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√rucrucaadīptāvabhiprītau ca1482
  
"ruc" has 1 results.
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√रुच्rucshining / dīpti481/3Cl.1
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335 results for ruc
     
Devanagari
BrahmiEXPERIMENTAL
ruc cl.1 A1. () rocate- (Vedic or Veda and Epic also ti-; perfect tense ruroca-, ruruc/e- etc.; subjunctive rurucanta- Potential rurucyās- ; parasmE-pada rurukv/as-, rurucān/a- ; Aorist arucat- ; arociṣṭa- etc.; arukta- ; parasmE-pada rucān/a- ; Aorist Passive voice aroci- ; preceding rucīya- ; rociṣīya- ; ruciṣīya- ; future rocitā- grammar; rociṣyate- ; infinitive mood rocitum- ; ruc/e- ; ind.p. rucitvā-or rocitvā- ), to shine, be bright or radiant or resplendent etc. ; (only in perfect tense P.) to make bright or resplendent ; to be splendid or beautiful or good etc. ; to be agreeable to, please (dative case or genitive case) etc. ; to be pleased with, like (accusative) ; to be desirous of, long for (dative case) : Causal roc/ayati-, te- (Aorist /arūrucat-, cata-; Passive voice rocyate-), to cause to shine ; to enlighten, illuminate, make bright ; to make pleasant or beautiful ; to cause any one (accusative) to long for anything (dative case) ; to find pleasure in, like, approve, deem anything right (accusative or infinitive mood) etc. ; to choose as (double accusative) ; to purpose, intend ; (Passive voice) to be pleasant or agreeable to (dative case) : Desiderative ruruciṣate- or rurociṣate- grammar : Intensive (only p. r/orucāna-) to shine bright [ confer, compare Greek , ;lux,luceo,luna,lumen; Gothic liuhath,lauhmuni; German lioht,lieht,licht; Anglo-Saxon leo4ht; English light.]
rucf. light, lustre, brightness etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucf. splendour, beauty, loveliness etc.
rucf. colour, hue View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucf. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') appearance, resemblance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucf. pleasure, delight, liking, wish, desire View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucf. plural Name of a particular class of āpsarasa-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucamfn. bright, radiant, brilliant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucāf. liking, desire View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucāf. light, lustre, beauty View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucāf. the note of the parrot or Maina View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakamfn. very large ( also "agreeable, pleasing;sharp, acid;tonic, stomachic") View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. n. a tooth View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. a kind of golden ornament or necklace View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. a ring View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. any object or substance supposed to bring good luck View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. a citron View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. a dove, pigeon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. Ricinus Communis View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. Name of one of the five remarkable personages born under particular constellations View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. a kind of four-sided column View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. Name of a son of uśanas- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. of a king (varia lectio ruruka-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakam. of a mountain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. a horse-ornament View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. a garland View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. Embelia Ribes View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. sochal salt View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. natron View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. sweet juice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. a bright yellow pigment equals go-rocanā- q.v View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. a kind of tonic (See above) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucakan. a sort of building or temple having terraces on three sides and closed only on the north side View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruceSee p.881 under 1. ruc-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. (ruc/i- ) light, lustre, splendour, beauty etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. colour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. liking, taste, relish, pleasure, appetite, zest etc. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' taking pleasure in, desirous of. longing for;with locative case, prati- infinitive mood or compound; ruciṃ--or rucaye-bhū-,to please; rucim ā-vah-,with dative case,to excite a desire for; rucyā-or sva-rucyā-,at pleasure, at will) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. a kind of coitus View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. a kind of pigment (equals rocanā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. Name of an apsaras- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucif. of the wife of devaśarman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucim. Name of a prajā-pati- (the husband of ākūti- and father of yajña- or su-yajña- and of manu- raucya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucim. of a son of viśvāmitra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucim. of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucimfn. pleasant, agreeable (equals rucira-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucīf. plural (mc.) equals ruci-, light, splendour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucibhartṛm. "lord or bearer of light", the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucibhartṛm. "lord of pleasure", a husband View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidattam. Name of various authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidattabhāskyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidattiyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidevam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidhāmanmfn. having light for an abode View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidhāmann. "abode of light", the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucikam. a kind of ornament, (prob. wrong reading for rucaka-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucikaramfn. causing pleasure, exciting desire View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucikaramfn. causing an appetite or relish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucikaram. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucikṛtmfn. causing a relish, relishing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucinātham. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciparvanm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucipatim. Name of various men View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciphalan. a pear View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciphalan. the fruit of Momordica Monadelpha View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciprabham. Name of a daitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucipradamfn. giving an appetite, appetizing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciramf(ā-)n. bright, brilliant, radiant, splendid, beautiful etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciramf(ā-)n. pleasant, charming, agreeable to, liked by (genitive case or compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciramf(ā-)n. sweet, dainty, nice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciramf(ā-)n. stomachic, cordial, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciram. Name of a son of sena-jit- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirāf. a. kind of pigment (equals go-rocanā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciram. Name of a woman (See column 3) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciram. of two metres View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciram. of a river View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciran. (only.) saffron (prob. wrong reading for rudhira-), a radish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciran. cloves (prob. wrong reading for suṣira-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirāf. (of ra-) Name of a woman. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirabhāṣaṇamfn. of pleasant speech, eloquent View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciradevam. Name of a prince View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciradhīm. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciraketum. Name of a bodhisattva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciramudmfn. exquisite, affording great pleasure View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciramūrtimfn. of pleasant form or appearance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirānanamfn. equals ra-vadana- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirañjanam. Moringa Pterygosperma View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirāpāṅgīf. a fair-eyed woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciraprabhāvasambhavam. Name of a serpent-demon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciraśrīgarbham. Name of a bodhi-sattva-
rucirāsutam. a metron. of pālakāpya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirāśvam. Name of a son of sena-jit- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirātanayam. N. metron. of kakṣīvat- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciravadanamfn. sweet-faced View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucirucim. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucisamprakḷptamfn. prepared with good taste View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucistavam. Name of a chapter of the mārkaṇḍeya- purāṇa-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucisthamfn. wrong reading for ruciṣya-,"causing an appetite" View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciṣyamfn. pleasant, agreeable, liked View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciṣyamfn. giving an appetite, tonic, stomachic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciṣyamfn. dainty, nice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciṣyan. white salt View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitāf. ( etc.) () the having a taste or liking or desire for, taking pleasure in (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound'; exempli gratia, 'for example' ārambha-ruci--,"fondness or taste for new enterprises"; see -samāna-r-, hiṃsā-ruci-tva-; adharma-ruci-- [ wrong reading adharme r-]). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruciṭam. the son of a kṣatriya- and a caṇḍālī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitamfn. shone upon (by the sun etc.), bright, brilliant, glittering, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitamfn. pleasant, agreeable, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitamfn. sweet, delicate, dainty View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitamfn. sharpened (as appetite) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitamfn. digested View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitāf. a kind of metre (prob. wrong reading for rucirā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitan. an exclamation used at a śraddha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitavatmfn. containing the meaning or any form of 1. ruc- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitvan. () the having a taste or liking or desire for, taking pleasure in (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound'; exempli gratia, 'for example' ārambha-ruci--,"fondness or taste for new enterprises"; see -samāna-r-, hiṃsā-ruci-tva-; adharma-ruci-- [ wrong reading adharme r-]). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucivadhūgalaratnamālāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucivahamfn. bringing light vArttika View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucum. a deer with black horns (either white like a sheep or yellow like a boar) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyamf(ā-)n. bright, radiant, beautiful, pleasing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyamf(ā-)n. giving an appetite, tonic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyam. (only ) a lover, husband View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyam. Strychnos Potatorum View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyam. Aegle Marmelos View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyam. rice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucf. (only ) black cumin View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyam. a species of cucumber View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyan. a kind of tonic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyan. sochal salt View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyakandam. Arum Campanulatum View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucyavāhanam. Name of one of the, 7 ṛṣi-s under manu- rohita-, (varia lectio havya-v-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhaktarucif. want of appetite. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhinimruc -mr/ocati- (said of the sun) to set upon anybody who is sleeping or has not finished his work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhirucA1. to be bright, shine ; to please any one (dative case) : Causal P. to delight, amuse (varia lectio abhi-ram-, Causal) : P. A1. to be pleased with, approve of, be inclined to, like View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhirucif. delighting in, being pleased with (locative case or in compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhiruciramfn. very bright View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhirucitamfn. pleasing, agreeable to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhirucitamfn. pleased with, delighting in (locative case or in compound) (see yathābhirucita-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhirucitam. Name of a prince of the vidyādhara-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhivirucA1. (imperfect tense -arocata-) to shine or be brilliant over (varia lectio ati-vi-ruc-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adhararucakan. lovely lips, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adharauṣṭharucakan. lovely lips, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ahimarucim. idem or 'm. idem or 'm. idem or 'm. idem or 'm. idem or 'm. idem or 'm. "having hot rays", the sun ' ' ' ' ' ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akṛttarucmfn. possessing unimpaired splendour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
amitarucim. Name of a deity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
annābhirucif. desire of food, appetite, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anuruc Causal P. -rocayati-, to choose, prefer View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ārambharucimfn. enjoying new undertakings View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ārambharucimfn. enterprising View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ārambharucitāf. spirit of enterprise View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
artharucimfn. equals -citta- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
arucmfn. lightless View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ārucA1. (subjunctive 3. plural -rucayanta- ) to shine near or towards. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
arucif. want of appetite, disgust View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
arucif. aversion, dislike (with upari-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aruciramfn. disagreeable, disgusting. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
arucitamfn. not agreeable or suitable to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
arucyamfn. idem or 'mfn. disagreeable, disgusting.' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aśītarucm. = View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atiructo shine over or along ; to surpass in shining. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atirucm. a horse's fetlock or knee View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atiruciramfn. very lovely View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atirucirāf. Name of two metres (a variety of the atijagatī-;another called cuḍikā-or culikā-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atuhinarucim. "having not cold light", the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avaruc -r/ocate-, to shine down View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhadrarucim. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhaktarucif. equals -cchanda- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhaktārucif. equals ta-dveṣa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhārucim. Name of an author on dharma- and vedānta- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhinnarucimfn. having a different taste View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhīrucetasm. "timid-hearted", a deer View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūyorucimfn. taking much delight in anything ( bhūyorucitā -- f.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūyorucitāf. bhūyoruci
bodhirucim. Name of a scholar View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucandram. Name of a son of kṛṣṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucaryāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucaryāśatakan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carucelinmfn. (for cār-?) having portions of offerings on the clothes (śiva-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitram. Name of a son of dhṛta-rāṣṭra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitrāṅgadam. idem or 'm. Name of a son of dhṛta-rāṣṭra- ' , . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
celarucikāf. a mourning band (?) (varia lectio) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
curucurāf. (onomatopoetic (i.e. formed from imitation of sounds)) See karṇe--. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucitif. a pile or pyre of wood, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmarucimfn. delighting in or devoted to virtue View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmarucim. Name of a dānava- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmarucim. of a god of the bodhi- tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmarucim. of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūmrarucmfn. of a purple or grey colour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
divorucmfn. shining from heaven View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dṛḍharucim. "of great glory", Name of a prince and of a varṣa- in kuśa-dvīpa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
durucchedamfn. difficult to be extirpated or destroyed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
durucchedyamfn. idem or 'mfn. difficult to be extirpated or destroyed ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
durucchedyamfn. difficult to be cut through (knot) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dviruccāritan. the repetition of a piece of music View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ghanarucmfn. shining like a cloud, cloud-like View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ghanarucirakalāpamfn. having a tail glistening like a cloud (a peacock) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gruc (= gluc-) cl.1 P. grocati- (Aorist agrucat-,or agrocīt- ;in derivatives k-for c-, ) to steal ; to go View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gurucaryāf. attendance on a teacher, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hastirucim. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
havirucohiṣṭan. the residue of an oblation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
havirucohiṣṭabhujmfn. eating the residue of an oblation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
havirucohiṣṭāśamfn. equals havirucohiṣṭa-bhuj-. () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
havirucohiṣṭāśanamfn. equals havirucohiṣṭa-bhuj-. () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
havirucohiṣṭaśeṣam. what is left from, the residue of an oblation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
himarucim. equals -raśmi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hiṃsārucimfn. idem or 'mfn. delighting in doing harm or mischief ' ( hiṃsārucitva -tva- n.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hiṃsārucitvan. hiṃsāruci
kanakastambharuciramfn. shining with columns of gold View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāñcanarucimfn. shining like gold. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karṇecurucurāf. whispering into the ear, tale-bearing gaRa pātre-samitādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucauram. "mechanical thief", burglar View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṛtarucmfn. splendid, brilliant. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kurucaramf(ī-)n. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' f(ā-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kurucillam. a crab View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
māṃsarucim. fond of flesh View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
marucchadāf. a kind of shrub (see madhu-cchadā-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
marucīpaṭṭanan. Name of a town (see marīci-pattana-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
merucandratantran. Name of a tantra-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mruc (see mluc-) cl.1 P. mrocati- (Aorist amrucat-and amrocīt- ), to go, move : Desiderative mumruciṣati- and mumrociṣati- (see ni--and abhi-ni-mruc-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nānābuddhirucmfn. one whose mind delights in various things View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nidāgharucim. "hot-rayed" idem or 'm. "having hot radiance"or"abode of heat", the sun ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nimeṣarucm. a fire-fly View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nimrucP. -mrocati-, to set, disappear (as the sun) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nimrucf. idem or '(n/i--) f. sunset, evening ' etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nimrucin accord. to some,"crusher, destroyer"; accord, to others,"out of sight". View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nimrucmfn. slack, loose View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucmfn. lustreless, dim, (according to ni+ruc-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ruc( nis-ruc-), only perfect tense -rurucur-, to drive away by shining View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirucchvāsamf(ā-)n. not breathing, breathless etc.
nirucchvāsamf(ā-)n. narrow, contracted, crowded View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirucchvāsam. breathlessness ( nirucchvāsanipīḍita -nipīḍita- mfn.afflicted by breathlessness) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirucchvāsam. or n. Name of a particular hell where the wicked cannot breathe View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirucchvāsanipīḍitamfn. nirucchvāsa
nirvāṇarucim. plural "delighting in final beatitude", Name of a class of deities under the 11th manu- (see nirmāṇa-rati-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
oṣṭharucaka(), - rucira- (), n. lovely lips View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parapākarucim. a constant guest at others' tables View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parirucA1. -rocate-, to shine all around View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parucchepam. (prob. fr. parut- equals rus-+ śepa-) Name of a ṛṣi- (son of divo-dāsa- and author of ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucchepamf(ī-)n. derived from paruc-chepa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucchepan. Name of 2 sāman-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucchepīf. plural Name of particular verses View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucchepim. patronymic fr. paruc-chepa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paurarucidevam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
phaṇāmaṇisahasrarucf. the splendour of the thousand jewels on the hood (of the surface-king) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pīyūṣaruci() m. equals -dyuti-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pradānarucim. "delighting in giving", Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prarucA1. -rocate-, to shine forth ; to be liked, please : Causal -rocayati-, to enlighten, illuminate ; to cause to shine ; to make apparent or specious, make pleasing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratirucA1. -rocate-, to please (with accusative) : Causal -rocayati-, to be pleased to (accusative), resolve, decide upon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purorucmfn. shining in front or in the east View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purorucf. Name of particular nivid- formularies recited at the morning oblation in the ājya- ceremony before the principal hymn or any part of it View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purorucruṅmatmfn. furnished with parjanya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purucetanamfn. visible to many, very conspicuous View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pururucmfn. shining brightly View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purūrucmfn. much shining (see puru-ruc-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadrucimfn. kindly disposed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahasrarucm. the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samānarucimfn. having the same taste ( samānarucitā -- f.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samānarucitāf. samānaruci
śamitarucimfn. whose lustre is moderated or dimmed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samprarucA1. -rocate- to appear very bright or beautiful, appear good or right, please View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃrucA1. rocate-, to shine together or at the same time or in rivalry ; to shine, beam, glitter : Causal -rocayati-, to find pleasure in (accusative), like, approve, choose anything for (two accusative), resolve on (infinitive mood) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃvibhāgarucimfn. liking to share with others ( saṃvibhāgarucitā ci-- f.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃvibhāgarucitāf. saṃvibhāgaruci
saptarucimfn. 7-rayed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saptarucim. fire View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaraddhimaruci(for -him-) m. the autumnal moon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarucmfn. possessing splendour splendid, magnificent View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saruc sa-ruj- etc. See column 2. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śītarucm. equals -kiraṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śītarucim. idem or 'm. equals -kiraṇa- ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sitarucimfn. bright-coloured, white View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sitarucim. the moon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrucetc., incorrect for sruc-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucf. (Nominal verb sr/uk-;prob. connected with sru-and sruv/a-) a sort of large wooden ladle (used for pouring clarified butter on a sacrificial fire;and properly made of palāśa- or khadira- wood and about as long as an arm, with a receptacle at the end of the size of a hand;three are enumerated, viz. juh/ū-, upabh/ṛt-,and dhruv/ā-,in which order they are used in sg. dual number,and plural) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucayaNom. P. yati- equals srugvantam ācaṣṭe- or karoti- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucāyanim. a patronymic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sruciṣṭha mfn. Comparative degree and superl. of srug-vat- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucīyasmfn. Comparative degree and superl. of srug-vat- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucyaNom. P. yati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucyamfn. performed with the sruc- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
srucyam. (with or scilicet āghāra-) the sprinkling of clarified butter so performed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucf. bright light View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucmfn. shining brightly View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
suruc su-ruci- etc. See . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucif. great delight in (locative case) (varia lectio) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucim. Name of a gandharva- king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucim. of a yakṣa- (Scholiast or Commentator) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surucif. Name of a wife of dhruva- and mother of uttama- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
suruciramf(ā-)n. shining brightly, radiant, splendid, beautiful View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sūryarucf. sunlight View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svarucif. own will or pleasure View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svarucimfn. following one's own pleasure View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svarucind. according to one's own will View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svasvarucimfn. plural every one brilliant in his own way View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śyāmarucimfn. equals -bhās- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tanūrucmfn. brilliant in person View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tarucchāyāf. the shade of a tree (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' f(ā-).) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tarucchāyāf. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tigmarucmfn. ( ) shining brightly, hot View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tigmarucm. equals ci- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tigmarucim. equals -dīdhiti- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
udrucA1. (imperfect tense 2. sg. -arocathās-) to shine forth View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
udyatasruc(/udyata--) mfn. one who has raised a ladle (to offer a libation) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
uparucA1. (perfect tense -ruruce-) to approach shining View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
urucakramfn. having wide wheels (as a carriage) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
urucakrimfn. (fr. kṛ-), doing or effecting large work or great wealth, granting ample assistance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
urucakrim. Name of a descendant of atri-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
urucakṣasmfn. far-seeing (said of varuṇa-, sūrya-, and the āditya-s). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ūrucchinnamfn. one wbo has broken a leg, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
uṣṇarucim. the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vairucanācārya(rather vairoc-) m. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vārarucamfn. composed by vararuci- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararucimfn. taking pleasure in boons (Name of śiva-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararucim. Name of a grammarian (also a poet, lexicographer, and writer on medicine, sometimes identified with kātyāyana-, the reputed author of the vārttika-s or supplementary rules of pāṇini-; he is placed by some among the nine gems of the court of vikramāditya-, and by others among the ornaments of the court of bhoja-; he was the author of the Prakrit grammar called prākṛta-prakāśa-, and is said to be the first grammarian who reduced the various dialects of Prakrit to a system) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararucikārikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararucikośam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararuciliṅgakārikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararuciprākṛśasūtran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vararucivākyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vasurucmfn. (perhaps) bright like the vasu-s or the gods View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vasurucmfn. a proper N. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vasuruci(v/asu--) m. Name of a gandharva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
virucA1. -rocate- (perfect tense -rurucuḥ- ; Aorist vy-arucat- ), to shine forth, be bright or radiant or conspicuous or visible etc. ; to appear as or like (Nominal verb) ; to outshine, excel (accusative) ; to please, delight (genitive case) ; (only perfect tense P.) to cause to shine, illuminate : Causal -rocayati-, to cause to shine, brighten, illuminate ; to find pleasure in, delight in (accusative) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
virucam. a magic formula recited over weapons View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśeṣavikramarucimfn. taking delight in splendid heroism View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvarucim. Name of a divine being View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvarucim. of a dānava- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvarucim. equals next View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvarucīf. "all-glittering", Name of one of the seven tongues of fire, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vratarucimfn. delighting in religious observances, devout View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yajñarucim. Name of a dānava- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yatasruc(yat/a--) mfn. raising or stretching out the sacrificial ladle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yātasrucan. (fr. yata-sruc-) Name of a sāman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yathābhirucita(thābh-) mfn. agreeable to taste or liking, agreeable, pleasant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yathārucamind. according to taste or liking View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yathāruciind. according to pleasure or liking, according to taste
yauktasrucan. (fr. yukta-+ sruc-) Name of a sāman-
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ruc रुच् 1 Ā. (रोचते, रुरुचे, अरुचत्-अरोचिष्ट, रोचिष्यते, रुचित) 1 To shine, look splendid or beautiful, be resplendent; रुरुचिरे रुचिरेक्षणविभ्रमाः Śi.6.46; Ms.3.62. -2 To like, be pleased with (said of persons), be agreeable to, please (of things); used with dat. of the person who is pleased and nom. of the thing; न स्रजो रुरुचिरे रमणीभ्यः Ki.9.35; यदेव रोचते यस्मै भवेत् तत् तस्य सुन्दरम् H.2.53; sometimes with gen. of person; दारिद्र्यान्मरणाद् वा मरणं मम रोचते न दारिद्र्यम् Mk.1.11. -Caus. (रोचयति-ते) 1 To cause to like, make pleasant or agreeable; यतात्मने रोचयितुं यतस्व Ku.3.16. -2 To illuminate, irradiate. -3 To like, find pleasure in. -4 To resolve -Desid. (रुरु-रो-चिषते) To wish to like &c.
ruc रुच् रुचा f. [रुच्-क्विप् वा टाप्] 1 Light, lustre, lustre, brightness; क्षणदासु यत्र च रुचैकतां गताः Śi.13.53;9.23,25; शिखरमणिरुचः Ki.5.43; Me.46. -2 Splendour, loveliness, beauty. -3 Colour, appearance (at the end of comp.); चलयन्भृङ्गरुचस्तवालकान् R.8.53; Ku.3.65; Ś.1.15; Ki.5.45. -4 Liking, desire. -5 Lightning. -6 The note of the parrot or Mainā.
rucā रुचा See रुच्.
rucaka रुचक a. [रुच्-क्वुन् Uṇ.2.36.] 1 Agreeable, pleasing. -2 Stomachic. -3 Sharp, acrid. -कः 1 The citron; पूर्णान्यक्षतपात्राणि रुचकं रोचनास्तथा Mb.7.82.21. -2 A pigeon. -3 A type of column with four rectangular sides; समचतुरस्रो रुचकः Bṛi. S.5.28. -कम् 1 A tooth. -2 A golden ornament especially for the neck. -3 A tonic, stomachic. -4 A wreath, garland. -5 Sochal salt. -6 A curl on a horse's neck. -7 A lucky object. -8 A building having terraces on three sides and closed on the north only. -9 Alkali. -1 A stone for grinding sandalwood; L. D. B.
ruciḥ रुचिः (-ची f.) [रुच्-कि वा ङीप्] 1 Light, lustre, splendour, brightness; वियद्व्यापी तारागणगुणित फेनोद्गमरुचिः Śi.vamahimna 17; रुचिमिन्दुदले करोत्यजः परिपूर्णेन्दुरुचिर्महीपतिः Śi. 16.71; R.5.67; Me.15. -2 A ray of light; as in रुचिभर्तृ q. v. -3 Appearance, colour, beauty (usually at the end of comp.); पटलं बहिर्बहलपङ्करुचि Śi.9.19; सिन्दूरैः कृतरुचयः सहेमकक्ष्याः Ki.7.8. -4 Taste, relish; as in रुचिकर. -5 Zest, hunger, appetite. -6 Wish, desire, pleasure; स्वरुच्या 'at will or pleasure.' -7 Liking, taste; विमार्गगायाश्च रुचिः स्वकान्ते Bv.1.125 'liking or love'; न स क्षितीशो रुचये बभूव; R.6.44; भिन्नरुचिर्हि लोकः 3; नाट्यं भिन्नरुचेर्जनस्य बहुधाप्येकं समाराधनम् M.1.4; oft. in comp. in the sense of 'indulging in', 'devoted or addicted to'; हिंसारुचेः Māl.5.29; अर्थरुचेः Mu.1. -8 Passion, close application to any object. -9 A kind of yellow pigment (गोरोचना). -1 A kind of coitus. -m. N. of a प्रजापति; जातो रुचेरजनयतसुयमान् सुयज्ञः Bhāg.2.7.2. -Comp. -कर a. 1 tasteful, savoury, palatable. -2 exciting desire; रुचिकरमपि नार्थवद् बभूव Ki.1.62. -3 stomachic, tonic. -धामन् m. the sun. -प्रद a. appetizing. -फलम् a pear. -भर्तृ m. 1 the sun; रुचिभर्तुरस्य विरहाधिगमात् Śi.9.17. -2 a husband.
rucira रुचिर a. [रुचिं राति ददाति रुच्-किरच् Uṇ.1.5] 1 Bright, shining, brilliant, radiant; हेमरुचिराम्बर Ch. P.14; कनकरुचिरम्, रत्नरुचिरम् &c. -3 Tasteful, palatable. -4 Sweet, dainty. -5 Stomachic, exciting appetite. -6 Cordial, restorative. -7 Pleasant, pleased (प्रसन्न); अथ वासवस्य वचनेन रुचिरवदनत्रिलोचनम् Ki.12.1. -रा 1 A kind of yellow pigment. -2 N. of a metre; see App. -रम् 1 Saffron. -2 Cloves. -3 A radish. -Comp. -अङ्गदः N. of Viṣṇu.
ruciṣya रुचिष्य [रुच्-किष्यन् Uṇ.4.186] a. 1 Pleasing, agreeable. -2 Tonic. -3 Sweet, dainty. -4 Appetizing. -ष्यम् White salt.
rucita रुचित [रुच्-कितच् Uṇ.4.193] p. p. 1 Bright, shining. -2 Sweet, dainty. -3 Pleased, delighted. -4 Digested. -तम् an exclamation of satisfaction (used at a श्राद्ध); दैवे रुचितमित्यपि (वाच्यम्) Ms.3.254.
rucya रुच्य a. Bright, lovely &c.; see रुचिर. -च्यः 1 A lover, husband. -2 Rice. -च्यम् 1 A tonic. -2 Sochal salt.
atiruc अतिरुच् m. [रोचते इति रुक् स्त्रीणां ऊरुदेशः; अतिक्रान्तो रुचम् Tv.] The knee. -क् f. A very beautiful woman.
atirucira अतिरुचिर a. Very lovely. -रा N. of two metres, the one a variety of अतिजगती, and the other also called चूडि-लि-का.
abhiruc अभिरुच् 1 A. 1 To shine, look finely; धर्मो$भिरोचते यस्माद्धर्मराजस्ततः स्मृतः Mārk. P. -2 To like, desire; यदभिरोचते or अभिरुचितं भवते V.2 -Caus. To be inclined to, have a taste or liking for, long, desire or wish for.
abhiruciḥ अभिरुचिः f. 1 Desire, taste, liking, relish, delight, pleasure; यशसि चाभिरुचिः Bh.2.63; (v l. अभिरतिः) परस्पराभिरुचिनिष्पन्नो विवाहः K.367. -2 Desire of fame, ambition; splendour.
abhirucita अभिरुचित p. p. Liked, beloved. -तः A lover; (वामताम्) तेनिरे$भिरुचितेषु तरुण्यः Śi.1.58.
abhirucira अभिरुचिर a. Very pleasant or agreeable, beautiful, splendid, bright; Rv.3.39.5
aruca अरुच a. Ved. Lightless, dark; अयं रोचयदरुचो रुचानो Rv.6.39.4.
aruciḥ अरुचिः f. 1 Aversion, dislike in general; क्व सा भोगानामुपर्यरुचिः K.146. -2 Want of appetite, disrelish, disgust; सन्निपातक्षयश्वासकासहिक्कारुचिप्रणुत् Suśr. -3 Absence of a satisfactory explanation.
arucira अरुचिर अरुच्य a. Disagreeable, disgusting.
āruc आरुच् Caus. To regard as pleasant, choose, like; वासं नारोचये$रण्ये Rām.
gruc ग्रुच् 1 P. (ग्रोचति) 1 To steal, rob. -2 To go.
praruc प्ररुच् 1 Ā. 1 To shine very much. -2 To be liked.
mruc म्रुच् 1 P. (म्रोचति) To go, move.
viruc विरुच् 1 Ā. 1 To shine, be resplendent; सहस्रधात्मा व्यरुचद्विभक्तः पयोमुचां पङ्क्तिषु विद्युतेव R.6.5;17.14; Bk. 8.66. -2 To be eminent or conspicuous. -3 To become visible, appear. -4 To illuminate, brighten (P.). -5 To please, delight. -Caus. 1 To irradiate, illuminate. -2 To delight in. -3 To sport with.
virucaḥ विरुचः A magic formula recited over weapons.
sruc स्रुच् f. A sort of wooden ladle, used for pouring clarified butter on sacrifical fire; (usually made of trees like Palāśa or Khadira); ऋत्विजां च्युतविकङ्कतस्रुचाम् R.11.25; Ms.5.117; Y.1.183. -Comp. -जिह्वः N. of Agni. -प्रणालिका the spout of a ladle.
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ruc ruc shine, I. róca; cs. rocáya cause to shine, viii. 29, 10.
rucāna ruc-āná, rt. ao. pt. Ā. beaming, iv. 51, 9.
urucakṣas uru-cákṣas, a. (Bv.) far-seeing, vii. 63, 4 [cákṣas, n. sight].
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rucā f. liking.
rucaka m. or n. (?) kind of gold orna ment, necklace.
ruci f. light, lustre; splendour, beauty; colour; liking, taste, fondness, for (lc., prati, inf., --°ree;); appetite; --°ree;, a. fond of, indulging in, addicted to, eager for: in. ruk yâ, according to desire, at will or pleasure; -m dâ, please any one (g.); -m â-vah, pro duce a liking for (d.); a-ye bhû, please any one (g.).
rucikara a. causing desire; pro ducing appetite.
rucira a. bright, shining; radiant, beautiful; pleasing, attractive, to (g., --°ree;): -deva, m. N.; -bhâshana, a. speaking beau tifully; -mûrti, a. beautifully formed; -½âna na, a. sweet-faced; -½apâ&ndot;gî, a. f. fair-eyed.
ruciṣya a. pleasing, agreeable; -î, f. metr.=ruki, light, lustre (pl.); -ya, a. pleasing, radiant, beautiful; appetising.
rucitā f. taste for, delight in (--°ree;); -deva, m. N.; -dhâman, m. abode of light, sun; -pati, m. lord of light, sun; lord of de light, husband.
rucitavat a. containing a form of the root ruk.
atarucchāya a. devoid of tree-shade.
abhiruci f. delight in (lc., --°ree;); -rukita, m. N. of a fairy prince.
aruci f. disgust (at, upari); -ya, a. unpleasant.
parucchepa m. N. of a Rishi (cp. parud-vâra).
svaruci f. own will or pleasure; in. according to one's own will; a. following one's own pleasure; -rûpa, n. own form or shape; form of (g., --°ree;); word itself (±sabda or sabdasya; opp. synonyms, species); own condition, peculiarity, character, nature; oc currence, event (rare): nâmnâm --, names themselves: °ree;-or -tas, ad. in one's own form; by nature, in reality; by itself: -tâ, f. own form: in. literally, in reality,-dhârin, a. having one's own form, -bhâva, m. use of the true form (of a name); -rûpin, a. having one's own or natural form; appearing in the form of (--°ree;); embodied; -rûpa½utprekshâ, f. kind of simile; (svá)-rokis,a. self-lu minous.
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ajātaśatru He is mentioned as a King of Kāśī (Kāśya) in the Brhadāranyaka and Kausītaki Upanisads, where he in­structs the proud Brāhmana Bālāki as to the real nature of the self. He is not to be identified with the Ajātasattu of the Buddhist texts.
anas This is the term used to designate the draft wagon, as opposed to the chariot (ratha) for war or sport, with which it is sometimes expressly contrasted, though Indra is once said to be *seated in a wagon’ (anar-viś)B instead of on a chariot. Though Usas, Goddess of Dawn, sometimes rides on a chariot (ratha), the wagon is her characteristic vehicle. Of its con­struction we know little. The bridal wagon on which Sūryā, the daughter of the Sun, was borne in the marriage hymn in the Rigveda had a covering (Chadis).The axle-box (Kha) is also mentioned.In the Atharvaveda Vipatha appears to denote a rough vehicle used for bad tracks.The wagon was usually drawn by oxen (Anadvāh), as in wedding processions.The wagon of Dawn is described as drawn by ruddy cows or bulls.
aruṇa aupaveśi gautama Is the full style of a teacher, who is repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas, and whose son was the famous Uddālaka Aruni. He was a pupil of Upaveśa, and a contemporary of the prince Aśvapati, by whom he was instructed. Cf. Aruna.
aśvapati (‘Lord of horses’) is a name of a prince of the Kekayas, who instructed Prācīnaśāla and other Brahmins
ahan ‘Day.’ Like other peoples, the Indians used night as a general expression of time as well as day, but by no means predominantly.Night is also termed the dark (krsna), as opposed to the light (arjuna), day. Aho-rātra is a regular term for ‘ day and night ’ combined.The day itself is variously divided. In the Atharvaveda a division into ‘ the rising sun ’ (udyan sūryah), ‘ the coming together of the cows’ (sam-gava), ‘midday’ (madhyam-dina),*afternoon ’ (aparāhna), and ‘ sunset ’ (astam-yan) is found. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana the same series appears with ‘ early ’ (prātar) and ‘ evening ’ (sāyāhna) substituted for the first and last members, while a shorter list gives prātar, samgava, sāyam. In the Maitrāyanī Samhitā there is the series ‘ dawn ’ (usas), samgava, madhyamdina, and aparāhna. The morning is also, according to Zimmer, called api-śarvara, as the time when the dark is just past. It is named svasara, as the time when the cows are feeding, before the -first milking at the samgava, or when the birds are awakening. It is also called pra-pitva, according to Zimmer. But Geldner points out that that term refers to the late midday, which also is called api-śarvara, as bordering on the coming night, being the time when day is hastening to its close, as in a race. From another point of view, evening is called abhi-pitva, the time when all come to rest. Or again, morning and evening are denoted as the dawning of the sun (uditā sūryasya)i or its setting (ni-mruc). The midday is regularly madhyam ahnām, madhye, or madhyamdina. Samgava16 is the forenoon, between the early morning (prātar) and midday (madhyamdina). The divisions of time less than the day are seldom precisely given. In the śatapatha Brāhmana, however, a day and night make up 30 muhūrtas; 1 muhūrta=ι5 ksipra; 1 ksipra — 15 etarhi; 1 etarhi= 15 idāni; 1 idāni = 15 breathings; 1 breath¬ing =1 spiration; 1 spiration = ι twinkling (nimesa), etc. In the śānkhāyana Áranyaka the series is dhvamsayo, nimesāh, kāsthāh, kalāh, ksanā, muhūrtā, ahorātrāh. A thirtyfold division of day as well as of night is seen in one passage of the Rigveda by Zimmer, who compares the Babylonian sixty¬fold division of the day and night. But the expression used— thirty Yojanas—is too vague and obscure—Bergaigne refers it to the firmament—to build any theory upon with safety.
indradyumna bhāllaveya vaiyāghrapadya Is mentioned as a teacher who with others was unable to agree as to the nature of Agni Vaiśvānara, and who was instructed by Aśvapati Kaikeya. As Bhāllaveya he is cited several times in the śatapatha Brāhmana on ritual points.
ulūkhala Is the regular expression for * mortar ’ from the Rigveda onwards, occurring frequently also in the compound Ulūkala-musala, * mortar and pestle.’ The exact construction of the vessel is quite unknown till we reach the Sūtra period.
ūrṇāvatī In the hymn of the Rigveda which celebrates the rivers Ludwig finds a reference to an affluent of the Indus called Urnāvatī. This interpretation, however, seems certainly wrong. Roth renders the word merely as ‘ woolly,’ and Zimmer rejects Ludwig’s explanation on the ground that it throws the structure of the hymn into confusion. Pischel makes the word an epithet of the Indus, ‘rich in sheep.’
ṛtvij Is the regular term for ‘ sacrificial priest,’ covering all the different kinds of priests employed at the sacrifice. It appears certain that all the priests were Brāhmanas. The number of priests officiating at a sacrifice with different functions was almost certainly seven. The oldest list, occurring in one passage of the Rigveda, enumerates their names as Hotr, Potr, Nestr, Agnīdh, Praśāstr, Adhvaryu, Brahman, besides the institutor of the sacrifice. The number of seven probably explains the phrase ‘ seven Hotrs ’ occurring so frequently in the Rigveda, and is most likely connected with that of the mythical ‘ seven Rsis.’ It may be compared with the eight of Iran. The chief of the seven priests was the Hotr, who was the singer of the hymns, and in the early times their composer also. The Adhvaryu performed the practical work of the sacrifice, and accompanied his performance with muttered formulas of prayer and deprecation of evil. His chief assist­ance was derived from the Agnīdh, the two performing the smaller sacrifices without other help in practical matters. The Praśāstr, Upavaktr, or Maitrāvaruna, as he was variously called, appeared only in the greater sacrifices as giving in­structions to the Hotr, and as entrusted with certain litanies. The Potr, Nestr, and Brahman belonged to the ritual of the Soma sacrifice, the latter being later styled Brāhmanāc- chamsin to distinguish him from the priest who in the later ritual acted as supervisor. Other priests referred to in the Rigveda are the singers of Sāmans or chants, the Udgātr and his assistant the Prastotr, while the Pratihartr, another assistant, though not mentioned, may quite well have been known. Their functions undoubtedly represent a later stage of the ritual, the development of the elaborate series of sacrificial calls on the one hand, and on the other the use of long hymns addressed to the Soma plant. Other priests, such as the Achāvāka, the Grāvastut, the Unnetr, and the Subrahmanyan were known later in the developed ritual of the Brāhmanas, making in all sixteen priests, who were technically and artificially classed in four groups : Hotr, Maitrāvaruna, Achāvāka, and Grāvastut; Udgātr, Prastotr, Pratihartr, and Subrahmanya; Adhvaryu, Pratisthātr, Nestr, and Unnetr; Brahman, Brāhmanācchamsin, Agnīdhra, and Poty. Apart from all these priests was the Purohita, who was the spiritual adviser of the king in all his religious duties. Geldner holds that, as a rule, when the Purohita actually took part in one of the great sacrifices he played the part of the Brahman, in the sense of the priest who superintended the whole conduct of the ritual. He sees evidence for this view in a considerable number of passages of the Rigveda and the later literature, where Purohita and Brahman were combined or identified. Oldenberg, however, more correctly points out that in the earlier period this was not the case: the Purohita was then normally the Hotr, the singer of the most important of the songs; it was only later that the Brahman, who in the capacity of overseer of the rite is not known to the Rigveda, acquired the function of general supervision hitherto exercised by the Purohita, who was ex officio skilled in the use of magic and in guarding the king by spells which could also be applied to guarding the sacrifice from evil demons. With this agrees the fact that Agni, pre-eminently the Purohita of men, is also a Hotr, and that the two divine Hotrs of the Aprī hymns are called the divine Purohitas. On the other hand, the rule is explicitly recognized in the Aitareya Brāhmana that a Ksatriya should have a Brahman as a Purohita; and in the Taittirīya Samhitā the Vasistha family have a special claim to the office of Brahman-Purohita, perhaps an indi¬cation that it was they who first as Purohitas exchanged the function of Hotys for that of Brahmans in the sacrificial ritual. The sacrifices were performed for an individual in the great majority of cases. The Sattra, or prolonged sacrificial session, was, however, performed for the common benefit of the priests taking part in it, though its advantageous results could only be secured if all the members actually engaged were consecrated (ιdīksita). Sacrifices for a people as such were unknown. The sacrifice for the king was, it is true, intended to bring about the prosperity of his people also; but it is characteristic that the prayer16 for welfare includes by name only the priest and the king, referring to the people indirectly in connexion with the prosperity of their cattle and agriculture.
edidhiṣuḥpati Is a term occurring only in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, where the commentator Mahīdhara interprets it as meaning the * husband of a younger sister married before the elder sister.’ Though this sense is probably correct, the form is doubtless, as Delbruck points out, corrupt. See Didhisūpati.
kaṅkata Is the name of an animal mentioned once in the Rigveda. According to Sāyana it is a destructive beast; perhaps, as Grassmann renders it, a ‘ scorpion.
koka A word occurring in the Rigveda and the Atharva­veda, seems to denote the ‘ cuckoo.’ In all the three passages in which it is found, Sāyana explains it as the Cakravāka. Roth renders it in the Atharvaveda passages as a certain destructive parasitic animal. Cf. Anyavāpa.
kṣatriya As the origin of caste, the relation of the castes, intermarriage, and cognate matters may most conveniently be discussed under Varna, this article will be confined to deter­mining, as far as possible, the real character of the class called Ksatriyas, or collectively Ksatra. The evidence of the Jātakas points to the word Khattiya denoting the members of the old Aryan nobility who had led the tribes to conquest, as well as those families of the aborigines who had managed to maintain their princely status in spite of the conquest. In the epic also the term Ksatriya seems to include these persons, but it has probably a wider signification than Khattiya, and would cover all the royal military vassals and feudal chiefs, expressing, in fact, pretty much the same as the barones of early English history. Neither in the Jātakas nor in the epic is the term co-extensive with all warriors; the army contains many besides the Ksatriyas, who are the leaders or officers, rather than the rank and file.In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas the Ksatriya stands as a definite member of the social body, distinct from the priest, the subject people, and the slaves, Brāhmana, Vaiśya, and Sūdra. It is significant that Rājanya is a variant to Ksatriya, and an earlier one. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that the Ksatriya and Rājanya are both of similar origin, being princely or connected with royalty. Moreover, the early use of Ksatriya in the Rigveda is exclusively con-nected with royal authority or divine authority. It is impossible to say exactly what persons would be in¬cluded in the term Ksatriya. That it covered the royal house and the various branches of the royal family may be regarded as certain. It, no doubt, also included the nobles and their families: this would explain the occasional opposition of Rājanya and Ksatriya, as in the Aitareya Brāhmana,8 where a Rājanya asks a Ksatriya for a place for sacrifice (deυa-yajana). Thus, when strictly applied, Ksatriya would have a wider denotation than Rājanya. As a rule, however, the two expressions are identical, and both are used as evidence in what follows. That Ksatriya ever included the mere fighting man has not been proved: in the Rigveda9 and later10 others than Ksatriyas regularly fought; but possibly if the nobles had retinues as the kings had, Ksatriya would embrace those retainers who had military functions. The term did not apply to all members of the royal entourage; for example, the Grāmanī was usually a Vaiśya. The connexion of the Ksatriyas with the Brahmins was very close. The prosperity of the two is repeatedly asserted to be indissolubly associated, especially in the relation of king (Rājan) and domestic priest (Purohita). Sometimes there was feud between Ksatriya and Brahmin. His management of the sacrifice then gave the Brahmin power to ruin the Ksatriya by embroiling him with the people or with other Ksatriyas. Towards the common people, on the other hand, the Ksa¬triya stood in a relation of well-nigh unquestioned superiority. There are, however, references to occasional feuds between the people and the nobles, in which no doubt the inferior numbers of the latter were compensated by their superior arms and prowess. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Vaiśya is described as tributary to another (anyasya bali-krt), to be devoured by another (anyasyādya), and to be oppressed at will (yathākāma-jyeya). Probably these epithets apply most strictly to the relation of the king and his people, but the passage shows that the people were greatly at the mercy of the nobles. No doubt the king granted to them the right, which may have been hereditary, to be supported by the common people, whose feudal superiors they thus became. In return for these privileges the Kṣatriyas had probably duties of protection to perform, as well as some judicial functions, to judge from an obscure passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā. The main duty of the Ksatriya in the small states of the Vedic period was readiness for war. The bow is thus his special attribute, just as the goad is that of the agriculturist; for the bow is the main weapon of the Veda. Whether the Ksatriyas paid much attention to mental occupations is uncertain. In the latest stratum of the Brāhmana literature there are references to learned princes like Janaka of Videha, who is said to have become a Brahmin (brahmā), apparently in the sense that he had the full knowledge which a Brahmin possessed. Other learned Ksatriyas of this period were Pravāhana Jaivali, Aśvapati Kaikeya, and Ajātaśatru Garbe, Grierson, and others believe they are justified in holding the view that the Ksatriyas developed a special philosophy of their own as opposed to Brahminism, which appears later as Bhakti, or Faith. On the other hand, there is clear evidence that the opinion of Ksatriyas on such topics were held in little respect, and it must be remembered that to attribute wisdom to a king was a delicate and effective piece of flattery. There are earlier references to royal sages (rājan- yarsi) but it is very doubtful if much stress can be laid on them, and none can be laid on the later tradition of Sāyana. Again, the Nirukta gives a tradition relating how Devāpi, a king’s son, became the Purohita of his younger brother Samtanu; but it is very doubtful if the story can really be traced with Sieg in the Rigveda itself. In any case, the stories refer only to a few selected Ksatriyas of high rank, while there is no evidence that the average Ksatriya was concerned with intellectual pursuits. Nor is there any reference to Ksatriyas engaging in agriculture or in trade or commerce. It may be assumed that the duties of administration and war were adequate to absorb his atten¬tion. On the other hand, we do hear of a Rājanya as a lute player and singer at the Aśvamedha or horse sacrifice. Of the training and education of a Ksatriya we have no record; presumably, as in fact if not in theory later on, he was mainly instructed in the art of war, the science of the bow, and the rudimentary administrative functions which would devolve on him. At this early state of the development of the nobility which appears to be represented in the Rigveda, it was probably not unusual or impossible for a Vaiśya to become a Ksatriya; at least, this assumption best explains the phrase ‘claiming falsely a Ksatriya’s rank ’ (ksatriyam mithuyā dhārayantam). The king and the Ksatriyas must have stood in a particularly close relation. The former being the Ksatriya par excellence, it is to him rather than to the ordinary Ksatriya that we must refer passages like that in the Satapatha Brāhmana, where it is said that the Ksatriya, with the consent of the clansmen, gives a settlement to a man : clearly a parallel to the rule found among many peoples that the chief, but only with the consent of the people, can make a grant of unoccupied land. In the same Brāhmana it is said that a Ksatriya consecrates a Ksatriya, a clear reference, as the commentator explains, to the practice of the old king consecrating the prince (kumāra) who is to succeed him ; and again, the Ksatriya and the Purohita are regarded as alone complete in contrast with other people, the parallel with the Purohita here suggesting that the Ksatriya par excellence is meant. On the other hand, the king is sometimes con¬trasted with the Rājanya. The Sūtra literature contains elaborate rules for the education and occupations of Ksatriyas, but their contents cannot always be traced in the Brāhmana literature, and their value is questionable.
gṛha Is used in the singular, or oftener in the plural, to denote the ‘ house ’of the Vedic Indian. Dama or Dam has the same sense, while Pastyā and Harmya denote more especially the home with its surroundings, the family settle¬ment. The house held not only the family, which might be of considerable size, but also the cattle and the sheep at night. It was composed of several rooms, as the use of the plural indicates, and it could be securely shut up. The door (Dvār, Dvāra) is often referred to, and from it the house is called Durona. In every house the fire was kept burning. Very little is known of the structure of the house. Presum¬ably stone was not used, and houses were, as in Megasthenes’ time, built of wood. The hymns of the Atharvaveda give some information about the construction of a house, but the details are extremely obscure, for most of the expressions used do not recur in any context in which their sense is clear. According to Zimmer, four pillars (Upamit) were set up on a good site, and against them beams were leant at an angle as props (Pratimit). The upright pillars were connected by cross beams (Parimit) resting upon them. The roof was formed of ribs of bamboo cane (vamśa), a ridge called Visūvant, and a net (Aksu), which may mean a thatch’ed covering over the bamboo ribs. The walls were filled up with grass in bundles (palada), and the whole structure was held together with ties of various sorts (nahana, prānāha, samdamśa, parisvañjalya).13 In connexion with the house, mention is made of four terms which, though primarily sacrificial in meaning, seem to designate parts of the building: Havirdhāna, ‘oblation-holder’; Agniśāla, ‘ fire¬place Patnīnām Sadana, wives’ room ’; and Sadas, ‘ sitting room.’ Slings or hanging vessels (Sikya) are also mentioned. Reedwork (ita) is spoken of, no doubt as part of the finishing of the walls of the house. The sides are called Paksa. The door with its framework was named Atā.
cakṣus eye.’The ‘ evil eye * (ghoram caksus) was well known in the Atharvaveda, which contains spells to counteract its influence.As remedies against it are mentioned salve from Mount Trikakubh and the Jañgida plant. In the wedding ceremony the wife is entreated not to have the evil eye (aghora- caksus). The structure of the eye, and its division into white (śukla), dark (krsna), and the pupil (kanīnakā) are repeatedly referred to in the later Brāhmanas. The disease Alaji appears to have been an affection of the eyes.
jabhya ‘Snapper,’ denotes in the Atharvaveda an insect destructive to grain.
tilvaka Is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmana as a tree (Symplocos racemosa), near which it is inauspicious to construct a grave. The adjectival derivative tailvaka, ‘ made of the wood of the Tilvaka,’ is found in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and is employed to describe the yūpa, or sacrificial post, in the Sadvimśa Brāhmana.
dāsaveśa Occurring only once in the Rigveda, probably designates a Dāsa named Veśa. Sāyana's interpretation of the word as ‘ destruction of foes ’can hardly be correct.
daiyāṃpāti Descendant of Dayāmpāta,’ is the name of a teacher of the east, who was instructed by Sāçdilyāyana* according to the Satapatha Brāhmana in the lore of the construction of the fire-altar. The same patronymic is given, in the form of Dayyāmpāti, to Plaksa, the contemporary of Atyamhas in the Taittirīya Brāhmana.
drughaṇa Is found in the Mudgala hymn of the Rigveda and in the Atharvaveda. The sense is uncertain. Yāska renders it as a ‘ ghana made of wood,’ probably, as Roth takes it, meaning a ‘club of wood.’ Geldner thinks that it was a wooden bull used by Mudgala as a substitute for a second bull when he wanted to join in a race. But this interpretation of the legend is very improbable. Whitney translates the word as ‘ tree-smiter ’ in the Atharvaveda, quoting Sāyana, who explains it as a ‘ cutting instrument,’ so called because trees are struck with it.
dharma Are the regular words, the latter in the Rigveda, and both later, for ‘ law ’ or ‘ custom.’ But there is very little evidence in the early literature as to the administra­tion of justice or the code of law followed. On the other hand, the Dharma Sūtras contain full particulars.Criminal Law.—The crimes recognized in Vedic literature vary greatly in importance, while there is no distinction adopted in principle between real crimes and what now are regarded as fanciful bodily defects or infringements of merely conventional practices. The crimes enumerated include the slaying of an embryo (
dhruva In the Sūtras denotes the pole star, being mentioned in connexion with the marriage ritual, in which the star is constancy. In the Maitrāyanī Upanisad, a late work, the movement of the Dhruvā (dhruvasya pracalanam) is mentioned, but this can hardly be interpreted as referring to an actual observed motion of the nominal pole star, but rather to an extraordinary event, such as a destruction of the world, as Cowell understood the expression. Jacobi sees in the motion of the Dhruvā the possibility of fixing a date, on the ground that the only star which could have been deemed a pole star, as * immovable,’ was one (α Draconis) of the third millenium B.C. But this attempt to extract chronology from the name of the star is of very doubtful validity.
nakṣatra Is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The śatapatha Brāhmana re­solves it into na-ksatra (‘ no power ’), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta refers it to the root naks, ‘obtain/ following the Taittirīya Brāhmana. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from nakta-tra, ‘ guardian of night/ and more recently the derivation from nak-ksatra, ‘ having rule over night/ seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ‘star/ The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later.—The sense of star ’ appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. The same sense occurs in the later Samhitās also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together, or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, or the moon and the Naksatras, or the Naksatras alone; but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of lunar mansion ’ in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Aghās (plur.) and Arjunī (dual) the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghās (plur.) and Phālgunī (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Sūryā, has no claim to great age. Ludwig and Zimmer have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revatī (£ rich ’) and punarvasīi (‘ bringing wealth again’) in another hymn appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions.—In several passages of the later Samhitās the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kāthaka and Taittirīya Samhitās it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohinī; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitās: the Taittīriya has, and the Kāthaka no number; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittirīya Samhitā and elsewhere. The number 28 is much less well attested: in one passage of the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book, in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number: it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manāzil are 28 in number.28 Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Lātyāyana and Nidāna Sūtras as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidāna Sūtra makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sāvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J• days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda. The Names of the Naksatras.—In addition to the two mentioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda gives the names of Jyesthaghnī (the later Jyesthā) and Vicrtau, which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatīs (plural) and Kyttikās. With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyādhāna, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kāthaka Samhitā, the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and the Taittirīya Brāhmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikās, Rohinī, Phalgunyas, Hasta; the latter Brāhmana adds Punar- vasū, and in an additional remark excludes Pūrve Phālgunī in favour of Uttare Phālgunī. The śatapatha Brāhmana adds Mrgaśīrsa and Citrā as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasū is recommended by all authorities as suitable for the Punarādheya, 'relaying of the sacred fires,’ which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer. The Kāthaka Samhitā, however, allows Anurādhās also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or 'piling of the fire- altar,’ the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated to 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense. But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitās enumerate the 27, The Taittirīya Brāhmana has a list of the Naksatras which agrees generally with the list of the Samhitās. It runs as follows: Kyttikās, Rohinī, Invakās, Bāhū (dual), Tisya, Aśleṣās, Maghās, Pūrve Phālgunī, Uttare Phālgunī, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Rohinī, Mūlabarhanī, Pūrvā Asādhās', Uttarā Asādhās, Sronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Pūrve Prosthapadās, Uttare Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Apabharanīs. In a later book, however, the list grows to 28, and the full moon is inserted after number 14, and the new moon after number, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra (lunar) month into accordance with the Sāvana (solar) month of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the Samhitās with the following exceptions. The seven stars of the Krttikās are named as Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varsayantī, Cupunīkā, names found also in the Taittirīya and Kāthaka Samhitās. Beside Mrgaśīrsa, Invakās are also mentioned. Then come Ardrā, Punarvasū, Tisya, Aśresās, Maghās (beside which Anaghās, Agadās, and Arun- dhatīs are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Jyesthā, Mūla, Asādhās, Asā(jhās, Abhijit, śronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadās, Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanīs. Abhijit, which occurs also in an earlier part of the Brāhmana, is perhaps interpolated. But Weber’s argument that Abhijit is out of place in this list because Brāhmana is here mentioned as the 28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown to him) that the list in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā contains 28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brāhmana at the end as another. In another passage the Taittirīya Brāhmana divides the Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit) respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third book of the Brāhmana60 where the days of the light half of the month and those of the dark half are equated with the Naksatras. The Brāhmana treats the former series as south, the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, and can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity. The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names here (masc.), Viśākhe, Anurādhā, Jyesthā, Mūla, Pūrvā Asādhās, Uttarā Asādhās, Abhijit, śravana, śravisthās, śatabhisaj, Dvayā Prosthapadā, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras.—There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney in his notes on the Sūrya Siddhānta. 1.Krttikās are unquestionably η Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts, include three --------abhrayantī, forming clouds meghayantī, ‘making cloudy’; varsayantī, ‘causing rain’—which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttikā possibly means ‘web/ from the root krt, spin.’ 2. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy,’ is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, <* θ y 8 e Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajāpati in the Aitareya Brāhmana. He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikāndā, ‘ the belt of Orion ’) by the huntsman ’ (Mrgavyādha, Sirius ’). Prajāpati is clearly Orion (Mrgaśiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion’s head). 3.Mrgaśīrsa or Mrgaśiras, also called Invakā or Invagā, seems to be the faint stars λ, φ,1 φ2 Orionis. They are called Andhakā, * blind,’ in the śāntikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness. 4.Ardrā, ‘ moist,’ is the name of the brilliant star, α Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Árdrās in the śāñkhāyana Grhya Sūtra and the Naksatrakalpa, and in the dual as Bāhú, in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,’ denotes the two stars, a and β Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Aśvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri. 6.Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, δ, and θ Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent. 7. Aśresās or Aślesās, which in some texts is certainly to be read Aśresās or Aślesas, denotes δ, e, η, p, σ, and perhaps also ζ, Hydrse. The word means ‘embracer,’ a name which admirably fits the constellation. 8. Maghās, the ‘bounties,’ are the Sickle, or α, γ, ζ, μ, e Leonis. The variants Anaghā, the ‘ sinless one,’ etc.,clearly refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation. 9. 10. Phālgunī, Phalgunyau, Phalgū, Phalg-unīs, Phal- gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Pūrve, ‘ former,’ and Uttare, ‘latter.’ The former is δ and θ Leonis, the latter β and Leonis. According to Weber, the word denotes, like Arjunī, the variant of the Rigveda, a ‘ bright- coloured ’ constellation. 11. Hasta, ‘hand,’ is made up of the five conspicuous stars (δ> Ί, e, a, β) in Corvus, a number which the word itself suggests. According to Geldner, the ‘ five bulls ’ of the Rigveda are this constellation. 12. Citrā, ‘bright,’ is the beautiful star, a Virginis. It is mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and in that of the ‘ two divine dogs ’ (divyau śvānau) in the śatapatha Brāhmana. 13. Svāti or Nistyā is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice in the śāntikalpa, where it is said to be ‘ ever traversing the northern way ’ (nityam uttara-mārgagam). The Taittirīya Brāhmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajāpati, giving him Citrā (α Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for hand, the Viśākhe (α and β Librae) for thighs, and the Anurādhās (β, δ, and 7r Scorpionis) for standing place, with Nistyā for heart. But Arcturus, being 30° out, spoils this figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, Virginis and κ Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajāpati figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber’s, Whitney is not certain that Nistyā here must mean a star in Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistyā, ‘outcast,’ suggests the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question. 14.Viśākhe is the couple of stars a and β Librae. This mansion is later called Rādhā according to the Amarakośa, and it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rādho Viśākhe, the Viśākhe are prosperity,’ should occur. But probably Rādhā is merely an invention due to the name of the next Naksatra, Anurādhā, wrongly conceived as meaning that which is after or follows Rādhā.’ 15. Anūrādhās or Anurādhā, propitious,’ is β, δ, and tγ (perhaps also p) Scorpionis. 16. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy ’; Jyesthaghnī, * slaying the eldest ’; or Jyesthā, ‘eldest,’ is the name of the constellation σ, α, and τ Scorpionis, of which the central star, a, is the brilliant reddish Antares (or Cor Scorpionis). 17.Vicrtau, ‘ the two releasers ’; Mūla, ‘ root or Mūla- barhanī, ‘ uprooting,’ denote primarily λ and v at the extremity of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine or eleven stars from e to v. 18.19. Asādhās (‘ unconquered ’), distinguished as Pūrvās, ‘ former,’ and Uttarās, ‘ latter,’ are really two constellations, of which the former is composed of γ, δ, e, and η Sagittarii, or of 8 and e only, and the latter of θ, σ, t, and ξ Sagittarii, or of two, σ and ζ, only. It is probable that originally only four stars forming a square were meant as included in the whole constellation —viz., σ and f, with 8 and e. 20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two companions e and ζ. Its location in 6o° north latitude is completely discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian and Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg to support the view that it was a later addition to the system; its occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is said to be ‘over Asādhās, under śronā,’ which Weber held to refer to its position in space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded to that of the Arab Manāzil and the Chinese Sieou—viz., a, β Capricorni. But Whitney argues effectively that the words ‘ over ’ and ‘ under ’ really refer to the place of Abhijit in the list, ‘ after ’ Asādhās and ‘ before ’ Sronā. 21. Sronā, ‘lame,’ or Sravana, ‘ ear,’ denotes the bright star a Aquilai with β below and 7 above it. Weber very need- lessly thinks that the name Sravana suggested two ears and the head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the Manāzil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention. 22. śravisthās, ‘ most famous,’ or later Dhanisthās, ‘most wealthy,’ is the diamond-shaped group, α, β, δ, and 7, in the Dolphin, perhaps also ζ in the same constellation. Like the preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manāzil and Sieou. 23. Satabhisaj or śatabhisa, ‘having a hundred physicians,’ seems to be λ Aquarii with the others around it vaguely conceived as numbering a hundred. 24. 25. Prostha-padās (fem. plur.), ‘ feet of a stool,’ or later Bhadra-padās,100 ‘auspicious feet,’ a double asterism forming a square, the former (pūrva) consisting of a and β Pegasi, the latter (uttara) of γ Pegasi and a Andromedse. 26. Revatī, ‘ wealthy,’ denotes a large number of stars (later 32), of which ζ Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where it was crossed by the equator of about 570 a.d., is given as the southernmost. 27. Aśva-yujau, ‘the two horse-harnessers,’ denotes the stars β and ζ Arietis. Aśvinyau101 and Aśvinī102 are later names. 28. Apabharanīs, Bharanīs, or Bharanyas, ‘ the bearers,’ is the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis. The Naksatras and the Months.—In the Brāhmanas the Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may be turned into a feminine and compounded with pūrna-māsa, ‘the full moon,’ as in Tisyā-pūrnamāsa, ‘the full moon in the Naksatra Tisya.’103 Much more often, however, it is turned into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamāsī, ‘the full moon (night)/ or with amāvāsyā, ‘the new moon (night)/ as in Phālgunī paurnamāsl, ‘the full-moon night in the Naksatra Phālgunī’;104 or, as is usual in the Sūtras, the Naksatra adjective alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month itself is called by a name derived105 from that of a Naksatra, but only Phālguna,106 Caitra,107 Vaiśākha,108 Taisya,109 Māgha110 occur in the Brāhmanas, the complete list later being Phālguna, Caitra, Vaiśākha, Jyaistha, Asādha, Srāvana, Prausthapada, Aśvayuja, Kārttika, Mārgaśīrsa, Taisya, Māgha. Strictly speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar year was clearly very restricted: we have seen that as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmana there was a tendency to equate lunar months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up the solar year (see Māsa). The Naksatras and Chronology.—(i) An endeavour has been made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at which the systematic employment of those names was intro¬duced. Sir William Jones111 refers to this possibility, and Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that śrāvana always marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the months did not date before b.c. Ii8I. Weber112 considered that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but Whitney113 has convincingly shown that it is an impossible feat, and Thibaut114 concurs in this view. Twelve became fixed as the number of the months because of the desire, evident in the Brāhmanas, somehow or other to harmonize lunar with solar time; but the selection of twelve Naksatras out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon can have no chronological significance, because full moon at no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly recurrent intervals. (2) All the lists of the Naksatras begin with Krttikās. It is only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Aśvinī, and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star ζ Piscium on the border of Revatī and Aśvinī, say in the course of the sixth century A.D. Weber has therefore accepted the view that the Krttikās were chosen for a similar reason, and the date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with the Naksatras; and both Thibaut and Oldenberg have pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the equinox with the Krttikās. Jacobi has contended that in the Rigveda the commencement of the rains and the summer solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the old, and that further the new year began with the summer solstice in Phālgunī.121 He has also referred to the distinction of the two sets of Deva and Yama Naksatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as supporting his view of the connexion of the sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory: the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except by translating the word dvādaśa123 as 4 the twelfth (month) * instead of consisting of twelve parts,’ that is, ‘year/ the accepted interpretation; and the division of the Naksatras is not at all satisfactorily explained by a supposed connexion with the sun. It may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikās be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with the vernal equinox, both Whitney and Thibaut are pre¬pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Māgha. (3) The winter solstice in Māgha is assured by a Brāhmana text, for the Kausītaki Brāhmana12® expressly places it in the new moon of Māgha (māghasyāmāυāsyāyām). It is not very important whether we take this with the commentators as the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in Māgha. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch in the following way. If the end of Revatī marked the vernal equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha, when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of Sravisthās. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third quarter of Bharanī, 6f asterisms removed from Sravisthās, and the difference between that and the beginning of Aśvinī = if asterisms = 23 (27 asterisms being = 360°). Taking, the starting-point at 499 a.d., the assured period of Varāha Mihira, Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha—that is, on the basis of ι° = 72 years as the precession. Pratt arrived at precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas of the junction star of Maghā, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis and Colebrooke arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citrā, which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as 30 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation in the Jyotisa, it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J0 extent each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon; and the result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether out of their asterisms. Nor can we say that the star ζ Piscium early formed the eastern boundary of Revatī; it may possibly not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revatī. Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point— 582 a.d., 560 a.d., or 491 a.d. being variants —is the fact that the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin¬able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate observers, since they made no precise determination of the number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even the Sūrya Siddhānta136 does not know the precession of the equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years for possible errors,137 and the only probable conclusion to be drawn from the datum of the Kausītaki Brāhmana is that it was recording an observation which must have been made some centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the probable date of the Brāhmana literature,138 say B.C. 800-600. (4) Another chronological argument has been derived from the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for Phālguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year, since the full moon in Phālgunī is often described as the ‘ mouth (mukham) of the year.’139 Jacobi140 considers that this was due to the fact that the year was reckoned from the winter solstice, which would coincide with the month of Phālguna about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg and Thibaut, on the other hand, maintain that the choice of Phālguna as the ‘ mouth ’ of the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence of the correspondence of Phālguna and the beginning of spring : as we have seen above in the Kausītaki Brāhmana, the new moon in Māgha is placed at the winter solstice, which puts the full moon of Phālgunī at a month and a half after the winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar. This fact accords with the only natural division of the year into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see Cāturmāsya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the winter solstice coincided with Māghī full moon at the time of the Taittirīya Samhitā (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phālgunī and Caitrī in early periods—viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000¬4000. (5) The passages of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, which treat the full moon in Phālguna as the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another alternative is the Ekāstakā, interpreted by the commentators as the eighth day after the full moon in Maghās, a time which might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old year, well be considered as representing the end of the year. A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon; the full moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Álekhana quoted by Ápastamba held, not of Māgha, as Asmarathya, Laugāksi and the Mīmāmsists believed, and as Tilak believes. (6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the year with the month Mārgaśīrsa, as is shown by its other name Agrahāyana (‘ belonging to the commencement of the year ’). Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn equinox in Mrgaśiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in Phālgunī. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra instead of Phālguna. (7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Buhler, from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the Grhya Sūtras, on the principle that study commenced with the rains (as in the Buddhist vassā) which mark the summer solstice. He concludes that if Bhādrapada appears as the date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus because at one time Prosthapadās (the early name of Bhadra- padās) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the case when the winter solstice was in Phālguna. But Whitney155 has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate; we cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the rains and learning—a month like Srāvana might be preferred because of its connexion with the word Sravana, 4 ear ’—and in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that Bhādrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so to coincide. the other astronomical phenomena; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not very complicated ; it consists merely in selecting a star or a star group with which the moon is in conjunction. It is thus impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in China, the Manāzil and the Sieou. The use of the Manāzil in Arabia is consistent and effective ; the calendar is regulated by them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the Manāzil is long posterior to that for the existence of the Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old Testament may really be the lunar mansions. That the Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess held, is, on the other hand, not at all probable. Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers published by him between. 1839 and 1861, attempted to prove the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The latter he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all. He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars observed in the neighbourhood can be referred; they were, as regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were added in B.C. IIOO in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with Mao (= Krttikās), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357. Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory, and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct, but his objections against the basis of Biot’s theory were rein¬forced by Whitney, who insisted that Biot’s supposition of the Sieou’s not having been ultimately derived from a system of lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Lśopold de Saussure, , but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, who has also pointed out that the series does not begin with Mao ( = Krttikās). There remains only the possibility that a common source for all the three sets—Naksatra, Manāzil, and Sieou—may be found in Babylonia. Hommel has endeavoured to show that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the Pleiades ( = Krttikās); but Thibaut’s researches are not favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber, Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the view that in Babylonia is to be found the origin of the system, and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the Adityas, and possibly the word Manā.
nārī ‘Woman,’ occurs in the Rigveda and later. The word seems in the Rigveda to have a distinct reference to a woman as a wife, because it occurs in several passages with distinct reference to matrimonial relations, and in the later Vedic literature, where it is not common, it sometimes has that sense. Delbruck, however, thinks that it does not indi­cate marital relations, but merely the woman as the sexual complement of the man.
nṛmedha Is the name of a protege of Agni in the Rigveda, where he also appears with Sumedhas in a hymn that Griffith with justice declares to be unintelligible. In the Taittirīya Samhitā he is an unsuccessful rival of Parucchepa, and in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana he is an Añgirasa and a seer of Sāmans (Chants).
pati Under these words denoting primarily, as the evidence collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary shows, ‘ lord ’ and ‘ lady,’ and so * husband ’ and * wife,’ it is convenient to consider the marital relations of the Vedic community. Child Marriage.—Marriage in the early Vedic texts appears essentially as a union of two persons of full development. This is shown by the numerous references to unmarried girls who grow old in the house of their fathers (amā-jur), and who adorn themselves in desire of marriage, as well as to the paraphernalia of spells and potions used in the Atharvavedic tradition to compel the love of man or woman respectively, while even the Rigveda itself seems to present us with a spell by which a lover seeks to send all the household to sleep when he visits his beloved. Child wives first occur regularly in the Sūtra period, though it is still uncertain to what extent the rule of marriage before puberty there obtained. The marriage ritual also quite clearly presumes that the marriage is a real and not a nominal one: an essential feature is the taking of the bride to her husband’s home, and the ensuing cohabitation. Limitations on Marriage.—It is difficult to say with certainty within what limits marriage was allowed. The dialogue of Yama and Yam! in the Rigveda seems clearly to point to a prohibition of the marriage of brother and sister. It can hardly be said, as Weber thinks, to point to a practice that was once in use and later became antiquated. In the Gobhila Grhya Sūtra and the Dharma Sūtras are found prohibitions against marriage in the Gotra (‘ family ’) or within six degrees on the mother’s or father’s side, but in the śatapatha Brāh-mana marriage is allowed in the third or fourth generation, the former being allowed, according to Harisvamin, by the Kanvas, and the second by the Saurāstras, while the Dāksi- nātyas allowed marriage with the daughter of the mother’s brother or the son of the father’s sister, but presumably not with the daughter of the mother’s sister or the son of the father’s brother. The prohibition of marriage within the Gotra cannot then have existed, though naturally marriages outside the Gotra were frequent. Similarity of caste was also not an essential to marriage, as hypergamy was permitted even by the Dharma Sūtras, so that a Brāhmana could marry wives of any lower caste, a Ksatriya wives of the two lowest castes as well as of his own caste, a Vaiśya a Sūdrā as well as a Vaiśyā, although the Sūdrā marriages were later disapproved in toto. Instances of such intermarriage are common in the Epic, and are viewed as normal in the Brhaddevatā. It was considered proper that the younger brothers and sisters should not anticipate their elders by marrying before them. The later Samhitās and Brāhmanas present a series of names expressive of such anticipation, censuring as sinful those who bear them. These terms are the pari-vividāna, or perhaps agre-dadhus, the man who, though a younger brother, marries before his elder brother, the latter being then called the parivitta; the agre-didhisu, the man who weds a younger daughter while her elder sister is still unmarried; and the Didhisū-pati, who is the husband of the latter. The passages do not explicitly say that the exact order of birth must always be followed, but the mention of the terms shows that the order was often broken. Widow Remarriage. The remarriage of a widow was apparently permitted. This seems originally to have taken the form of the marriage of the widow to the brother or other nearest kinsman of the dead man in order to produce children. At any rate, the ceremony is apparently alluded to in a funeral hymn of the Rigveda ; for the alternative explanation, which sees in the verse a reference to the ritual of the Purusamedha (‘human sacrifice’), although accepted by Hillebrandt and Delbruck, is not at all probable, while the ordinary view is supported by the Sūtra evidence. Moreover, another passage of the Rigveda clearly refers to the marriage of the widow and the husband’s brother {devr), which constitutes what the Indians later knew as Niyoga. This custom was probably not followed except in cases where no son was already born. This custom was hardly remarriage in the strict sense, since the brother might—so far as appears—be already married himself. In the Atharvaveda, a verse refers to a charm which would secure the reunion, in the next world, of a wife and her second husband. Though, as Delbruck thinks, this very possibly refers to a case in which the first husband was still alive, but was impotent or had lost caste (patita), still it is certain that the later Dharma Sūtras began to recognize ordinary remarriage in case of the death of the first husband Pischel finds some evidence in the Rigveda to the effect that a woman could remarry if her husband disappeared and could not be found or heard of. Polygamy. A Vedic Indian could have more than one wife. This is proved clearly by many passages in the Rigveda; Manu, according to the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, had ten wives ; and the Satapatha Brāhmana explains polygamy by a characteristic legend. Moreover, the king regularly has four wives attributed to him, the Mahisī, the Parivrktī, the Vāvātā, and the Pālāgalī. The Mahisī appears to be the chief wife, being the first, one married according to the śata¬patha Brāhmana. The Parivrktī, ‘ the neglected,’ is explained by Weber and Pischel as one that has had no son. The Vāvātā is ‘the favourite,’ while the Pālāgalī is, according to Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. The names are curious, and not very intelligible, but the evidence points to the wife first wedded alone being a wife in the fullest sense. This view is supported by the fact emphasized by Delbruck, that in the sacrifice the Patnī is usually mentioned in the singular, apparent exceptions being due to some mythological reason. Zimmer is of opinion that polygamy is dying out in the Rigvedic period, monogamy being developed from pologamy; Weber, however, thinks that polygamy is secondary, a view that is supported by more recent anthropology. Polyandry.—On the other hand, polyandry is not Vedic. There is no passage containing any clear reference to such a custom. The most that can be said is that in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda verses are occasionally found in which husbands are mentioned in relation to a single wife. It is difficult to be certain of the correct explanation of each separate instance of this mode of expression; but even if Weber’s view, that the plural is here used majestatis causa, is not accepted, Delbruck’s explanation by mythology is probably right. In other passages the plural is simply generic. Marital Relations.—Despite polygamy, however, there is ample evidence that the marriage tie was not, as Weber has suggested, lightly regarded as far as the fidelity of the wife was concerned. There is, however, little trace of the husband’s being expected to be faithful as a matter of morality. Several passages, indeed, forbid, with reference to ritual abstinence, intercourse with the strī of another. This may imply that adultery on the husband’s part was otherwise regarded as venial. But as the word strī includes all the ‘womenfolk,’ daughters and slaves, as well as wife, the conclusion can hardly be drawn that intercourse with another man’s ‘wife’ was normally regarded with indifference. The curious ritual of the Varunapraghāsās, in which the wife of the sacrificer is questioned as to her lovers, is shown by Delbruck to be a part of a rite meant to expiate unchastity on the part of a wife, not as a normal question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife. Again, Yājñavalkya’s doctrine in the Satapatha Brāhmana, which seems to assert that no one cares if a wife is unchaste (parah-pumsā) or not, really means that no one cares if the wife is away from the men who are sacrificing, as the wives of the gods are apart from them during the particular rite in question. Monogamy is also evidently approved, so that some higher idea of morality was in course of formation. On the other hand, no Vedic text gives us the rule well known to other Indo-Germanic peoples that the adulterer taken in the act can be killed with impunity, though the later legal literature has traces of this rule. There is also abundant evidence that the standard of ordinary sexual morality was not high. Hetairai. In the Rigveda there are many references to illegitimate love and to the abandonment of the offspring of such unions,ββ especially in the case of a protege of Indra, often mentioned as the parāvrkta or parāvrj. The ‘son of a maiden ’ (kumārī-putra) is already spoken of in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. Such a person appears with a metronymic in the Upanisad period: this custom may be the origin of metro- nymics such as those which make up a great part of the lists of teachers (Vamśas) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad. The Vājasaneyi Samhitā refers to illicit unions of śūdra and Arya, both male and female, besides giving in its list of victims at the Purusamedha, or ‘human sacrifice,’ several whose designations apparently mean ‘ courtesan (atītvarī) and ‘ procuress of abortion ’ (
pitāmaha Beside Tatāmaha, denotes from the Atharvaveda onwards the ‘paternal grandfather,’ apparently as a ‘father in a higher sense.’ The great-grandfather is Prapitāmaha and Pratatāmaha. It is significant that there are no corresponding Vedic words for maternal grandparents, and that the words used in the latter language, such as Mātāmaha, are imitations of the terms for paternal relations. In one passage of the Rigveda Delbruck suggests that make pitre means ‘ grandfather,’ a sense which would well suit the napātam, ‘grandson,’ following, but the sense of the whole passage is uncertain. We learn very little from the texts of the position of grandparents. No doubt they were entitled to marks of respect similar to those shown to parents, as the epic expressly testifies. A grandfather might easily be the head of the family, or be living with his eldest son, after he ceased to be able to control the family.The grandmother (Pitāmahī) is not mentioned in the extant Vedic literature.
pitṛ Common from the Rigveda onwards, denotes ‘father, not so much as the ‘begetter’ (janitr) but rather as the pro­tector of the child, this being probably also the etymological sense of the word. The father in the Rigveda stands for all that is good and kind. Hence Agni is compared with a father, while Indra is even dearer than a father. The father carries his son in his arms, and places him on his lap, while the child pulls his garment to attract attention. In later years the son depends on his father for help in trouble, and greets him with joy. It is difficult to ascertain precisely how far the son was subject to parental control, and how long such control continued. Reference is made in the Rigveda to a father’s chastising his son for gambling, and Rjrāśva is said to have been blinded by his father. From the latter statement Zimmer infers the existence of a developed patria potestas, but to lay stress on this isolated and semi-mythical incident would be unwise. It is, however, quite likely that the patria potestas was originally strong, for we have other support for the thesis in the Roman patria potestas. If there is no proof that a father legally controlled his son’s wedding, and not much that he controlled his daughter’s, the fact is in itself not improbable. There is again no evidence to show whether a son, when grown up, normally continued to stay with his father, his wife becoming a member of the father’s household, or whether he set up a house of his own : probably the custom varied. Nor do we know whether the son was granted a special plot of land on marriage or otherwise, or whether he only came into such property after his father’s death. But any excessive estimate of the father’s powers over a son who was no longer a minor and naturally under his control, must be qualified by the fact that in his old age the sons might divide their father’s property, or he might divide it amongst them, and that when the father-in-law became aged he fell under the control of his son’s wife. There are also obscure traces that in old age a father might be exposed, though there is no reason to suppose that this was usual in Vedic India. Normally the son was bound to give his father full obedience. The later Sūtras show in detail the acts of courtesy which he owed his father, and they allow him to eat the remnants of his father’s food. On the other hand, the father was expected to be kind. The story of Sunahśepa in the Aitareya Brāh-mana emphasizes the horror with which the father’s heartless treatment of his son was viewed. The Upanisads insist on the spiritual succession from father to son. The kissing of a son was a frequent and usual token of affection, even in mature years. On the failure of natural children, adoption was possible. It was even resorted to when natural children existed, but when it was desired to secure the presence in the family of a person of specially high qualifications, as in Visvamitra’s adoption of Sunahśepa. It is not clear that adoption from one caste into another was possible, for there is no good evidence that Viśvāmitra was, as Weber holds, a Ksatriya who adopted a Brāhmana. Adoption was also not always in high favour: it may be accidental or not that a hymn of the Vasistha book of the Rigveda condemns the usage. It was also possible for the father who had a daughter, but no sons, to appoint her to bear a son for him. At any rate the practice appears to be referred to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda as interpreted by Yāska. Moreover, it is possible that the difficulty of a brotherless maiden finding a husband may have been due in part to the possibility of her father desiring to make her a Putrikā, the later technical name for a daughter whose son is to belong to her father’s family. There can be no doubt that in a family the father took precedence of the mother. Delbruck explains away the apparent cases to the contrary. There is no trace of the family as a land-owning corporation. The dual form Pitarau regularly means ‘father and mother,’ ‘parents.
puruṣa mṛga The ‘man wild beast,’ occurs in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda. Zimmer’s view that the ape is meant seems probable. According to him also, the word Puruça alone, in two passages of the Atharvaveda, refers to the ape and its cry (māyu); but this sense is not necessary, and it is not adopted by Bloomfield, though Whitney does not think the rendering ‘cry of a man’ satisfactory, the term māyu not being properly applicable to the noise made by human beings.
prabudh Occurring in one passage of the Rigveda, is used in the locative parallel with nimruci, ‘at the setting (of the sun),’ and clearly means ‘at the rising (of the sun).’
pravacana means ‘oral instruction,’ ‘Teaching,’ in the śata­patha Brāhmana and later.
phalaka Denotes ‘plank,’ as applied in the construction of a cart or chariot, or as used for pressing Soma (adhi-ṣavaṇe phalake), or for any other purpose.
brāmaṇa Descendant of a Brahman' (i.e., of a priest), is found only a few times in the Rigveda, and mostly in its latest parts. In the Atharvaveda and later it is a very common word denoting ‘priest,’ and it appears in the quadruple division of the castes in the Purusa-sūkta (‘hymn of man’) of the Rigveda. It seems certain that in the Rigveda this Brāhmaṇa, or Brahmin, is already a separate caste, differing from the warrior and agricultural castes. The texts regularly claim for them a superiority to the Kṣatriya caste, and the Brahmin is able by his spells or manipulation of the rite to embroil the people and the warriors or the different sections of the warriors. If it is necessary to. recognize, as is sometimes done, that the Brahmin does pay homage to the king at the Rājasūya, nevertheless the unusual fact is carefully explained away so as to leave the priority of the Brahmin unaffected. But it is expressly recognized that the union of the Ksatriya and the Brāhmaṇa is essential for complete prosperity. It is admitted that the king or the nobles might at times oppress the Brahmins, but it is indicated that ruin is then certain swiftly to follow. The Brahmins are gods on earth, like the gods in heaven, but this claim is hardly found in the Rigveda. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Brahmin is said to be the ‘ recipient of gifts * (ādāyt) and the * drinker of the offering ’ (āpāyT). The other two epithets applied, āvasāyī and yathā- kāma-prayāpya, are more obscure; the former denotes either ‘ dwelling everywhere ’ or ‘ seeking food ’; the latter is usually taken as * moving at pleasure,’ but it must rather allude to the power of the king to assign a place of residence to the Brahmin. In the śatapatha Brāhmana the prerogatives of the Brah¬min are summed up as Arcā, ‘honour’; Dāna, ‘gifts’; Aj'yeyatā,‘ freedom from oppression ’; and Avadhyatā, ‘ freedom from being killed.’ On the other hand, his duties are summed up as Brāhmanya, ‘ purity of descent’; Pratirūpa-caryā, ‘devotion of the duties of his caste’; and Loka-pakti, ‘the perfecting of people ’ (by teaching). ī. Respect paid to Brahmins. The texts are full of references to the civilities to be paid to the Brahmin. He is styled bhagavant, and is provided with good food and entertain¬ment wherever he goes. Indeed, his sanctity exempts him from any close inquiry into his real claim to Brahminhood according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. Gifts to Brahmins. The Dānastuti (‘Praise of gifts’) is a recognized feature of the Rigveda, and the greed of the poets for Dakṣiṇās, or sacrificial fees, is notorious. Vedic texts themselves recognize that the literature thence resulting (Nārā- śamsī) was often false to please the donors. It was, however, a rule that Brahmins should not accept what had been refused by others; this indicates a keen sense of the danger of cheapening their wares. So exclusively theirs was the right to receive gifts that the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa has to explain how Taranta and Purumīlha became able to accept gifts by composing a Rigvedic hymn. The exaggerations in the celebration of the gifts bestowed on the priests has the curious result of giving us a series of numerals of some interest (Daśan). In some passages certain gifts those of a horse or sheep are forbidden, but this rule was not, it is clear, generally observed. Immunities of Brahmins. The Brahmin claimed to be exempt from the ordinary exercise of the royal power. When a king gives all his land and what is on it to the priests, the gift does not cover the property of the Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. The king censures all, but not the Brahmin, nor can he safely oppress any Brahmin other than an ignorant priest. An arbitrator (or a witness) must decide (or speak) for a Brahmin against a non-Brahmin in a legal dispute. The Brahmin’s proper food is the Soma, not Surā or Parisrut, and he is forbidden to eat certain forms of flesh. On the other hand, he alone is allowed to eat the remains of the sacrifice, for no one else is sufficiently holy to consume food which the gods have eaten. Moreover, though he cannot be a physician, he helps the physician by being beside him while he exercises his art. His wife and his cow are both sacred. 4.Legal Position of. Brahmins.—The Taittirīya Samhitā lays down a penalty of a hundred (the unit meant is unknown) for an insult to a Brahmin, and of a thousand for a blow ; but if his blood is drawn, the penalty is a spiritual one. The only real murder is the slaying of a Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmana. The crime of slaying a Brahmin ranks above the sin of killing any other man, but below that of killing an embryo (bhrūna) in the Yajurveda ; the crime of slaying an embryo whose sex is uncertain is on a level with that of slaying a Brahmin. The murder of a Brahmin can be expiated only by the horse sacrifice, or by a lesser rite in the late Taittirīya Araṇyaka.The ritual slaying of a Brahmin is allowed in the later ceremonial, and hinted at in the curious legend of śunahśepa ; and a Purohita might be punished with death for treachery to his master. 5.Purity of Birth. The importance of pure descent is seeη in the stress laid on being a descendant of a Rṣi (ārseya). But, on the other hand, there are clear traces of another doctrine, which requires learning, and not physical descent, as the true criterion of Rsihood. In agreement with this is the fact that Satyakāma Jābāla was received as a pupil, though his parentage was unknown, his mother being a slave girl who had been connected with several men, and that in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the ceremony on acceptance as a pupil required merely the name of the pupil. So Kavasa is taunted in the Rigveda Brāhmaṇas as being the son of a female slave (Dāsī), and Vatsa cleared himself of a similar imputation by a fire ordeal. Moreover, a very simple rite was adequate to remove doubts as to origin. In these circumstances it is doubtful whether much value attaches to the Pravara lists in which the ancestors of the priest were invoked at the beginning of the sacrifice by the Hotṛ and the Adhvaryu priests.66 Still, in many parts of the ritual the knowledge of two or more genera¬tions was needed, and in one ceremony ten ancestors who have drunk the Soma are required, but a literal performance of the rite is excused. Moreover, there are clear traces of ritual variations in schools, like those of the Vasisthas and the Viśvāmitras. 6. The Conduct of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required to maintain a fair standard of excellence. He was to be kind to all and gentle, offering sacrifice and receiving gifts. Especial stress was laid on purity of speech ; thus Viśvan- tara’s excuse for excluding the Syaparnas from his retinue was their impure (apūtā) speech. Theirs was the craving for knowledge and the life of begging. False Brahmins are those who do not fulfil their duties (cf, Brahmabandhu). But the penances for breach of duty are, in the Sūtras, of a very light and unimportant character. 7. Brahminical Studies. The aim of the priest is to obtain pre-eminence in sacred knowledge (brahma-varcasam), as is stated in numerous passages of Vedic literature. Such distinction is not indeed confined to the Brahmin: the king has it also, but it is not really in a special manner appropriate to the Kṣatriya. Many ritual acts are specified as leading to Brahmavarcasa, but more stress is laid on the study of the sacred texts : the importance of such study is repeatedly insisted upon. The technical name for study is Svādhyāya : the śatapatha Brāhmana is eloquent upon its advantages, and it is asserted that the joy of the learned śrotriya, or ‘student,’ is equal to the highest joy possible. Nāka Maudgfalya held that study and the teaching of others were the true penance (tapas).7δ The object was the ‘ threefold knowledge’ (trayī vidyā), that of the Rc, Yajus, and Sāman, a student of all three Vedas being called tri-śukriya or tn-sukra, ‘thrice pure.’ Other objects of study are enumerated in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, in the Taittirīya Aranyaka, the Chāndogya Upanisad, etc. (See Itihāsa, Purāna; Gāthā, Nārāśamsī; Brahmodya; Anuśās- ana, Anuvyākhyāna, Anvākhyāna, Kalpa, Brāhmaria; Vidyā, Ksatravidyā, Devajanavidyā, Nakçatravidyā, Bhūta- vidyā, Sarpavidyā; Atharvāñgirasah, Daiva, Nidhi, Pitrya, Rāśi; Sūtra, etc.) Directions as to the exact place and time of study are given in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka and in the Sūtras. If study is carried on in the village, it is to be done silently (manasā); if outside, aloud (vācā). Learning is expected even from persons not normally competent as teachers, such as the Carakas, who are recognized in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as possible sources of information. Here, too, may be mentioned the cases of Brahmins learning from princes, though their absolute value is doubtful, for the priests would naturally represent their patrons as interested in their sacred science: it is thus not necessary to see in these notices any real and independent study on the part of the Kṣatriyas. Yājñavalkya learnt from Janaka, Uddālaka Aruni and two other Brahmins from Pravāhaṇa Jaivali, Drptabālāki Gārgya from Ajātaśatru, and five Brahmins under the lead of Aruṇa from Aśvapati Kaikeya. A few notices show the real educators of thought: wandering scholars went through the country and engaged in disputes and discussions in which a prize was staked by the disputants. Moreover, kings like Janaka offered rewards to the most learned of the Brahmins; Ajātaśatru was jealous of his renown, and imitated his generosity. Again, learned women are several times mentioned in the Brāhmaṇas. A special form of disputation was the Brahmodya, for which there was a regular place at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and at the Daśarātra (‘ ten-day festival,). The reward of learning was the gaining of the title of Kavi or Vipra, ‘ sage.’ 8. The Functions of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required not merely to practise individual culture, but also to give others the advantage of his skill, either as a teacher or as a sacrificial priest, or as a Purohita. As a teacher the Brahmin has, of course, the special duty of instructing his own son in both study and sacrificial ritual. The texts give examples of this, such as Áruṇi and Svetaketu, or mythically Varuṇa and Bhṛgu. This fact also appears from some of the names in the Vamśa Brāhmana" of the Sāmaveda and the Vamśa (list of teachers) of the śāñkhāyana Áraṇyaka. On the other hand, these Vamśas and the Vamśas of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa show that a father often preferred to let his son study under a famous teacher. The relation of pupil and teacher is described under Brahmacarya. A teacher might take several pupils, and he was bound to teach them with all his heart and soul. He was bound to reveal everything to his pupil, at any rate to one who was staying with him for a year (saηivatsara-vāsin), an expression which shows, as was natural, that a pupil might easily change teachers. But, nevertheless, certain cases of learning kept secret and only revealed to special persons are enumerated. The exact times and modes of teaching are elaborately laid down in the Sūtras, but not in the earlier texts. As priest the Brahmin operated in all the greater sacrifices; the simple domestic {grhya) rites could normally be performed without his help, but not the more important rites {śrauta). The number varied : the ritual literature requires sixteen priests to be employed at the greatest sacrifices (see Rtvij), but other rites could be accomplished with four, five, six, seven, or ten priests. Again, the Kauçītakins had a seventeenth priest beside the usual sixteen, the Sadasya, so called because he watched the performance from the Sadas, seat.’ In one rite, the Sattra (‘sacrificial session') of the serpents, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, adds three more to the sixteen, a second Unnetṛ, an Abhigara, and an Apagara. The later ritual places the Brahman at the head of all the priests, but this is probably not the early view (see Brahman). The sacrifice ensured, if properly performed, primarily the advantages of the sacrificer (yajamāna), but the priest shared in the profit, besides securing the Daksiṇās. Disputes between sacrificers and the priests were not rare, as in the case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas, or Janamejaya and the Asitamrgras and the Aiçāvīras are referred to as undesirable priests. Moreover, Viśvāmitra once held the post of Purohita to Sudās, but gave place to Vasiṣtha. The position of Purohita differed considerably from that of the ordinary priest, for the Purohita not merely might officiate at the sacrifice, but was the officiator in all the private sacrifices of his king. Hence he could, and undoubtedly sometimes did, obtain great influence over his master in matters of secular importance; and the power of the priesthood in political as opposed to domestic and religious matters, no doubt rested on the Purohita. There is no recognition in Vedic literature of the rule later prevailing by which, after spending part of his life as a Brahma- cārin, and part as a householder, the Brahmin became an ascetic (later divided into the two stages of Vānaprastha, ‘forest-dweller,’ and Samnyāsin, ‘mystic ’). Yājñavalkya's case shows that study of the Absolute might empty life of all its content for the sage, and drive him to abandon wife and family. In Buddhist times the same phenomenon is seen applying to other than Brahmins. The Buddhist texts are here confirmed in some degree by the Greek authorities. The practice bears a certain resemblance to the habit of kings, in the Epic tradition,of retiring to the forest when active life is over. From the Greek authorities it also appears what is certainly the case in the Buddhist literature that Brahmins practised the most diverse occupations. It is difficult to say how far this was true for the Vedic period. The analogy of the Druids in some respects very close suggests that the Brahmins may have been mainly confined to their professional tasks, including all the learned professions such as astronomy and so forth. This is not contradicted by any Vedic evidence ; for instance, the poet of a hymn of the Rigveda says he is a poet, his father a physician (Bhiṣaj), and his mother a grinder of corn (Upala-prakṣiṇī). This would seem to show that a Brahmin could be a doctor, while his wife would perform the ordinary household duties. So a Purohita could perhaps take the field to assist the king by prayer, as Viśvāmitra, and later on Vasiṣtha do, but this does not show that priests normally fought. Nor do they seem normally to have been agriculturists or merchants. On the other hand, they kept cattle: a Brahmacarin’s duty was to watch his master’s cattle.129 It is therefore needless to suppose that they could not, and did not, on occasion turn to agricultural or mercan¬tile pursuits, as they certainly did later. But it must be remembered that in all probability there was more purity of blood, and less pressure of life, among the Brahmins of the Vedic age than later in Buddhist times, when the Vedic sacrificial apparatus was falling into grave disrepute. It is clear that the Brahmins, whatever their defects, represented the intellectual side of Vedic life, and that the Kṣatriyas, if they played a part in that life, did so only in a secondary degree, and to a minor extent. It is natural to suppose that the Brahmins also composed ballads, the precursors of the epic; for though none such have survived, a few stanzas of this character, celebrating the generosity of patrons, have been preserved by being embedded in priestly compositions. A legend in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa shows clearly that the Brahmins regarded civilization as being spread by them only: Kosala and Videha, no doubt settled by Aryan tribes, are only rendered civilized and habitable by the influence of pious Brahmins. We need not doubt that the non-Brahminical tribes (see Vrātya) had attained intellectual as well as material civilization, but it is reasonable to assume that their civilization was inferior to that of the Brahmins, for the history of Hinduism is the conquest by the Brahmins not by arms, but by mind of the tribes Aryan and non-Aryan originally beyond the pale.
bharata Is the name of a people of great importance in the Rigveda and the later literature. In the Rigveda they appear prominently in the third and seventh Maṇdalas in connexion with Sudās and the Tftsus, while in the sixth Maṇdala they are associated with Divodāsa. In one passage the Bharatas are, like the Tṛtsus, enemies of the Pūrus: there can be little doubt that Ludwig’s view of the identity of the Bharatas and and Tṛtsus is practically correct. More precisely Oldenberg considers that the Tṛtsus are the Vasiṣhas, the family singers of the Bharatas; while Geldner recognizes, with perhaps more probability, in the Tṛtsus the royal family of the Bharatas. That the Tṛtsus and Bharatas were enemies, as Zimmer holds, is most improbable even on geographical grounds, for the Tṛtsus in Zimmer’s view occupied the country to the east of the Paruçṇī (Ravi), and the Bharatas must therefore be regarded as coming against the Tṛtsus from the west, whereas the Rigveda recognizes two Bharata chiefs on the Sarasvatī, Ápayā, and Dpçadvatī that is, in the holy land of India, the Madhyadeśa. Hillebrandt sees in the connexion of the Tṛtsus and the Bharatas a fusion of two tribes; but this is not supported by any evidence beyond the fact that in his opinion some such theory is needed to explain Divodāsa's appearing in connexion with the Bharadvāja family, while Sudās, his son, or perhaps grandson {cf. Pijavana), is connected with the Vasiṣthas and the Viśvāmitras. In the later literature the Bharatas appear as especially famous. The śatapatha Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as a king, sacrificer of the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and śatānīka Sātrājita, as another Bharata who offered that sacrifice. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as receiving the kingly coronation from Dlrghatamas Māmateya, and śatānīka as being consecrated by Somaśuçman Vājaratnāyana, a priest whose name is of quite late origin. The geographical position of the Bharata people is clearly shown by the fact that the Bharata kings win victories over the Kāśis, and make offerings on the Yamunā (Jumna) and Gañgfā (Ganges). Moreover, in the formula of the king’s proclamation for the people, the variants recorded include Kuravah, Pañcālāh, Kuru-Pañcālāh,, and Bharatāh ; and the Mahābhārata consistently recognizes the royal family of the Kurus as a Bharata family. It is therefore extremely probable that Oldenberg is right in holding that the Bharatas in the times of the Brāhmaṇas were merging in the Kuru-Pañcāla people. The ritual practices of the Bharatas are repeatedly mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, and the Taittirīya Aranyaka. Already in the Rigveda there is mention made of Agni Bhārata (‘of the Bharatas’). In the Apr! hymns occurs a goddess Bhāratī, the personified divine protective power of the Bharatas : her association in the hymns with Sarasvatī reflects the connexion 'of the Bharatas with the Sarasvatī in the Rigveda. Again, in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Agni is referred to as brāhmana Bhārata, ‘priest of the Bharatas,’ and is invited to dispose of the offering Manusvat Bharatavat, ‘like Manu,’ ‘like Bharata.’ In one or two passages Sudās or Divodāsa and, on the other hand, Purukutsa or Trasadasyu appear in a friendly relation. Possibly this points, as Oldenberg suggests, to the union of Bharatas and Pūrus with the Kurus. A Bharata is referred to in the fifth Mandala of the Rigveda who he was is uncertain.
bhartṛ Besides having the literal sense of ‘ bearer,’ means ‘supporter’ or ‘master’ in the older literature but it is doubt­ful whether the sense of * husband ’ is ever found there. In one passage of the Rigveda husband ’ is certainly the most natural sense, but, as Delbrūck correctly remarks, even there ‘father’ may be meant, since ‘mother’ is here and there called Bhartri.
bhāryā Later a common expression for ‘ wife,’ does not occur in that sense at all in the Samhitās. It first appears, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, where, however, Delbruck suggests that merely a member of the household (‘who is to be maintained’) may be meant. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, however, the two wives of Yājña- valkya are so designated.
bhīma vaidarbha (‘ Prince of Vidarbha ’) is mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa as having received instruction regarding the substitute for the Soma juice, through a succession of teachers, from Parvata and Nārada.
mandhātr yauvanāśva (‘Descendant of Yuvanāśva’) is in the Gopatha Brāhmaṇa the name of an emperor who was instructed by Vicārin, son of Kabandha Átharvaṇa.
mahāśāla (lit., ‘having a great house’), a ‘great house­holder,’ is an expression applied in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad to the Brahmins who were instructed by Aśvapati, no doubt to emphasize their importance. C/. Mahābrāhmaṇa.
mahāśāla jābāla Is the name of a teacher twice men­tioned in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, once as instructing Dhīra — śātaparṇeya, and once as one of the Brahmins who received instruction from Aśvapati. In the parallel passage of the Chāndogya Upaniṣad the name is Prācīnaśāla Aupaman- yava. The word must be considered a proper name rather than an adjective (Mahāáāla), as it is taken in the St. Petersburg Dictionary.
mṛtyu ‘Death,’ is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda and later as a thing of terror. There are a hundred and one forms of death, the natural one by old age (jam), and a hundred others, all to be avoided. To die before old age (purā jarasah) is to die before the allotted span (purā āy«sa#),β the normal length of life being throughout Vedic literature spoken of as a hundred years. On the other hand, the evils of old age in the loss of physical strength were clearly realized : one of the feats of the Aśvins was to restore old Cyavāna to his former youth and powers, and another was the rejuvenation of Kali. The Atharvaveda is full of charms of all sorts to avert death and secure length of years (āytisya). The modes of disposing of the dead were burial and cremation (see Ag’nidag’dha). Both existed in the early Vedic period, as in Greece; but the former method was on the whole less favoured, and tended to be regarded with disapproval. The bones of the dead, whether burned or not, were marked by the erection of a tumulus (śmaáāna): the śatapatha Brāhmana preserves traces of strong differences of opinion as to the mode in which these tumuli should be constructed. There is little or no trace of the custom common in northern lands of sending the dead man to sea in a burning ship: the reference to a ship seems to point to mythical perils after death, not to the mode of burial. The life after death was to the Vedic Indian a repetition of the life in this world. He passed into the next world sarυa- tanuh sūñgah, ‘ with whole body and all his members,’ enjoying there the same pleasures as he had enjoyed on earth. Even in the Rigveda there are hints of evil awaiting evil-doers, but it is not until the Atharvaveda and the Brāhmaṇas that a hell of punishment is set out, and it is in the Brāhmaṇas that good and evil deeds are said to produce happiness or hell hereafter. But there is no hint of extinction in the Rigveda as the fate of the wicked, as Roth inclined to think. The Vedic poet not being deeply moral, his verses do not convey, as would those of a man convinced of sin, warnings of future judgment.
yakṣu Is mentioned, once in the singular and once in the plural, in the hymn of the Rigveda which celebrates Sudās’ battle with the ten kings. Who they were and what part they played in that conflict is quite uncertain. They seem, from the wording of the text, to have taken part in two conflicts, as Zimmer says—one on the Paruçṇī (Ravi), and one on the Yamunā (Jumna)—with the aid of the Ajas and śigrus, under the leadership of Bheda. It is, however, at least possible that in the former passage Yadu should be read for Yakṣu, or, at any rate, Yakṣu be deemed a contemptuous substitute of the name of a possibly un-Aryan or unimportant tribe (as their allies, the Ajas and śigrus, clearly were) for the name of the certainly famous Yadus, as is suggested by Hopkins. Cf. Tupvaśa.
yamunā ‘Twin,’ the name of a river, so called as running parallel with the Ganges, is mentioned thrice in the Rigveda, and not rarely later. According to the Rigveda, the Trtsus and Sudās won a great victory against their foes on the Yamunā; there is no reason whatever to accept Hopkins’ view that the Yamunā here was another name of the Paruçṇī (Ravi). In the Atharvaveda the salve (Áñjana) of the Yamunā {Yamuna) is mentioned along with that of Trikakud (Traikakuda) as of value. In the Aitareya and the śatapatha Brāhmaṇas the Bharatas are famed as victorious on the Yamunā. Other Brāhmaṇas also mention this river. In the Mantrapāṭha the Sālvas are spoken of as dwelling on its banks.
yevāṣa Is the name of a destructive insect in the Atharvaveda. The form Yavāṣa is found in the Kāthaka Samhitā. Cf. Vrṣa.
ratha in the Rigveda and later denotes ‘chariot’ as opposed to Anas, ‘cart,’ though the distinction is not absolute. Of differences in the structure of the two we have no information, except that the Kha, or nave hole, in the wheel of the chariot was greater than in that of the cart. The chariot has, as a rule, two wheels (Cakra), to which reference is frequently made. The wheel consisted of a rim (Pavi), a felly (Pradhi), spokes (Ara), and a nave (Nabhya). The rim and the felly together constitute the Nemi. The hole in the nave is called Kha: into it the end of the axle was inserted; but there is some uncertainty whether Ani denotes the extremity of the axle that was inserted in the nave, or the lynch-pin used to keep that extremity in the wheel. Sometimes a solid wheel was used. The axle (Akṣa) was, in some cases, made of Araψu. wood; round its ends the wheels revolved. To the axle was attached the body of the chariot (Kośa). This part is also denoted by the word Vandhura, which more precisely means the ‘ seat ’ of the chariot. The epithet tri-vandhura is used of the chariot of the Aśvins, seemingly to correspond with another of its epithets, tri-cakra: perhaps, as Weber thinks, a chariot with three seats and three wheels was a real form of vehicle; but Zimmer considers that the vehicle was purely mythical. Garta also denotes the seat of the warrior. At right angles to the axle was the pole of the chariot (īçā, Praiiga). Normally there was, it seems, one pole, on either side of which the horses were harnessed, a yoke (Yuga) being laid across their necks; the pole was passed through the hole in the yoke (called Kha or Tardman ), the yoke and the pole then being tied together. The horses were tied by the neck (grīva), where the yoke was placed, and also at the shoulder, presumably by traces fastened to a bar of wood at right angles to the pole, or fastened to the ends of the pole, if that is to be regarded, as it probably should, as of triangular shape, wide at the foot and coming to a point at the tip. The traces seem to be denoted by Raśmi and Raśanā. These words also denote the ‘ reins,’ which were fastened to the bit (perhaps śiprū) in the horse’s mouth. The driver controlled the horses by reins, and urged them on with a whip (Kaśā). The girths of the horse were called Kakṣyā. The normal number of horses seems to have been two, but three or four10 were often used. It is uncertain whether, in these cases, the extra horse was attached in front or at the side; possibly both modes were in use. Even five steeds could be employed. Horses were normally used for chariots, but the ass (gardabha) or mule (aśvatarī) are also mentioned. The ox was employed for drawing carts, and in fact derived its name, Anadvāh, from this use. Sometimes a poor man had to be content with a single steed, which then ran between two shafts. In the chariot the driver stood on the right, while the warrior was on the left, as indicated by his name, Savyeṣtha or Savyaṣhā. He could also sit when he wanted, for the chariot had seats, and an archer would naturally prefer to sit while shooting his arrows. The dimensions of the chariot are given in the śulba Sūtra of Apastamba at Angulis (finger-breadths) for the pole, for the axle, and 86 for the yoke. The material used in its construction was wood, except for the rim of the wheel. Many other parts of the chariot are mentioned, their names being often obscure in meaning: see Añka, Nyanka, Uddhi, Paksas, Pātalya, Bhurij, Rathopastha, Rathavāhana.
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
vidhavā Denotes ‘widow’ as the ‘desolate one,’ from the root vidh, ‘be bereft.’ The masculine vidltava is conjectured by Roth in a difficult passage of the Rigveda, where the received text presents the apparent false concord vidhantam vidhavām, in which he sees a metrical lengthening for vidhavam, ‘the sacrificing widower.’ Ludwig in his version takes vidhantam as equivalent to a feminine, while DelbrUck prefers ‘ the worshipper and the widow.’ Possibly * the widower and the widow ’ may be meant; but we know nothing of the mythological allusion in question, the feat being one of those attributed to the Aśvins, and the natural reference to Ghoṣā. as ‘ husbandless ’ being rendered unlikely because their feat in regard to her has already been mentioned a few verses before in the same hymn. The word Vidhavā is not of common occurrence.
vyāghra ‘Tiger,’ is never found in the Rigveda, but frequently occurs in the Atharvaveda, as well as the lion. This fact is legitimately regarded as an indication that the Atharvaveda belongs to a period when the Vedic Indian had approached and entered the territory of Bengal. Later, also, mention of the tiger is quite common. The Taittirīya Samhitā preserves a reference to the danger of waking a sleeping tiger. The destructive character of the animal is often alluded to, the man-eater (purusād) being also mentioned. Like the lion, the tiger passes as a symbol of strength. This idea is illus­trated by the fact that the king at the Rājasūya ('royal consecration') steps on a tiger’s skin to win himself the strength of the animal. Cf. also śārdūla, Petva.
śamī Is the name of a tree in the Atharvaveda and later. It is described in the Atharvaveda as destructive to the hair, as producing intoxication, and as broad-leaved. These charac­teristics are totally wanting in the two trees, Prosopis spicigera or Mimosa sum a, with which the śamī is usually identified. From the soft wood of the śamī was formed the lower of the two sticks (aranX) used for kindling the sacred fire, the upper one (the drill) being of Aśvattha. The fruit of the tree is called śamīdhānya.
śarīra ‘Body,’ is a word of frequent occurrence in Vedic literature. The interest of the Vedic Indians seems early to have been attracted to the consideration of questions connected with the anatomy of the body. Thus a hymn of the Atharva­veda enumerates many parts of the body with some approach to accuracy and orderly arrangement. It mentions the heels (pārsnf), the flesh (māmsa), the ankle-bones (gulphau), the fingers (angulīh), the apertures (kha), the two metatarsi (uchlakau), the tarsus (pratisthā), the two knee-caps (astliī- vantau), the two legs {janghe), the two knee-joints (jānunoh sandhī). Then comes above the two knees (jānū) the four­sided (catuçtaya), pliant (śithira) trunk (kabandha). The two hips (śronī) and the two thighs (ūrū) are the props of the frame (ktisindha). Next come the breast-bone (uras), the cervical cartilages (grīvāh), the two breast pieces (stanau), the two shoulder-blades (/kaphodau), the neck-bones (skandhau), and the backbones (prstīh), the collar-bones (amsau), the arms (bāhu), the seven apertures in the head (sapta khāni śīrsani), the ears (karnau), the nostrils (nāsike), the eyes (caksanī), the mouth (mukha), the jaws (hanū), the tongue (jihvā), the brain (mas- tiska), the forehead (lalāta), the facial bone (kakātikā), the cranium (kapāla), and the structure of the jaws (cityā hanvoh). This system presents marked similarities with the later system of Caraka and Suśruta,4 which render certain the names ascribed to the several terms by Hoernle. Kaphodau, which is variously read in the manuscripts,5 is rendered ‘ collar-bone ’ by Whitney, but ‘ elbow ’ in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Skandha in the plural regularly denotes 'neck-bones,’ or, more precisely, ‘cervical vertebrae,’ a part denoted also by usnihā in the plural. Prsii denotes not * rib,’ which is parśu, but a transverse process of a vertebra, and so the vertebra itself, there being in the truncal portion of the spinal column seventeen vertebrae and thirty-four transverse processes. The vertebrae are also denoted by kīkasā in the plural, which sometimes is limited to the upper portion of the vertebral column, sometimes to the thoracic portion of the spine. Anūka also denotes the vertebral column, or more specially the lumbar or thoracic portion of the spine; it is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa that there are twenty transverse processes in the lumbar spine (udara) and thirty-two in the thoracic, which gives twenty-six vertebrae, the true number (but the modern division is seven cervical, twelve thoracic, five lumbar, and two false—the sacrum and the coccyx). The vertebral column is also denoted by karūkara, which, however, is usually found in the plural denoting the transverse processes of the vertebrae, a sense expressed also by kuntāpa. Grīvā, in the plural, denotes cervical vertebrae, the number seven being given by the Satapatha Brāhmana, but usually the word simply means windpipe, or, more accurately, the cartilaginous rings under the skin. Jatru, also in the plural, denotes the cervical cartilages, or possibly the costal cartilages, which are certainly so called in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, where their number is given as eight. Bhamsas, which occurs thrice in the Atharvaveda, seems to denote the pubic bone or arch rather than the ‘buttocks’ or ‘fundament,’ as Whitney takes it. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the number of bones in the the human body is given as 360. The number of the bones of the head and trunk are given in another passage as follows: The head is threefold, consisting of skin (tvac), bone (1asthi), brain (matiska); the neck has 15 bones : 14 transverse processes (karūkara) and the strength (vīrya)—i.e., the bone of the centre regarded as one—as the 15th ; the breast has 17: 16 cervical cartilages (Jatru), and the sternum (uras) as the 17th ; the abdominal portion of the spine has 21 : 20 transverse processes (kimtāpa), and the abdominal portion (udara) as the 21st; the two sides have 27: 26 ribs (parśu), and the two sides as the 27th; the thoracic portion of the spine (anūka) has 33: 32 transverse processes, and the thoracic portion as 33rd. There are several enumerations of the parts of the body, not merely of the skeleton, in the Yajurveda Samhitās. They include the hair (lomāni), skin (tvac), flesh (māinsá), bone (1asthi), marrow (majjan), liver (yakrt), lungs (kloman), kidneys (matasne), gall (pitta), entrails (āntrāni), bowels (gudāh), spleen (ptīhan), navel (nābht), belly (udara), rectum (vanisthu), womb (yoni), penis (plāśi and śepa), face (mukha), head (śiras), tongue (jihvā), mouth (āsan), rump (pāyu), leech (vāla), eye (caksus), eyelashes (paksmāni), eyebrows (utāni), nose (was), breath (iiyāna), nose-hairs (nasyāni), ears (karnau), brows (bhrū), body or trunk (ātman), waist (upastha), hair on the face (śmaśrūni), and on the head (keśāh). Another enumeration gives śiras, mukha, keśāh, śmaśrūni, prāna (breath), caksus, śrotra (ear), jihvā, vāc (speech), manas (mind), arigulik, añgāni (limbs), bāhū, hastau (hands), karnau, ātmā, uras (sternum), prstllj, (vertebrae), udara, amsau, grīvāh, śronī, ūrū, aratnī (elbows), jānūni, nūbhi, pāyu, bhasat (fundament), āndau (testicles), pasas (membrum virile), jañghā, pad (foot), lomāni, tvac, māmsa, asthi, majjan. Another set of names includes vanisthu, purītat (pericardium), lomāni, tvac, lohita (blood), medas (fat), māmsāni, snāvāni (sinews), asthīni, majjānah, ret as (semen), pāyu, kośya (flesh near the heart), pārśvya (intercostal flesh), etc. The bones of the skeleton of the horse are enumerated in the Yajurveda Samhitās. In the Aitareya Araṇyaka the human body is regarded as made up of one hundred and one items ; there are four parts, each of twenty-five members, with the trunk as one hundred and first. In the two upper parts there are five four-jointed fingers, two kakçasī (of uncertain meaning), the arm (dos), the collar-bone (akça), and the shoulder-blade (artisa-phalaka). In the two lower portions there are five four-jointed toes, the thigh, the leg, and three articulations, according to Sāyaṇa’s commentary. The śānkhāyana Araṇyaka enumerates three bones in the head, three joints (parvāni) in the neck, the collar-bone {akṣa), three joints in the fingers, and twenty-one transverse processes in the spine (anūka).sg The Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā enumerates four constituents in the head {prāna, caksns, śrotra, vāc), but there are many variations, the number going up to twelve on one calculation. In the Taittirīya Upaniṣad an enumeration is given consisting of carma (skin), māinsa, snāvan, asthi, and majjan; the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has lomāni, mānμa, tvac, asthi, majjan, and the Aitareya Araṇyaka couples majjānah, snāvāni, and asthīni. Other terms relating to the body are kañkūsa, perhaps a part of the ear, yoni (female organ), kaksa (armpit), Danta (tooth), nakha (nail), prapada (forepart of the foot), hallks'tia (gall).
śyāmaparṇa Is, in the Kāthaka and Maitrāyaṇī Samhitās, the name of a man who was instructed by Somadakça Kauśreya.
śvetaketu áruṇeya (‘Descendant of Aruṇa’) or Auddālaki (‘son of Uddālaka’) is mentioned repeatedly in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. In the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad he appears as śvetaketu, son of Áruṇi, and as a Gautama. In the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa he is quoted as an authority on the vexed question of the duty of the Sadasya, or the seventeenth priest, at the ritual of the Kauṣītakins, to notify errors in the sacrifice; Áruṇi, his father, is also cited. He was a person of some originality, for he insisted on eating honey despite the general prohibition of the use of that delicacy by Brahmacārins or religious students. He was a contemporary of, and was instructed by the Pañcāla king Pravāhaṇa Jaivala. He was also a contemporary of Janaka, of Videha, and figured among the Brahmin disputants at his court. A story is told of him in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra:[6] Jala Jātūkarṇyā was lucky enough to become the Purohita of three peoples or kings, of Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha. Seeing this, śvetaketu felt annoyed and reproached his father with his excessive devotion to sacrifice, which merely enriched and glorified others, not himself. His father replied, forbidding him to speak thus: he had learned the true method of sacrificing, and his ambition in life had been to discuss it with every Brahmin. All the references to śvetaketu belong to the latest period of Vedic literature. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Ápa- stamba Dharma Sūtra should refer to him as an Avara, or person of later days, who still became a Rṣi by special merit. His date, however, must not be fixed too low, because the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa in which he plays so marked a part is certainly earlier than Pāṇini, and was apparently even in that grammarian’s time believed to be an ancient work; hence 500 B.c. is probably rather too late than too early a period for śvetaketu as a rough approximation to a date.
samaṅka Is a word of obscure sense occurring in two passages of the Atharvaveda. Bloomfield renders it ‘hook' in the first, and takes it to mean an insect destructive of grain in the other.
sālāvṛka Is found twice in the Rigveda apparently denoting the ‘hyaena’ or 'wild dog.’ This sense also seems appropriate in the later narrative of the destruction of the Yatis by Indra, who is said to have handed them over to the Sālāvṛkas. Sālā- vrkeya is a variant form of the same word, meaning literally ‘ descendant of a Sālāvṛka.’ The feminine is Sālāvrkī, but in the Taittirīya Samhitā it appears as Salāvṛkī. Cf Tarakṣu.
sruva As opposed to Sruc, denotes in the ritual literature a small ladle used to convey the offering (Ajya) from the cooking- pot (Sthālī) to the large ladle (Juhū). In the Rigveda, how­ever, it was clearly used for the actual Soma libation.
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92 results
     
agne ruca (MS.KSṃś. rucaḥ) stha prajāpater dhātuḥ somasya (MS. prajāpateḥ somasya dhātuḥ; KS. prajāpateḥ somasya dhātur bhūyāsaṃ prajaniṣīya) TS.4.4.10.1; MS.2.13.20 (bis): 165.12; 166.10; KS.39.13. P: agne rucaḥ stha Mś.6.2.3.8.
agne rucāṃ pate namas te ruce mayi rucaṃ dhāḥ (KS. dhehi; Apś. rucaṃ mayi dhehi) MS.1.5.2: 68.7; 1.5.9: 77.10; KS.6.9; 7.6; Apś.6.22.1.
ayā rucā hariṇyā punānaḥ RV.9.111.1a; SV.1.463a; 2.940a; JB.2.127; PB.16.16.8.
davidyutatyā rucā RV.9.64.28a; SV.2.4a; JB.1.93; 2.9,103; 3.35 (bis); PB.6.9.24,25; 12.1.1; 18.8.11.
indo rucābhi gā ihi RV.9.64.13c; SV.1.505c; 2.191c.
mayi rucaṃ dhāḥ (KS. dhehi) MS.1.5.2: 68.7; 1.5.9: 77.11; KS.6.9; 7.6. See rucaṃ mayi dhehi.
namo rucāya brāhmaye VS.31.20d; TA.3.13.2d.
pavamāna rucā-rucā RV.9.65.2a; SV.2.255a; JB.3.61.
ugreva rucā nṛpatīva turyai RV.10.106.4b.
ruco jātavedasaḥ RV.10.188.3a.
aṃhoś cid asmā urucakrir adbhutaḥ # RV.2.26.4d. Cf. next two.
aṃhoś cid urucakrayaḥ # RV.5.67.4d. Cf. prec. and next.
aṃhoś cid urucakrayo 'nehasaḥ # RV.8.18.5c. Cf. prec. two.
agniṃ sruco adhvareṣu prayatsu # VS.27.14c; TS.4.1.8.1c; MS.2.12.6b: 150.3; KS.18.17b. See agniḥ sruco, and sruco adhvareṣu.
agniṃ gharmaṃ surucaṃ yāmann iṣṭaye # RV.1.112.1b; AB.1.21.14.
agnim icha rucā tvam # VS.11.19b; TS.4.1.2.3b; MS.2.7.2b: 75.13; KS.16.2b; 19.3; śB.6.3.3.11.
agniḥ sruco adhvareṣu prayakṣu # AVś.5.27.5a. See under agniṃ sruco.
agne deveṣūcyata urūcī # RV.3.57.5b.
agne pṛthivīpate soma vīrudhāṃ pate tvaṣṭaḥ samidhāṃ pate viṣṇav āśānāṃ pate mitra satyānāṃ pate varuṇa dharmaṇāṃ pate maruto gaṇānāṃ patayo rudra paśūnāṃ pata indraujasāṃ pate bṛhaspate brahmaṇas pata ārucā roce 'haṃ rucā ruruce rocamānaḥ # TB.3.11.4.1. Cf. next, and agnir bhūtānām.
agne yajasva rodasī urūcī # RV.6.11.4b; AVP.2.74.1b; MS.4.14.15b: 241.4. See agne vyacasva.
agne vyacasva rodasī urūcī # AVś.3.3.1b. See agne yajasva.
aditer hastāṃ srucam etāṃ dvitīyām # AVś.11.1.24a. P: aditer hastām Kauś.62.1.
anamitrair ahobhiḥ sacīmahi viśve devā anamitrā na uṣasaḥ santu nimrucaḥ # KS.37.10.
antar agne rucā tvam # VS.12.16a; TS.4.1.9.3a; 2.1.5a; MS.2.7.8a: 86.1; KS.16.8a; śB.6.7.3.15.
abhi srucaḥ kramate dakṣiṇāvṛtaḥ # RV.1.144.1c.
ayaṃ rocayad aruco rucānaḥ # RV.6.39.4a.
arūrucad uṣasaḥ pṛśnir agriyaḥ (JB.1.81 agrayuḥ; so also two mss. for JB.3.54a) # RV.9.83.3a; SV.2.227a; ArS.2.2a; AB.1.21.17; JB.1.81; 3.54a; KB.8.6; Aś.4.6.3. P: arūrucat śś.5.9.25; Svidh.2.8.1.
avaś ca yaḥ paraḥ srucā (Vait. paraḥ srucaḥ; KS. paro divaḥ) # RV.10.17.13b; KS.35.8b; Vait.16.17b.
aśvinā pari vām iṣaḥ purūcīḥ # RV.3.58.8a.
ā te rucaḥ pavamānasya soma # RV.9.96.24a.
ā nimruca uṣasas takvavīr iva # RV.1.151.5d.
ā nimrucaḥ śakṛd eko apābharat # RV.1.161.10c.
ālumpet sruco agnaye # AVś.12.4.34b.
ichantīr urucakṣasam # RV.1.25.16c.
idhmaḥ paridhayaḥ srucaḥ # TB.3.7.6.18b; Apś.4.11.6b.
indraṃ havante taviṣaṃ yatasrucaḥ # RV.8.46.12d.
iyaṃ vīrucchikhaṇḍinaḥ # AVP.12.7.9a.
upo ruruce yuvatir na yoṣā # RV.7.77.1a. P: upo ruruce śś.6.5.6.
ubhā samudrau rucyā vy āpitha # AVś.13.2.30c.
ṛtadhītayo rurucanta dasmāḥ # RV.4.55.2d.
kenāhar akarod ruce # AVś.10.2.16b.
kṣāman ruruca uṣaso na bhānunā (MS. ketunā) # RV.6.15.5b; VS.17.10b; TS.4.6.1.2b; MS.2.10.1b: 131.15. See kṣāmā etc.
kṣāmā ruruca uṣaso na ketunā # KS.17.17b. See kṣāman etc.
gāthānyaḥ suruco yasya devāḥ # RV.1.190.1c.
goṣv aśveṣu yā rucaḥ # VS.13.23b; 18.47b; TS.4.2.9.4b; 5.7.6.3b; MS.2.7.16b: 99.1; KS.16.16b.
ghṛtavatīm adhvaryo (Aś. -yoḥ) srucam āsyasva # TS.2.5.9.6; śB.1.5.2.1; TB.3.5.4.1; Aś.1.4.11; śś.1.6.16. P: ghṛtavatīm Kś.3.2.16.
ghṛtavartaniḥ pavibhī rucānaḥ # RV.7.69.1c; MS.4.14.10c: 229.12; TB.2.8.7.7c.
candram iva surucaṃ hvāra ā dadhuḥ # RV.2.2.4b.
juhvānāso yatasrucaḥ # RV.8.74.6c.
jyog jīvantaḥ śaradaḥ purūcīḥ # AVś.18.2.29d.
taṃ sakhāyaḥ purorucam (SV. purū-) # RV.9.98.12a; SV.2.1030a.
taṃ sabādho yatasrucaḥ # RV.3.27.6a; MS.4.10.1a: 141.8; KS.40.14a; TB.3.6.1.3a. P: taṃ sabādhaḥ MS.4.11.2: 163.1; Mś.5.1.1.6; 5.1.5.73; 5.2.1.25.
taṃ huvema yatasrucaḥ # RV.8.23.20a.
tasmā etaṃ surucaṃ hvāram ahyam # AVś.4.1.2c; AVP.5.2.1c; Aś.4.6.3c; śś.5.9.6c.
tasmin ma indro rucim ā dadhātu # AVś.3.15.6c. See tasmin somo.
tasmin somo rucam ā dadhātu # HG.1.15.1c; ApMB.2.22.4c. See tasmin ma indro.
tasmin sruco adhyāsādayāmi # TB.3.7.6.8d; Apś.4.7.1d.
tasya vidyuto 'psaraso rucaḥ # TS.3.4.7.2.
tāṃ ā namobhir urucakṣaso nṝn # RV.6.51.9c.
tāsāṃ tvā sarvāsām apām (KSṭB. -sāṃ rucā) # AVś.4.8.5c; AVP.4.2.6c; KS.36.15c; 37.9c; TB.2.7.7.6c; 15.4c.
tuvikṣatrām ajarantīm urūcīm # AVś.7.6.2c; VS.21.5c; TS.1.5.11.5c; MS.4.10.1c: 144.11; KS.30.4c,5c; Aś.2.1.29c; śś.2.2.14c.
tvāṃ stomebhir bhṛgavo vi rurucuḥ # RV.10.122.5d.
tvāṃ bhrātrāya śamyā tanūrucam # RV.2.1.9b.
divaś cid ā te rucayanta rokāḥ # RV.3.6.7a.
divo rukma urucakṣā ud eti # RV.7.63.4a; KS.10.13a; TB.2.8.7.3a; Apś.16.12.1a. P: divo rukmaḥ śś.3.18.6.
divorucaḥ suruco rocamānāḥ # RV.3.7.5c.
durmarṣam āyuḥ (ApMB. āyu) śriye rucānaḥ # RV.10.45.8b; VS.12.1b,25b; TS.1.3.14.5b; 4.1.10.4b; 2.2.4b; MS.2.7.8b: 84.10; 16.8b,9b; śB.6.7.2.2; ApMB.2.11.31b.
deva gharma rucitas tvaṃ deveṣv ā # MS.4.9.5: 125.9. See rocitas.
devāṃ adya yatasruce # RV.1.142.1b.
devebhir deva surucā rucānaḥ # RV.3.15.6c.
ni jambhyāṃ amrucad (Orissa mss. amṛtad) ghuṇān # AVP.4.16.2d.
nimitāso yatasrucaḥ # RV.3.8.7b.
nir agnayo rurucur nir u sūryaḥ # RV.8.3.20a.
ny amrucad asau sūryaḥ # AVP.5.3.2a.
pari sruco babṛhāṇasyādreḥ # RV.5.41.12d.
pratnavad rocayan rucaḥ # RV.9.49.5c; SV.2.789c.
pratnavad rocayā rucaḥ # RV.9.9.8c.
pra rocanā ruruce raṇvasaṃdṛk # RV.3.61.5d.
pravṛddhe devī subhage urūcī # AVś.4.26.2b; AVP.4.36.2b.
brahma sruco ghṛtavatīḥ # AVś.19.42.2a; AVP.8.9.6a; TB.2.4.7.10a.
bharadvājeṣu suruco rurucyāḥ # RV.6.35.4d.
mayi dhehi rucā rucam # RVKh.10.128.11d; VS.18.48d; TS.5.7.6.4d; MS.3.4.8d: 56.4; KS.40.13d.
mahi jyotī rurucur yad dha vastoḥ # RV.4.16.4b; AVś.20.77.4b; KB.25.7.
yatasrucaḥ surucaṃ viśvadevyam # RV.3.2.5c.
yat te śukra śukraṃ jyotis tena rucā rucam aśīthāḥ # MS.1.6.1: 86.3; 1.6.6: 95.14.
yat tvā srucaḥ samasthiran # RV.10.118.2c.
yan nimruci prabudhi viśvavedasaḥ # RV.8.27.19c.
yam apnavāno bhṛgavo virurucuḥ # RV.4.7.1c; VS.3.15c; 15.26c; 33.6c; TS.1.5.5.1c; MS.1.5.1c: 66.1; 1.5.5c: 73.16; KS.6.9c; śB.2.3.4.14c.
iṣṭā uṣaso nimrucaś ca # TS.1.5.10.2c. See next.
vo devāḥ sūrye rucaḥ # VS.13.23a; 18.47a; TS.4.2.9.4a; 5.7.6.3a; MS.2.7.16a: 99.1; KS.16.16a; śB.7.4.2.21; 9.4.2.14; Mś.6.2.6.22. P: yā vo devāḥ KS.40.13.
vyuṣṭā uṣaso yāś ca nimrucaḥ # KS.34.19c; Apś.14.16.1c.
yās te agne sūrye rucaḥ # VS.13.22a; 18.46a; TS.4.2.9.4a; 5.7.6.3a; MS.2.7.16a: 98.17; KS.16.16a; śB.7.4.2.21; 9.4.2.14; Apś.16.24.2; 17.20.17; Mś.6.1.7.15; 6.2.6.22. Ps: yās te agne KS.40.13; yās te MS.4.4.16: 242.9; Kś.17.4.20; 18.6.6.
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"ruc" has 32 results.
     
dviruccāraṇaphonemic utterance a second time; see द्वित्व.
vararuci(1)a reputed ancient grammarian who is identified with Katyayana, the prominent author of the Varttikas on the Sutras of Panini. Both the names वररुचि and कात्यायन are mentioned in commentary works in connection with the Varttikas on the Sutras of Panini, and it is very likely that Vararuci was the individual name of the scholar, and Katyayana his family name. The words कात्य and कात्यायन are found used in Slokavarttikas in the Mahabhasya on P.III.2.3 and III.2.118 where references made are actually found in the prose Varttikas (see कविधेो सर्वत्र प्रसारणिभ्यो ड: P.III. 2. 3 Vart and स्मपुरा भूतमात्रे न स्मपुराद्यतने P.III.2.118 Vart. 1)indicating that the Slokavarttikakara believed that the Varttikas were composed by Katyayana. There is no reference at all in the Mahabhasya to Vararuci as a writer of the Varttikas; there is only one reference which shows that there was a scholar by name Vararuci known to Patanjali, but he was a poet; confer, compare वाररुचं काव्यं in the sense of 'composed' ( कृत and not प्रोक्त ) by वररुचि M.Bh. on P. IV. 2.4. ( 2 ) वररुचि is also mentioned as the author of the Prakrta Grammar known by the name प्राकृतप्रकाश or प्राकृतमञ्जरी, This वररुचि, who also was कात्यायन by Gotra name, was a grammarian later than Patanjali, who has been associated with Sarvvarman, (the author of the first three Adhyayas of the Katantra Sutras), as the author of the fourth Adhyaya. Patanjali does not associate वररुचि with Kityayana at alI. His mention of वररुचि as a writer of a Kavya is a sufficient testimony for that. Hence, it appears probable that Katyayana, to whom the authorship of the Vajasaneyi Pratisakhya and many other works allied with Veda has been attributed, was not associated with Vararuci by Patanjali, and it is only the later writers who identified the grammarian Vararuci,who composed the fourth Adhyaya of the Katantra Grammar and wrote a Prakrit Grammar and some other grammar' works, with the ancient revered Katyayana, the author of Varttikas, the Vijasaneyi Pratisakhya and the Puspasutra; (3) There was a comparatively modern grammariannamed वररुचि who wrote a small treatise on genders of words consisting of about 125 stanzas with a commentary named Lingavrtti, possibly written by the author himselfeminine. (4) There was also another modern grammarian by name वररुचि who wrote a work on syntax named प्रयोगमुखमण्डन discuss^ ing the four topics कारक, समास, तद्धित and कृदन्त.
vārarucaa work attributed to वररुचि: confer, compare वाररुचे काव्यम् Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ).on P. IV.3.101 cf also वाररुनो ग्रन्थ: S.K.on P.IV.3. 101 This work possibly was not a grammar work and its author also was not the same as the Varttikakara Katyayana. See वरुरुचि a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page.. The name वाररुचव्याकरण was given possibly to Katyayana's Prakrit Grammar, the author of which was वररुचि surnamed Katyayana. For details see p.395 Vyakarana Mahabhasya Vol. VII. D. E. Society's Edition.
vārarucakārikāan ancient grammarwork in verse believed to have been written by an ancient scholar of grammar, who, if not the same as Katyayana who wrote the Varttikas, was his contemporary and to whom the authorship of the Unadi Sutras is ascribed by some scholars. See वररुचि.
anuśāsanatraditional instruction; treatment of a topic; exempli gratia, for example अथ शब्दानुशासनम् Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). I. 1.1 where the word is explained as अनुशिष्यन्ते संस्क्रियन्ते व्युत्पाद्यन्ते अनेन इति अनुशासनम्.
anvaya(1)construing, construction: arrangement of words according to their mutual relationship based upon the sense conveyed by them, शब्दानां परस्परमर्थानुगमनम् । (2) continuance, continuation;confer, compare घृतघटतैलवट इति ; निषिक्ते घृते तैले वा अन्वयाद्विशेषणं भवति अयं घृतघटः, अयं तैलघट इति Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P.II. 1.1.
upadeśainstruction; original enunciation; first or original precepts or teaching; confer, compare उपदेश आद्योच्चारणम् S. K. on T the rule उपदेशेजनुनासिक इत् P.I.3.2. confer, compare वर्णानामुपदेशः कर्तव्यः; Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on Āhnika of the Pātañjala Mahābhāṣya. I. Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 15. For difference between उपदेश and उद्देश see उद्देश; confer, compare also उपदिश्यतेनेनेत्युपदेशः । शास्त्रवाक्यानि, सूत्रपाठः खिलपाठश्च Kāśikā on P. I.3.2; confer, compare also Vyāḍi. Pari. 5; (2) employment (of a word) for others confer, compare उपेदश: परार्थः प्रयोगः । स्वयमेव तु बुद्धया यदा प्ररमृशति तदा नास्त्युपदेशः Kāś. on अदोनुपदेशे P.I.4.70.
upadeśinsuch a word as is found in the original instruction.
upadeśivadvacanastatement to the effect that a word should be looked upon as occurring in the original instruction although it is not there. See उपदेश.confer, compare नुम्विधावुपदेशिवद्वचनं प्रत्ययविध्यर्थम् P. VII.1.58. Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 1.
aindraname of an ancient school of grammar and of the treatise also, belonging to that school, believed to have been written under instructions of Indra. The work is not available. Patañjali mentions that Bṛhaspati instructed Indra for one thousand celestial years and still did not finish his instructions in words': (Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). I.1.1 ). The Taittirīya Saṁhitā mentions the same. Pāṇini has referred to some ancient grammarians of the East by the word प्राचाम् without mentioning their names, and scholars like Burnell think that the grammar assigned to Indra is to be referred to by the word प्राचाम्. The Bṛhatkathāmañjarī remarks that Pāṇini's grammar threw into the background the Aindra Grammar. Some scholars believe that Kalāpa grammar which is available today is based upon Aindra,just as Cāndra is based upon Pāṇini's grammar. References to Aindra Grammar are found in the commentary on the Sārasvata Vyākaraṇa, in the Kavikalpadruma of Bopadeva as also in the commentary upon the Mahābhārata by Devabodha.Quotations, although very few, are given by some writers from the work. All these facts prove that there was an ancient pre-Pāṇinian treatise on Grammar assigned to इन्द्र which was called Aindra-Vyākaraṇa.For details see Dr.Burnell's 'Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians' as also Vol. VII pages 124-126 of Vyākaraṇa Mahābhāṣya, edited by the D.E.Society, Poona.
kartṛsthakriya(a root)whose activity is found functioning in the subject;confer, compare यत्र क्रियाकृतविशेषदर्शनं कर्तरि Kaiyata on P.III.1.87 Vārttika (on the Sūtra of Pāṇini). 3. Such roots, although transitive do not have any Karmakartari construction by the rule कर्मवत्कर्मणा तुल्यक्रियः P.III. 1.87. as exempli gratia, for example ग्रामं गच्छति देवदत्तः has no कर्मकर्तरि construction; confer, compare कर्मस्थभावकानां कर्मस्थक्रियाणां वा कर्ता कर्मवद् भवतीति वक्तव्यम् । कर्तृस्थभावकानां कर्तृस्थक्रियाणां वा कर्ता कर्मवन्मा भूदिति Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on III. 1.87. Vārt, 3.
kātantraname of an important small treatise on grammar which appears like a systematic abridgment of the Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī. of Pāṇini. It ignores many unimportant rules of Pāṇini, adjusts many, and altogether omits the Vedic portion and the accent chapter of Pāṇini. It lays down the Sūtras in an order different from that of Pāṇini dividing the work into four adhyāyas dealing with technical terms, saṁdhi rules,declension, syntax compounds noun-affixes ( taddhita affixes ) conjugation, voice and verbal derivatives in an order. The total number of rules is 1412 supplemented by many subordinate rules or Vārttikas. The treatise is believed to have been written by Śarvavarman, called Sarvavarman or Śarva or Sarva, who is said to have lived in the reign of the Sātavāhana kings. The belief that Pāṇini refers to a work of Kalāpin in his rules IV. 3.108 and IV.3.48 and that Patañjali's words कालापम् and माहवार्तिकम् support it, has not much strength. The work was very popular especially among those who wanted to study spoken Sanskrit with ease and attained for several year a very prominent place among text-books on grammar especially in Bihar, Bengal and Gujarat. It has got a large number of glosses and commentary works, many of which are in a manuscript form at present. Its last chapter (Caturtha-Adhyāya) is ascribed to Vararuci. As the arrangement of topics is entirely different from Pāṇini's order, inspite of considerable resemblance of Sūtras and their wording, it is probable that the work was based on Pāṇini but composed on the models of ancient grammarians viz. Indra, Śākaṭāyana and others whose works,although not available now, were available to the author. The grammar Kātantra is also called Kālāpa-vyākaraṇasūtra.. A comparison of the Kātantra Sūtras and the Kālāpa-vyākaraṇasūtra. Sūtras shows that the one is a different version of the other. The Kātantra Grammar is also called Kaumāra as it is said that the original 1nstructions for the grammar were received by the author from Kumāra or Kārttikeya. For details see Vol. VII Patañjala Mahābhāṣya published by the D.E. Society, Poona, page 375.
kātantracandrikāa gloss on the commentary of Vararuci on the कातन्त्रसूत्र ascribed to Hari Dīkṣita of the 17th century if this Hari Dīkṣita is the same as the author of the Śabdaratna.
kātantrasūtravṛttian old Vṛtti on the Kātantra Sūtras ascribed to Vararuci who is, of course, different from Vararuci Kātyāyana. The Vṛtti appears to have been occupying a position similar to that of Durgasiṁha's Kātantra-Sūtravṛtti..
kātyāyanathe well-known author of the Vārttikas on the sūtras of Pāṇini. He is also believed to be the author of the Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya and many sūtra works named after him. He is believed to be a resident of South India on the strength of the remark प्रियतद्धिता दाक्षिणात्याः made by Patañjali in connection with the statement 'यथा लौकिकवैदिकेषु' which is looked upon as Kātyāyana's Vārttika. Some scholars say that Vararuci was also another name given to him, in which case the Vārttikakāra Vararuci Kātyāyana has to be looked upon as different from the subsequent writer named Vararuci to whom some works on Prakrit and Kātantra grammar are ascribedition For details see The Volume of the introduction in Marathi to the Pātañjala Mahābhāṣya, written by K. V. Abhyankar and published by the O. E. Society, Poona.. pages I93-223 published by the D. E.Society, Poona.See also वार्तिकपाठ below.
kārtikeyathe original instructor of the Kātantra or Kālāpa-vyākaraṇasūtra. Grammar, to Śarvavarman who composed the Sūtras according to inspiration received by him. The Kātantra, hence, has also got the name Kaumara Vyākaraṇa.
grahaṇakaciting or instructing the inclusion ( ग्रहण) of certain other things by the mention of a particular thing; e. g. the rule अणुदित्सवर्णस्य चाप्रत्ययः is a ग्रहणक rule as it advises that the citing of the letters अ, इ, उ, ऋ et cetera, and others includes the long and protracted forms of अ, इ, उ etc; confer, compare also ग्रहणकशास्त्रस्य सावर्ण्यविधिनिषेधाभ्यां प्रागनिष्पत्ते; Sid. Kau. on अकः सवर्णे दीर्धः V1. 1. 101.
chaṇtaddhita affix. affix ईय causing the vrddhi substitute for the first vowel of the word to which it is addedition छण् is added (1) to the words पितृत्वसृ and मातृप्वसृ in the sense of अपत्य; confer, compare P IV. 1.132, 134; (2) to the words कृशाश्व,अरिष्ट and others as a चातुरर्थिक affix: confer, compare P. IV. 2.80; (3) to the words तित्तिरि, वरतन्तु, खण्डिक and उख in the sense of 'instructed by', confer, compare P.IV.3.102; and (4) to the word शलातुर in the sense of 'being a national of' or 'having as a domicile.' e. g. शालातुरीयःconfer, compare P. IV. 3.94.
taittirīyaprātiśākhyacalled also कृष्णयजुःप्रातिशाख्य and hence representing possibly all the different branches or Sakhas of the कृष्णयजुर्वेद, which is not attributed definitely to a particular author but is supposed to have been revised from time to time and taught by various acaryas who were the followers of the Taittiriya Sakha.The work is divided into two main parts, each of which is further divided into twelve sections called adhyayas, and discusses the various topics such as letters and their properties, accents, euphonic changes and the like, just as the other Pratisakhya works. It is believed that Vararuci, Mahiseya and Atreya wrote Bhasyas on the Taittiriya Pratisakhya, but at present, only two important commentary works on it are available(a) the 'Tribhasyaratna', based upon the three Bhasyas mentioned a reference to some preceding word, not necessarily on the same page. as the title shows, written by Somayarya and (b) the 'Vaidikabharana' written by Gopalayajvan. For details see Introduction to 'Taittiriya Pratisakhya' edition Govt Oriental Library Series, Mysore.
tribhāṣyaratnaname of a commentary on the Taittiriya Pratisakhya written by Somayarya. The commentary is said to have been based on the three Bhasya works attributed to the three ancient Vedic scholarsVararuci, Mahiseya and Atreya.
nihatastruck down in tone, grave, possessed of a grave accent; confer, compare Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya.IV. 138.
pūrvanipātaplacing first (in a compound); priority of a word in a compound, as in the case of an adjectival word, For special instructions in grammar about priority see P. II.2.30 to 38.
prayogavidhian elementary work on the three constructions which has no name of the author mentionedition
prayojyathat which is employed or incited or urged; the word which is the subject in the primitive construction and becomes an object in the causal construction, and as a result, which is put in the accusative case being प्रयोज्यकर्म. As, however, the प्रयोज्यकर्म originally occupies the place of the subject in the primitive construction, the term प्रयोज्यकर्ता ( प्रयोज्यश्चासौ कर्ता च ) is often used in connection with it, as contrasted with the term प्रयोजककर्ता which is used with respect to the subject in the causal construction; confer, compare इह च भेदिका देवदत्तस्य यज्ञदत्तस्य काष्ठानामिति प्रयोज्ये कर्तरि षष्ठी न प्राप्नोति । M.Bh. on P. III. 1.26 Vart. l ; confer, compare also Kaiy. on P. I. 2.65.
bhāvavikārakinds of verbal activity which are described to be six in number viz. production, existence, transformation, growth, decay and destruction. These six modes of existence first mentioned by Vāŗșyayani and quoted by Yāska are explained philosophically by Bhartŗhari as a mere appearance of the Śabdabrahman or Sattā when one of its own powers, the time factor ( कालशक्ति ) is superimposed upon it, and as a result of that superimposition, it (id est, that is the Śabdabrahman) appears as a process; confer, compare षड् भावाविकारा भवन्ति इति वार्ष्यायणि: | जायते अस्ति विपरिणमते वर्धते अपक्षीयते विनश्यति इति । Nir.I.2; confer, compare also Vākyapadiya III.30.
mukhyaviśeṣyathe principal word in a sentence which comes last in the technical expression of the import or शाब्दबोध. It is described as primary and not subordinated to any other thing ( अन्याविशेषणीभूत). This मुख्यविशेष्य is, in a way,the crucial point in the various theories of import; exempli gratia, for example according to the grammarians the verbal activity is the principal word while,according to the Mimaamsakas the bhaavanaa is the principal word.and according to the Naiyayikas it is the subject that is the principal word.
mugdhabodhaliterally instructions to the ignorant: a treatise on grammar similar to the Astadhyayi of Panini but much shorter, written by Bopadeva or Vopadeva an inhabitant of the greater Maharastra in the Vardha district, in the thirteenth century. After the fall of the Hindu rulers in Bengal, treatises like भाषावृत्ति and others written by eastern grammarians fell into the back-ground and their place was taken up by easier treatises written by Bopadeva and others.Many commentaries were written upon the Mugdhabodha, of which the Vidyanivsa is much known to grammarians
varṇikuberanāthaor वर्णिकुवेरानन्द an old writer on grammar who has written a work named शब्दविवरण on the meanings of words. The work forms a part of his bigger work दानभागवत. Both the works are incomplete. The शब्दविवरण is based mostly upon ancient grammar works of Patanjali Vararuci, Varttikakara, Sarvavarman, Bhartrhari and others.
vighātaimmolation; sacrifice; destruction, as applicable to a word or part of a word or a relation of words confer, compare अनेकाल्त्वस्य तदाश्रयत्वाद् वर्णादेशस्य विधातो न भविष्यति M.Bh. on P. I.1.50 Virt. 15: cf also the famous Paribhasa संनिपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य Par. Sek. Pari. 85; M.Bh. on P,I.1.24 et cetera, and others
vicāraविचारणा, examination, question or topic or subject for examination:confer, compare कुतः पुनरियं विचारणा l M.Bh. on P. I. 1.50 Vart. 1. विचाल immolation, destruction: confer, compare वर्णाश्रयः प्रत्ययो बर्णविचालस्यानिमित्तम् । दाक्षिः M.Bh .on, P.I.1.39 Vart. 10; confer, compare also Par. Sek. on Pari. 85.
śāṃkari(1)name of a glo:s on Kondabhatta's Vaiyakaranabhusanasara by Samkara; (2) name of a commentary on the Paribhasendusekhara of Nagesa written by Sankarabhatta; (3) The Vyakarana vidya or instructions in Grammar given by God Siva to Panini on which the Siksa of Panini has been basedition
śaunakādia class of words headed by the word शौनक to which the taddhita affix इन् ( णिनि ) is added in the sense of 'instructed by', provided the word so formed is a portion of what is looked upon as a part of the sacred Vedic Literature; confer, compare शौनकेन प्रोक्तमधीयते शौनकिनः, वाजसनेयिन: cf Kāśikā of Jayāditya and Vāmana. on P.IV. 3.106.
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188 results
     
rucā beautifulSB 4.7.33
rucā by effulgenceSB 4.30.39-40
rucā by His beautySB 4.30.4
rucā by His coloringSB 10.35.22-23
rucā coloredSB 4.6.36
rucaḥ whose effulgent complexionsSB 10.75.24
rucaḥ whose lightSB 10.70.37
rucakaḥ RucakaSB 9.23.34
rucakena with auspicious substancesSB 3.23.32
rucām and bodily lusterCC Antya 7.29
CC Madhya 8.232
CC Madhya 8.80
CC Madhya 9.121
SB 10.47.60
rucam lusterCC Adi 4.275
CC Adi 4.52
rucaye unto the great sage RuciSB 4.1.2
rucaye unto the sage RuciSB 3.12.57
ruceḥ by Prajāpati RuciSB 1.3.12
ruceḥ of the wife of PrajāpatiSB 2.7.2
ruceḥ tasteSB 1.5.27
ruci by His bodily lusterCC Madhya 8.142
ruci tasteCC Antya 5.9
ruci tasteCC Antya 5.9
ruci taste, relishCC Madhya 23.32
ruci haite from such a tasteCC Madhya 23.12
ruci haite from such a tasteCC Madhya 23.12
rucibhiḥ by different tastesCC Madhya 23.5
ruciḥ addicted toSB 11.7.5
ruciḥ affinitySB 1.2.16
ruciḥ lovely colorSB 5.2.10
ruciḥ pleasureSB 12.3.27
ruciḥ RuciSB 3.21.5
ruciḥ tasteCC Madhya 23.14-15
CC Madhya 23.18-19
SB 1.5.26
ruciḥ the great sage RuciSB 4.1.3
SB 4.1.5
rucim beautifulCC Adi 17.281
CC Madhya 9.150
rucira and attractiveSB 10.38.28-33
rucira attractiveSB 10.42.6
SB 10.58.18
SB 10.89.54-56
SB 11.31.28
SB 5.24.10
rucira beautifulSB 1.19.28
SB 5.17.13
SB 5.25.5
SB 8.9.8
rucira charmingSB 10.47.15
SB 10.52.18
SB 10.55.27-28
SB 10.60.33
SB 3.23.36-37
rucira pleasingCC Madhya 17.138
SB 1.15.18
SB 12.12.69
SB 5.1.29
SB 5.18.16
rucira very beautifulSB 5.25.3
SB 5.25.5
rucira very pleasingSB 4.24.45-46
SB 5.2.5
SB 5.8.20
SB 6.9.41
SB 7.9.13
rucira-ānanām attractive faceSB 4.27.2
rucira-ānanām attractive faceSB 4.27.2
rucira-apāńgīm possessing all attractive featuresSB 8.12.24
rucira-apāńgīm possessing all attractive featuresSB 8.12.24
rucira-īkṣaṇa charming eyesSB 10.15.42
rucira-īkṣaṇa charming eyesSB 10.15.42
rucira-pravālān having beautiful creepers and twigsCC Madhya 24.176
rucira-pravālān having beautiful creepers and twigsCC Madhya 24.176
SB 10.21.14
rucira-pravālān having beautiful creepers and twigsSB 10.21.14
rucira-smita pleasing smileSB 1.16.35
rucira-smita pleasing smileSB 1.16.35
rucira-smitam seeing the child fully satisfied and smilingSB 10.7.35-36
rucira-smitam seeing the child fully satisfied and smilingSB 10.7.35-36
ruciraḥ lovelySB 5.5.31
ruciraḥ possessing radiance very pleasing to the eyesCC Madhya 23.70
ruciraiḥ charmingSB 10.75.17
ruciram attractiveSB 10.20.13
SB 10.68.9-10
SB 10.71.31-32
ruciram beautifulSB 10.68.6
SB 9.1.23-24
rucirām charmingSB 10.15.45
SB 10.69.1-6
ruciram palatableSB 12.12.50
ruciram very attractiveSB 10.8.28
rucirām very beautifulSB 6.10.31
rucirān very pleasing and acceptableSB 7.6.11-13
rucirāṇi beautifulSB 3.25.35
rucirāśva-sutaḥ the son of RucirāśvaSB 9.21.24
rucirāśva-sutaḥ the son of RucirāśvaSB 9.21.24
rucirāśvaḥ RucirāśvaSB 9.21.23
rucirau very beautifulSB 5.2.8
rucirayā very beautifulCC Antya 1.136
rucirayā with sweetSB 3.15.11
rucirayoḥ very beautifulSB 5.2.11
rucire attractiveMM 19
abhiruciḥ inclinationSB 4.21.31
abhiruciḥ superficial attractionSB 12.2.3
yat-pāda-sevā-abhiruciḥ the taste for serving the lotus feet of Lord KṛṣṇaCC Madhya 24.217
abhiruc by the affectionCC Antya 6.264
ajita-rucira-līlā by the most attractive pastimes of Ajita, the Supreme Personality of GodheadCC Madhya 24.48
pańka-ańga-rāga-rucirau whose beautiful transcendental bodies were covered with muddy cow dung and urineSB 10.8.23
āńgika-ruciḥ the luster of the bodyCC Antya 1.169
prabhura ruci-anurūpa very tasteful for Śrī Caitanya MahāprabhuCC Antya 10.137
ātma-ruciḥ transcendental attractionSB 1.5.25
sva-sva-bhojya-rucim pṛthak different varieties of foodstuffs brought from home, with their separate and different tastesSB 10.13.10
rucandraḥ vicāraḥ ca Cārucandra and VicāruSB 10.61.8-9
rucandraḥ vicāraḥ ca Cārucandra and VicāruSB 10.61.8-9
dṛḍharuci DṛḍharuciSB 5.20.14
ghoṣa-praghoṣa-ruciram producing a sound with Their ankle bells that was very, very sweet to hearSB 10.8.22
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
hata-rucaḥ having faded lustersSB 4.7.23
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kanaka-ruciḥ possessing a golden hueCC Antya 5.112
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
ajita-rucira-līlā by the most attractive pastimes of Ajita, the Supreme Personality of GodheadCC Madhya 24.48
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
nirucchvāsa having stopped breathingSB 4.8.80
nirucchvāsaḥ breathlessSB 3.31.23
nirvāṇarucayaḥ the NirvāṇarucisSB 8.13.25
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
yat-pāda-sevā-abhiruciḥ the taste for serving the lotus feet of Lord KṛṣṇaCC Madhya 24.217
pańka-ańga-rāga-rucirau whose beautiful transcendental bodies were covered with muddy cow dung and urineSB 10.8.23
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
prabhura ruci-anurūpa very tasteful for Śrī Caitanya MahāprabhuCC Antya 10.137
ghoṣa-praghoṣa-ruciram producing a sound with Their ankle bells that was very, very sweet to hearSB 10.8.22
sva-sva-bhojya-rucim pṛthak different varieties of foodstuffs brought from home, with their separate and different tastesSB 10.13.10
pańka-ańga-rāga-rucirau whose beautiful transcendental bodies were covered with muddy cow dung and urineSB 10.8.23
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
sva-rucā by self-effulgenceSB 4.12.36
sva-rucā by their own effulgenceSB 11.2.27
su-rucaḥ greatly attractiveSB 2.9.11
sva-rucaḥ Hiraṇyākṣa's own splendorSB 3.18.2
hata-rucaḥ having faded lustersSB 4.7.23
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
yathā-rucam as he thinksSB 2.4.21
yathā-ruci according to tasteSB 3.24.15
yathā-ruci according to what pleases themSB 11.14.9
prabhura ruci-anurūpa very tasteful for Śrī Caitanya MahāprabhuCC Antya 10.137
ātma-ruciḥ transcendental attractionSB 1.5.25
āńgika-ruciḥ the luster of the bodyCC Antya 1.169
kanaka-ruciḥ possessing a golden hueCC Antya 5.112
sva-sva-bhojya-rucim pṛthak different varieties of foodstuffs brought from home, with their separate and different tastesSB 10.13.10
ajita-rucira-līlā by the most attractive pastimes of Ajita, the Supreme Personality of GodheadCC Madhya 24.48
ghoṣa-praghoṣa-ruciram producing a sound with Their ankle bells that was very, very sweet to hearSB 10.8.22
pańka-ańga-rāga-rucirau whose beautiful transcendental bodies were covered with muddy cow dung and urineSB 10.8.23
vivikta-ruc disgusted tasteSB 4.22.23
saṃruruce appeared very splendidSB 3.13.31
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
yat-pāda-sevā-abhiruciḥ the taste for serving the lotus feet of Lord KṛṣṇaCC Madhya 24.217
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
su-rucaḥ greatly attractiveSB 2.9.11
suruceḥ of Queen SuruciSB 4.8.9
suruciḥ SuruciSB 4.8.8
suruciḥ SuruciSB 4.8.8
suruciḥ Queen SuruciSB 4.8.10
suruciḥ Queen SuruciSB 4.9.41
suruciḥ Queen SuruciSB 4.9.46
suṣeṇaḥ suruciḥ Suṣeṇa and SuruciSB 12.11.39
suruc by Queen SuruciSB 4.8.18
surucyāḥ of Queen SuruciSB 4.8.36
suṣeṇaḥ suruciḥ Suṣeṇa and SuruciSB 12.11.39
sva-rucaḥ Hiraṇyākṣa's own splendorSB 3.18.2
sva-rucā by self-effulgenceSB 4.12.36
sva-sva-bhojya-rucim pṛthak different varieties of foodstuffs brought from home, with their separate and different tastesSB 10.13.10
sva-sva-bhojya-rucim pṛthak different varieties of foodstuffs brought from home, with their separate and different tastesSB 10.13.10
sva-rucā by their own effulgenceSB 11.2.27
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
kusumbha-vaikańka-trikūṭa-śiśira-patańga-rucaka-niṣadha-śinīvāsa-kapila-śańkha-vaidūrya-jārudhi-haṃsa-ṛṣabha-nāga-kālañjara-nārada the names of mountainsSB 5.16.26
rucandraḥ vicāraḥ ca Cārucandra and VicāruSB 10.61.8-9
vivikta-ruc disgusted tasteSB 4.22.23
yat-pāda-sevā-abhiruciḥ the taste for serving the lotus feet of Lord KṛṣṇaCC Madhya 24.217
yathā-rucam as he thinksSB 2.4.21
yathā-ruci according to tasteSB 3.24.15
yathā-ruci according to what pleases themSB 11.14.9
     DCS with thanks   
63 results
     
ruc noun (feminine) appearance (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
beauty (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
brightness (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
colour (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
delight (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
desire (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hue (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
light (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
liking (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
lustree (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a particular class of Apsarases (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleasure (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
resemblance (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
splendour (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
wish (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 9920/72933
ruc verb (class 1 parasmaipada) to be bright (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to be pleased with (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to please (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to shine (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 1945/72933
ruca noun (masculine) [gramm.] root ruc
Frequency rank 63704/72933
rucaka noun (neuter) a bright yellow pigment go-rocanā (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a garland (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a horse-ornament (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a kind of tonic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a sort of building or temple having terraces on three sides and closed only on the north side (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
Embelia Ribes (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
natron (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sochal salt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sweet juice (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sauvarcala
Frequency rank 9921/72933
rucaka noun (masculine neuter) a citron (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a kind of golden ornament or necklace (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a ring (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a tooth (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
any object or substance supposed to bring good luck (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 14402/72933
rucaka noun (masculine) a dove (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a kind of four-sided column (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a king (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a mountain (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a son of Uśanas (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of an author (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of one of the five remarkable personages born under particular constellations (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pigeon (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
Ricinus Communis (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 17161/72933
ruci adjective agreeable (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleasant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 13720/72933
ruci noun (feminine) appetite (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
beauty (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
colour (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
light (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
lustre (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
relish (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
taste (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
zest (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
[gramm.] the root ruc gorocanā
Frequency rank 1718/72933
ruci noun (masculine) name of a king (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a Prajāpati (the husband of Ākūti and father of Yajña or Suyajña and of Manu Raucya) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a son of Viśvāmitra (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 8177/72933
rucikeśvaraka noun (masculine neuter) name of a Tīrtha at Śrīśaila
Frequency rank 63707/72933
rucikāriṇī noun (feminine) a kind of plant
Frequency rank 63705/72933
rucikṛtapitṛstotra noun (neuter) name of Garuḍapurāṇa, 1.89
Frequency rank 63706/72933
ruciparvan noun (masculine) name of a man (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 63709/72933
rucira noun (neuter) a radish (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
cloves (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
saffron (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
silver
Frequency rank 17162/72933
rucira adjective agreeable to (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
beautiful (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
bright (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
brilliant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
charming (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
cordial (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
dainty (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
liked by (gen. or comp.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
nice (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleasant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
radiant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
splendid (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
stomachic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sweet (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 2408/72933
rucira noun (masculine) name of a son of Senajit (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 38768/72933
ruciraparvan noun (masculine)
Frequency rank 63712/72933
ruciraphalā noun (feminine) a kind of plant
Frequency rank 63713/72933
ruciratara adjective
Frequency rank 63711/72933
rucirañjana noun (masculine) Moringa Pterygosperma (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 63710/72933
rucirā noun (feminine) a kind of pigment (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a river (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a woman (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of two metres (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
gorocanā
Frequency rank 25208/72933
rucirāśva noun (masculine) name of a son of Senajit (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 29922/72933
rucitā noun (feminine) taking pleasure in (ifc) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
the having a taste or liking or desire for (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 63708/72933
ruciṣya adjective agreeable (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
dainty (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
giving an appetite (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
liked (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
nice (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleasant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
stomachic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
tonic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 22132/72933
rucya noun (neuter) a kind of tonic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sochal salt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sauvarcala
Frequency rank 29923/72933
rucya noun (masculine) Aegle Marmelos (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a lover (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
husband (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
rice (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
Strychnos Potatorum (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 38769/72933
rucya adjective beautiful (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
bright (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
giving an appetite (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleasing (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
radiant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
tonic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 1773/72933
rucyaka adjective
Frequency rank 63714/72933
rucyakanda noun (masculine) Arum Campanulatum (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 63715/72933
ruc noun (feminine) gorocanā a species of cucumber (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
black cumin (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 38770/72933
atiruc verb (class 1 parasmaipada) to shine over or along (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to surpass in shining (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 16372/72933
atirucira adjective very lovely (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 42188/72933
abhaktaruci noun (feminine) want of appetite (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 26509/72933
abhinimruc verb (class 1 parasmaipada) to (said of the sun) to set upon anybody who is sleeping or has not finished his work (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 44175/72933
abhiruc verb (class 1 ātmanepada) to be bright (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to please any one (dat.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to shine (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 26536/72933
abhiruci noun (feminine) being pleased with (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
delighting in (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 20701/72933
abhirucita adjective agreeable to (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
delighting in (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleased with (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
pleasing (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 32348/72933
abhiviruc verb (class 1 ātmanepada) to shine or be brilliant over (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 32360/72933
amanorucita adjective unpleasant
Frequency rank 44560/72933
aruc adjective lightless (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 44858/72933
aruci noun (feminine) aversion (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
disgust (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
dislike (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
want of appetite (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 1657/72933
arucimant adjective
Frequency rank 44859/72933
rucitra noun (masculine) name of a son of Dhṛtarāṣṭra (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 21286/72933
ruci noun (masculine) name of a mountain
Frequency rank 52931/72933
duruccheda adjective difficult to be extirpated or destroyed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 35726/72933
nimruc verb (class 1 parasmaipada) to disappear (as the sun) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to set (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 18058/72933
nirucchvāsa noun (masculine) breathlessness (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a particular hell where the wicked cannot breathe (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 36292/72933
nirucchvāsa adjective breathless (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
crowded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
narrow (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not breathing (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 10121/72933
pratiruci noun (feminine) [astron.] ?
Frequency rank 58889/72933
yathāruci indeclinable according to pleasure or liking (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
according to taste (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 17129/72933
vararuci noun (masculine) name of a grammarian (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
[rel.] name of Śiva
Frequency rank 30060/72933
vasuruci noun (masculine) name of a Gandharva (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 64888/72933
vahniruci noun (feminine) name of a plant
Frequency rank 64953/72933
viruc verb (class 1 parasmaipada) to appear as or like (nom.) to be bright or radiant or conspicuous or visible to delight (gen.) to excel (acc.) to outshine to please to shine forth
Frequency rank 5396/72933
sampraruc verb (class 1 ātmanepada) to appear good or right to appear very bright or beautiful to please
Frequency rank 69283/72933
saṃruc verb (class 1 ātmanepada) to beam to glitter to shine to shine together or at the same time or in rivalry
Frequency rank 70057/72933
suruci noun (feminine) name of a wife of Dhruva and mother of Uttama (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a wife of Uttānapāda
Frequency rank 20337/72933
suruc adjective shining brightly (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 71171/72933
suruci noun (masculine) name of a Gandharva king (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a Yakṣa (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 31077/72933
surucira adjective beautiful (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
radiant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
shining brightly (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
splendid (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 20338/72933
suruciranya noun (masculine) name of a man
Frequency rank 71172/72933
surucya adjective very rucya
Frequency rank 71173/72933
sruc noun (feminine) a sort of large wooden ladle (used for pouring clarified butter on a sacrificial fire) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 8057/72933
Ayurvedic Medical
Dictionary
     Dr. Potturu with thanks
     
     Purchase Kindle edition

ahaṃkāra

ego-construction; consciousness; personal identity.

anabhiṣyandi

a medicine or food that does not cause obstruction to channels.

ānāha

distension of abdomen due to obstruction to passage of urine and stools; constipation.

anāhatacakra

circle of unstruck sound located at heart; one of ṣaṭcakras.

aruci

loss of appetite; tastelessness.

āśaya

receptacle, pouchy structures.

avaṣṭambha

obstruction, impediment, have recourse to.

baddhodara,badhagudodar

intestinal obstruction; partial or complete blockage of the bowel that prevents the contents of the intestine from passing through.

bhoja

author of Cārucarya, a work on dietetics and lifestyle (11th Century ).

bhūdharapuṭa,bhūdarayantra

a crucible filled with mercury is sealed and kept in a pit and covered with cow-dung discs and heated for specific time to make a rasauṣadha.

rucarya

text on dietetics and lifestyle authored by Bhoja (11th Century )

gostanimūṣa

a crucible used in medicinal alchemy.

halīmaka

liver disease; chronic obstructive jaundice, an advanced stage in jaundice.

hatādimantha

an eye disease, panophthalmitis; inflammation of all coats of the eye including intraocular structures; atrophic eye.

karṇiṇi

disease in women, obstruction of vaginal discharge due to polups.

kṣapana

destructive, diminishing, fasting; chastisement of the body.

kūrca

1. brush; brush like structures; 2. upper part of the nose; 3. tip of the thumb and middle finger brought in contact so as to pinch; 4. lethal point on arm.

laya

devastation, destruction.

mahāmūṣa

big crucible.

mūḍhagarbha

malpresentation of the foetus; obstructed labour.

mūṣa

crucible, an utensil that can withstand high temparatures, used to remove morbid elements (doṣa) from various metals and minerals, especially to prepare ashes (bhasma).

mūtrāghāta

urinary obstruction.

mūtrasaṅga

obstruction in urinary tract, stricture.

nāsānāha,nāsāpratināha

nasal obstruction, deviation of septum.

pralaya

1. cyclic dissolution, armageddon, end, destruction; 2. sleepiness.

pratināha

obstruction by secretions.

racana

structure.

rajju

rope, chord, ropelike structures in the body binding the muscles and bones; ligaments.

rucaka

Go to danta.

rucaka

Go to sauvarcala lavaṇa

sāmānyamūṣa

an ordinary crucible.

sangrāhika

obstructing, constipating.

svarabheda

hoarse voice; destruction of voice.

svastikayantra

cruciform forceps used in surgery. Its of 24 varieties.

svastikayantra

cruciform surgical instrument (forceps)

udgāra

belching, eructation.

upadeśa

one of tantrayuktis, instruction, elucidation, injunction.

upayogasamstha

instructions to use or practice a technique; user manual.

vajradruma

Plant milk bush, pencil tree, Euphorbia tirucalli.

vajramūṣa

crucible that withstands higher temperatures.

vibandha

1. constipation, 2. circular bandage, 3. obstruction, 4. remedy for promoting obstruction.

viḍhvighāta

urinary obstruction and inflammation with smelling urine; impacted faeces in the rectum.

viṣṭambha

obstructed vāta disorder, distension.

viṭśūla

pain in lower abdomen due to obstruction of feces.

vṛntākamuṣa

a crucible that looks like brinjal, used for satvapātana.

vūhya

ellipsis, omission of a word or phrase necessary for a complete syntactical construction but not necessary for understanding; fabrication, fiction.

yogamūṣa

a crucible used for extraction of mercury.

     Wordnet Search "ruc" has 57 results.
     

ruc

snehaḥ, prītiḥ, prema, anurāgaḥ, anuraktiḥ, ruciḥ, abhiruciḥ, hārddam, praśrayaḥ, snehabhāvaḥ, prītibhāvaḥ, premabhāvaḥ   

kañcit prati sauhārdaṃ kamapi atipriyaṃ matvā sarvadā tatsavidhe vāsārthaṃ prerikā kācana manovṛttiḥ vā।

snehaḥ na svārthāspadam। / putre mama mahān snehaḥ।

ruc

kāntā, sundarī, rucirā, sudṛśyā, śobhanā, vāmā, rūpavatī, rūpiṇī, surūpī, manoramā, manojñā, lāvaṇyavatī, sādhvī, saumyā, śrīyuktā, sumukhī, abhirāmā, suṣamā, cārvī, peśalā, rucyā, mañjuḥ, mañjulā, vṛndārā   

sā strī yā rūpeṇa cāru asti।

te kānte vārtālāpaṃ kurutaḥ।

ruc

lavaṇam, rūcakam, kṣāraḥ   

kṣārarasayuktadravyaṃ yena padārthasya svādaḥ vardhate।

lavaṇena padārthasya svādaḥ vardhate।

ruc

anicchā, anākāṅkṣā, anabhilāṣā, aruci   

icchāyāḥ abhāvaḥ।

tena adhyayanaṃ prati anicchā pradarśitā।

ruc

ājigīṣu, kīrtiprepsu, yaśaskāma, yaśaskāmyat, utkṛṣṭapadaprepsu, abhirucimat, aiśvaryaprepsu, abhipreta   

yaḥ prakarṣeṇa yaśaḥ ākāṅkṣate।

śyāmaḥ ājigīṣuḥ asti।

ruc

rucikara, rasavat, rasika, sarasa, surasa, rasin, rocaka, rūcira, rucya, rasita   

yasmin svādaḥ vartate।

rucikarasya bhojanasya pāke aham ādarśaḥ।

ruc

ruciraprastaraḥ, cāruprastaraḥ   

śvetavarṇīyaprastaraḥ।

ruciprastaraiḥ vinirmitaḥ tejomahalaḥ।

ruc

prakāśaḥ, dyutiḥ, dīptiḥ, tejaḥ, pradīpaḥ, jyotiḥ, jyotiḥ, prabhā, ābhā, chaviḥ, ālokaḥ, ruciḥ, ruc, kāntiḥ, chaṭā, nibhā, bhā, bhāḥ, chāyā, tviṣā, tviṣ, śociḥ, śobhā, varcaḥ, mahaḥ, dyotaḥ, dūśānam, marīciḥ, jhallikā   

sā śaktiḥ tattvaṃ vā yayā anyāni vastūni dṛggocarāṇi bhavanti।

sūryasya āgamanena diśaḥ prakāśeṇa kāsyanti।

ruc

rucitiḥ, muḥ, antaśayyā   

kāṣṭhānāṃ sā pīṭikā yasya upari pretaṃ dahyate।

adya bhāti yad gāndhīmahodayasya dārucityā saha sadbhāvaḥ , premaḥ ahiṃsā ete'pi dagdhāḥ।

ruc

ruc, abhiruc, svad, juṣ, prī   

āsvādanānukūlaḥ vyāpāraḥ।

mahyam idaṃ kāryaṃ naiva rocate।

ruc

icchā, ākāṅkṣā, vāñchā, dohadaḥ, spṛhā, īhā, tṛṭ, lipsā, manorathaḥ, kāmaḥ, abhilāṣaḥ, tarṣaḥ, ruk, iṣā, śraddhā, tṛṣṇā, ruciḥ, matiḥ, dohalam, chandaḥ, iṭ   

manodharmaviśeṣaḥ।

nirduḥkhatve sukhe cecchā tajjñānādeva jāyate। icchā tu tadupāye syādiṣṭopāyatvadhīryadi।।

ruc

abhiruciḥ, pravṛttiḥ   

prakṛtyā kasminnapi ruciḥ।

pāṭhanasya abhiruciḥ dṛṣṭvā saḥ nagare preṣitaḥ।

ruc

sundara, cāru, rucira, sudṛśya, śobhana, kānta, vāma, surupa, manorama, manojña, sādhu, saumya, śrīyukta, sumukha, abhirāma, suṣama, peśala, rucya, mañju, mañjula, vṛndāra, manohārin, lāvaṇyavat, rūpavat, bhadraka, ramaṇīya, rāmaṇīyaka, bandhūra, bandhura, valgu, hāri, svarūpa, abhirūpa, divya   

rūpalāvaṇyasampannaḥ।

bālakaḥ sundaraḥ asti।

ruc

abhiruciḥ, ruciḥ   

abhīṣṭasya bhāvaḥ।

saḥ abhirucyāḥ anusareṇa kāryaṃ karoti।

ruc

dyumat, dyutikar, dyutimat, dyotana, dyoti, dyotamāna, ujvala, kāntimat, kiraṇamaya, utprabha, ullasa, ullasita, prakāśavat, prakāśaka, prakāśamāna, prakāśat, prakāśin, citra, tejasvat, tejasvin, tejomaya, taijasa, añjimat, atiśukra, abhirucira, abhivirājita, abhiśobhita, abhīṣumat, amanda, avabhāsita, avabhāsin, ābhāsvara, ārocana, ābhāsura, iddha, utprabha, udīrṇadīdhiti, uddyota, uddyotita, kanakatālābha, kanakaprabha, kanala, kāśī, kāśīṣṇu, ketu, taijasa, dīdi, dīdivi, dīpta, dīptimat, dyotamāna, dhauta, punāna, prakhya, prabhāvat, bṛhajjyotis, bhāskara, bhāsura, bhāsvara, bhāsvat, bhāsayat, rukmābha, rucita, rucira, rucya, ruśat, roca, rocana, rocamāna, rociṣṇu, varcasvin, vidyotamāna, virukmat, vicakṣaṇa, virājamāna, śuklabhāsvara, śundhyu, śubhāna, śubhra, śubhri, śumbhamāna, śobha, śobhamāna, sutāra, suteja, sudīpta, sudyotman, supraketa, suprabha, suruk, suvibhāta, sphurat, hiraṇyanirṇij, hiraṇyanirṇig   

yasmin dīptiḥ asti athavā yasya varṇaḥ ābhāyuktaḥ asti।

prācyadeśāt āgatena tena dūtena tat dyumat ratnaṃ rājasabhāyāṃ rājñe samarpitam।

ruc

cakās, śubh, ruc   

prakāśanānukūlavyāpāraḥ।

ratnajaḍitāni ābhūṣaṇāni cakāsanti।

ruc

darvikaḥ, camasaḥ, camasaṃ, darviḥ, darvī, dārvī, kambiḥ, khajaḥ, khajikā, pāṇikā, sruc, sruk   

laghuḥ camasaḥ।

mātā darvikena bālaṃ dugdhaṃ pāyayati।

ruc

ruc, abhiruc   

prakṛtyā kāryaviśeṣasya spṛhānukūlaḥ vyāpāraḥ।

mahyaṃ kathālekhanaṃ rocate।

ruc

spṛh, ruc   

vastuviṣayaka-icchānukūlavyāpāraḥ।

na spṛhayāmi ahaṃ bhojanam adya।

ruc

rucauraḥ   

yaḥ chidraṃ kṛtvā cauryakarma karoti।

purā kārucaurāḥ cauryakārye eva vyagrāḥ santi।

ruc

vṛṣyakandaḥ, rucirā, mūlābhaḥ, kaṭukandaḥ   

kandaviśeṣaḥ yaḥ miṣṭaḥ kaṭuḥ ca asti।

saḥ apakvaṃ vṛṣyakandam atti।

ruc

raśmiḥ, marīciḥ, karaḥ, abhīśuḥ, abhīṣuḥ, mayūkhaḥ, gabhastiḥ, dīdhitiḥ, arkatviṭ, pādaḥ, usraḥ, ruciḥ, tviṣiḥ, vibhā, arcis, bhānuḥ, śipiḥ, dhṛṣṇiḥ, pṛṣṭiḥ, vīciḥ, ghṛṇiḥ, upadhṛtiḥ, pṛśniḥ, syonaḥ, syūmaḥ, kiraṇaḥ, aṃśuḥ, kiraṇaḥ   

prakāśasya atisūkṣmāḥ rekhāḥ yāḥ sūryacandrādibhyaḥ jyotiṣmadbhyaḥ padārthebhyaḥ niṣkasya vikīryamāṇāḥ dṛśyante।

sūryasya raśmibhiḥ dinasya prārambhaḥ bhavati।

ruc

svādaḥ, ruci   

khādyapadārthasya rasagrahaṇānubhavaḥ।

jvarāt tasya mukhasya svādaḥ nirgataḥ।

ruc

tīkṣṇagandhakaḥ, śobhāñjanaḥ, śigruḥ, tīkṣṇagandhakaḥ, akṣīvaḥ, tīkṣṇagandhaḥ, sutīkṣṇaḥ, ghanapallavaḥ, śvetamaricaḥ, tīkṣṇaḥ, gandhaḥ, gandhakaḥ, kākṣīvakaḥ, strīcittahārī, draviṇanāśanaḥ, kṛṣṇagandhā, mūlakaparṇī, nīlaśigruḥ, janapriyaḥ, mukhamodaḥ, cakṣuṣyaḥ, rucirāñjanaḥ   

saḥ vṛkṣaḥ yasya dīrghabījaguptiḥ śākārthe upayujyate।

śyāmaḥ tīkṣṇagandhakasya bījaguptim uñchati।

ruc

amṛtam, ruciphalam, vidaram   

svāduphalakasadṛśaṃ madhuraṃ phalam।

mohanaḥ amṛtam atti।

ruc

lavaṅgam, lavaṅgapuṣpam, lavaṅgakalikā, divyam, śekharam, lavam, śrīpuṣpam, ruciram, vārisambhavam, bhṛṅgāram, gīrvāṇakusumam, candanapuṣpam, devakusumam, śrīsaṃjñam, śrīprasūnam   

ekasyāḥ latāyāḥ kalikā yāṃ śoṣayitvā tasyāḥ vyañjanarūpeṇa auṣadharūpeṇa ca upayogaḥ prayogaḥ bhavati।

lavaṅgasya tailasya upayogaḥ dantapīḍānivāraṇārthaṃ kriyate।

ruc

suruciḥ   

dhruvasya vimātā;

suruciḥ dhruvaṃ pituḥ aṅkāt dūrīkaroti sma।

ruc

suruciḥ   

śobhanā ruciḥ।

gṛhasya pariṣkaraṇaṃ gṛhiṇyāḥ suruciṃ darśayati।

ruc

kvathita, jīrṇa, prajīrṇa, rucita, pakva   

yad kvathyate।

kvathitāt annāt śarīraṃ ūrjāṃ prāpnoti।

ruc

rucikara, rucikāraka, rucikārin   

yaḥ rucim utpādayati।

mama mātā rucikaraṃ bhojanaṃ pacati।

ruc

balyam, rucakam, rocakaḥ, agnivardhanaḥ   

balavardhanasya auṣadham।

vaidyaḥ rugṇāya balyasya sevanaṃ kartum akathayat।

ruc

puṣpakabarī, śīrṣakam, śīrṣakamālā, avacūḍā, puṣpaveṇī, puṣpaśekharaḥ, pratisaraḥ, mālakā, mālikā, mālyadāman, rucakam, suratatālī, sraj, srak, srag, dāman, pīḍā   

puṣpāṇi rajjau grathitvā nirmitā mālā yā śirasi dhāryate।

stribhiḥ keśeṣu puṣpakabarī paridhāryate।

ruc

arucikara, aprītikara, apriya, arucikāraka, anicchita, amanojña   

yaḥ rucikaraḥ nāsti।

arucikaraṃ kāryaṃ na karaṇīyam।

ruc

ruciḥ   

paurāṇikam astram।

viśvāmitreṇa anyāni śastrāṇi viphalīkartuṃ rāmāya kāruciḥ dattaḥ।

ruc

rucimatī   

śrīkṛṣṇasya mātāmahī।

rucimatī ugrasenasya patnī āsīt।

ruc

yakṣaruciḥ   

daityaviśeṣaḥ।

yakṣaruceḥ varṇanaṃ purāṇeṣu asti।

ruc

vasuruciḥ   

ekaḥ gandharvaḥ।

vasuruceḥ varṇanaṃ purāṇe vartate।

ruc

ruciḥ   

ekā apsarā;

ruceḥ varṇanam purāṇe asti

ruc

ruciprabhaḥ   

ekaḥ daityaḥ।

ruciprabhasya varṇanaṃ mahābhārate vartate।

ruc

madhura, rucira   

yat manase rocate।

vaideśikaḥ madhurāḥ smṛtīḥ tyaktvā gataḥ।

ruc

akṣudhā, aruciḥ   

bhojanasya anicchā।

anavasthā akṣudhām utpādayati।

ruc

bharucamaṇḍalam   

gujarātaprānte vartamānam ekaṃ maṇḍalam। bharucamaṇḍalasya mukhyālayaḥ bharuce vartate।

ruc

bharucaḥ   

gujarātaprānte vartamānam ekaṃ nagaram। mama sāhāyikā bharucāt āgatā।

ruc

paruccheyaḥ   

vaidikaḥ ṛṣiviśeṣaḥ।

paruccheyasya varṇanaṃ ṛgvede asti।

ruc

urucakriḥ   

paurāṇikaḥ ṛṣiviśeṣaḥ।

urucakreḥ varṇanaṃ ṛgvede prāpyate।

ruc

rucirā   

mātrikaḥ chandoviśeṣaḥ।

rucirāyāḥ prathame tathā tṛtīye caraṇe ṣoḍaśa dvitīye tathā caturthe caraṇe caturdaśa mātrāḥ santi।

ruc

rucirā   

varṇavṛttaviśeṣaḥ।

rucirāyāḥ pratyekasmin caraṇe krameṇa jagaṇaḥ bhagaṇaḥ sagaṇaḥ jagaṇaḥ tathā ante guruśca bhavati।

ruc

rucitraḥ   

dhṛtarāṣṭraputraḥ।

cārucitrasya varṇanaṃ dhārmikeṣu grantheṣu prāpyate।

ruc

ruciḥ   

ekaḥ prajāpatiḥ।

ruciḥ raucyasya manoḥ pitā āsīt।

ruc

viśvaruciḥ   

ekaḥ divyapuruṣaḥ ।

viśvaruceḥ varṇanaṃ mahābhārate asti

ruc

paurarucidevaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

kathāsaritsāgare paurarucidevasya varṇanaṃ vidyate

ruc

bodhiruciḥ   

ekaḥ vidvān ।

prācīna-bhāratīya-bauddha-vāṅmaye bodhiruciḥ ullikhitaḥ prāpyate

ruc

bodhiruciḥ   

ekaḥ vidvān ।

prācīna-bhāratīya-bauddha-vāṅmaye bodhiruciḥ ullikhitaḥ prāpyate

ruc

ruciraḥ   

senajitaḥ putraḥ ।

rucirasya ullekhaḥ harivaṃśe vartate

ruc

rucakaḥ   

ekā sāhityaśāstrīyā kṛtiḥ ।

sahṛdayalīlāyāḥ lekhakaḥ rucakaḥ asti

ruc

viśvaruciḥ   

ekaḥ dānavaḥ ।

viśvaruceḥ ullekhaḥ kathāsaritsāgare asti

ruc

marucīpaṭṭanam   

ekaṃ nagaram ।

varāha-mihireṇa bṛhatsaṃhitāyāṃ marucīpaṭṭanaṃ nāma nagaraṃ varṇitam

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