, hutabhuk, haviraśanaḥ, hutāśaḥ, hutāśanaḥ, havirbhuk, havyavāhanaḥ, havyāśanaḥ, kravyavāhanaḥ, tanunapāt, rohitāśvaḥ, āśuśukṣaṇiḥ, āśrayāśaḥ, āśayāśaḥ, āśrayabhuk, āśrayadhvaṃsī, pāvakaḥ, pāvanaḥ, tejaḥ, vahniḥ, jvalanaḥ, analaḥ, kṛśānuḥ, vāyusakhā, vāyusakhaḥ, dahanaḥ, śikhī, śikhāvān, kṛṣṇavartmā, araṇiḥ, ghāsiḥ, dāvaḥ, pacanaḥ, pācanaḥ, pācakaḥ, juhuvān, vāśiḥ, arciṣmān, prabhākaraḥ, chidiraḥ, śundhyuḥ, jaganuḥ, jāgṛviḥ, apāmpitaḥ, jalapittaḥ, apittam, himārātiḥ, phutkaraḥ, śukraḥ, āśaraḥ, samidhaḥ, citrabhānuḥ, jvālājihvā, kapilaḥ, vibhāvasuḥ, tamonud, śuciḥ, śukraḥ, damunaḥ, damīnaḥ, agiraḥ, hariḥ, bhuvaḥ   

devatāviśeṣaḥ-hindudharmānusāram agneḥ devatāsvarūpam।

agneḥ patnī svāhā।

tanu

ardhāṅga, ardhatanu, śarīrārdha, dehārdha   

samabhāgayoḥ śarīraikadeśayoḥ ekaḥ।

tasya ardhāṅgaṃ kṣaṇamātraṃ nirviceṣṭam abhūt।

tanu

avyaktānukaraṇa   

avyaktasya padasya śabdasya vā anukaraṇam।

paśūnāṃ pakṣiṇāṃ ca dhvaneḥ manuṣyaiḥ kṛtam anukaraṇam avyaktānukaraṇam asti।

tanu

pakṣaḥ, garut, chadaḥ, patram, patatram, tanūruham, śarapakṣaḥ   

pakṣiṇām avayavaviśeṣaḥ yena te ḍayante।

rāvaṇaḥ jaṭāyoḥ pakṣau ciccheda।

tanu

vātānukūlanam   

sā praṇāliḥ yā vāyoḥ śuṣkatvaṃ śītatvañca santulayati।

vātānukūlanasya kṛte prayukte yantre prāyaḥ ekaṃ vāyuśītakaṃ tathā ca ekaṃ vāyutāpakaṃ yantram asti।

Parse Time: 1.252s Search Word: tanu Input Encoding: IAST: tanu