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Results for min
     
WordReferenceGenderNumberSynonymsDefinition
gauḥ2.9.67-72FeminineSingularupasaryā, rohiṇī, bahusūtiḥ, kapilā, navasūtikā, ekahāyanī, droṇakṣīrā, bandhyā, saurabheyī, garbhopaghātinī, arjunī, acaṇḍī, dhavalā, vaṣkayiṇī, dvivarṣā, pīnoghnī, tryabdā, samāṃsamīnā, sandhinī, vaśā, praṣṭhauhī, naicikī, pareṣṭukā, pāṭalā, suvratā, caturabdā, droṇadugdhā, avatokā, usrā, kālyā, aghnyā, sukarā, kṛṣṇā, dhenuḥ, ekābdā, pīvarastanī, trihāyaṇī, māheyī, vehad, śṛṅgiṇī, bālagarbhiṇī, śavalī, cirasūtā, dvihāyanī, sukhasaṃdohyā, caturhāyaṇī, dhenuṣyā, sravadgarbhā, mātā(49)cow
kāmaṃgāmī2.8.77MasculineSingularanukāmīnaḥ
karmakṣamaḥ3.1.16MasculineSingularalaṅkarmīṇaḥ
kopanā strī2.6.4FeminineSingularbhāminī
madanaḥ1.1.25-26MasculineSingularbrahmasūḥ, māraḥ, kandarpaḥ, kāmaḥ, sambarāriḥ, ananyajaḥ, makaradhvajaḥ, viśvaketuḥ, pradyumnaḥ, darpakaḥ, pañcaśaraḥ, manasijaḥ, puṣpadhanvā, ātmabhūḥ, manmathaḥ, mīnaketanaḥ, anaṅgaḥ, smaraḥ, kusumeṣuḥ, ratipatiḥkamadeva
nalinīFeminineSingularbisinī, padminīan assemblage of lotus flowers
nīlīFeminineSingulardolā, śrīphalī, grāmīṇā, droṇī, rañjnī, klītakikā, nīlinī, tutthā, madhuparṇikā, kālā
patnī2.6.5FeminineSingularjāyā, ‍dārā, ‍pāṇigṛhītī, dvitīyā, sahadharmiṇī, bhāryā
pṛthuromāMasculineSingularvisāraḥ, jhaṣaḥ, śakalī, matsyaḥ, mīnaḥ, vaisāriṇaḥ, aṇḍajaḥa fish
rajasvalā2.6.20FeminineSingularātreyī, malinī, puṣpavatī, ṛtumatī, strīdharmiṇī, udakyā, aviḥ
śampā1.3.9FeminineSingularcañcalā, taḍit, hrādinī, vidyut, kṣaṇaprabhā, śatahradā, capalā, saudāminī, airāvatīlighting
śarvarīFeminineSingularrajanī, kṣapā, rātriḥ, tamī, tamasvinī, kṣaṇadā, niśīthinī, minī, vibhāvarī, triyāmā, niśāthe star spangled night
vīrut2.4.9FeminineSingulargulminī, ulapaḥ
nalamīnaḥMasculineSingularcilicimaḥsort of spart(one kind of fish)
minī3.3.119FeminineSingularprajāpatiḥ, tattvam, tapaḥ, brahma, brahmā, vipraḥ, vedāḥ
     Monier-Williams
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Results for min
     
Devanagari
BrahmiEXPERIMENTAL
minf. a bodily defect, fault, blemish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minf. Name of particular verses View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mindāhuti(h-) f. a particular sacrifice, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minminamfn. equals miṇmiṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minnamfn. become fat, fat (impersonal or used impersonally minnam-or meditam- ) . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minv(see ninv-, sinv-) = pinv- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhigāminmfn. having sexual intercourse with (in compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhimanyusvāminm. Name of a temple View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhināminm. Name of a ṛṣi- in the sixth manvantara- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhisamindhto set on fire, kindle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhyāgāminmfn. approaching, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhyaminmfn. attacking View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adharminmfn. unrighteous, wicked, impious. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adhogāminmfn. going downwards, descending. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adhvagāminmfn. wayfaring. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasvāminm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āgaminmfn. receiving a grammatical augment View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āgāminmfn. coming, approaching View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āgāminmfn. (gaRa gamy-ādi- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āgāminmfn. impending, future etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āgāminmfn. (with auguries) accidental, changeable (opposed to sthira-,"fix") View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āgāminSee View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
agamyāgāminmfn. practising it View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
agnimindha(agnim-indh/a-) m. the priest who kindles the fire View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
agragāminmfn. preceding, taking the lead. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ahamindram. Name (also title or epithet) of a divine being, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akāminmfn. equals a-kām/a-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akṣaminmfn. intolerant, cruel, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
alaṃgāminmfn. (equals anugavīna-) going after or watching (as cows) in a proper manner View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ambudhakāminīf. "ocean-lover", a river, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ambudhikāminīf. a river View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aminmfn. (fr. 1. ama-), sick View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aminamfn. impetuous View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aminaSee am-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aminatmfn. (1. mi-), not violating or transgressing, not altering View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aminatf. (Ved. dual number atī-) unalterable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
amuṣminind. (locative case sg. of ad/as-) in the other world View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
amuṣminind. (forms the base of āmuṣmika- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anāgāminmfn. not coming, not arriving View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anāgāminmfn. not future, not subject to returning View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anāgāminm. Name of the third among the four Buddhist orders. (see ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anaminmfn. not ill, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anāminmfn. unbending View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anantavikraminm. Name of a bodhisattva-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ananyagāminmfn. going to no other. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anapakraminmfn. not departing from View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anapakraminmfn. devoted, attached to. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anāryakarminm. doing work unbecoming an ārya- or becoming only a non- ārya-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anāśraminm. one who does not belong to or follow any of the four āśrama-s or religious orders to which Brahmans at different periods of life are bound to attach themselves. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antagāminmfn. going to the end, perishing. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antargatagāminmfn. gone between or into, being in, included in
antargatagāminmfn. being in the interior, internal, hidden, secret View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antargatagāminmfn. disappeared, perished View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antargatagāminmfn. slipped out of the memory, forgotten. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
antaryāminm. "checking or regulating the internal feelings", the soul View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anugāminmfn. following, a companion. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anukāminmfn. desirous View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anyagāminmfn. going to another, adulterous. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anyonyadharminmfn. possessing mutually each other's qualities, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apakraminmfn. going away, retiring. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apariṇāminmfn. unchanging. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apatanadharminmfn. not liable to fall out, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apatanadharmin(n.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apathagāminmfn. going by a wrong road, pursuing bad practices, heretical. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aprasavadharminmfn. (in sāṃkhya- philosophy) not having the property of producing (one of the characteristics of puruṣa-) . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apṛthagdharminmfn. having no separate qualities, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ārabyayāminīf. Arabian Nights (translated into Sanskrit by jagad-bandhu-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ariṣṭaneminm. Name of a brother of gauḍa- (= aruṇa- commentator or commentary) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ariṣṭaneminm. of a muni- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ariṣṭaneminm. of the twenty-second tīrthaṃkara- (See nemi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āryasvāminm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśraminmfn. belonging to one of the four periods of religious life View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśraminmfn. belonging to a hermitage, a hermit, anchorite, etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
astagāminmfn. going down, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśugāminmfn. going or moving quickly View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśugāminm. Name of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
asvāminm. not an owner, not the owner View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atikraminmfn. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') exceeding, violating, etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atithidharminmfn. entitled to hospitality View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atyantagāminmfn. equals -ga- above. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atyāśraminm. "superior to the (four) āśrama-s", an ascetic of the highest degree. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avagaminmfn. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' conceiving, understanding View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avakrāminmfn. running away View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avanāminmfn. being bent down (as the branches of a tree) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avantisvāminm. Name of a sanctuary built by avantivarman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aviśvaminva(/a-viśvam-inva-) mf(ā-)n. not all-embracing, not pervading everything View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āyāminmfn. long in space or time View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āyāminmfn. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' restraining, stopping View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bahirgāminmfn. going out or forth View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāminmfn. (for 2.See) shining, radiant, splendid, beautiful etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāminmfn. (for 1.See) passionate, angry View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāminf. an angry or passionate woman, vixen (often used as a term of endearment equals caṇḍī-, māninī-,and not always separable from 1. bhāminī-)
bhāminīf. a beautiful woman etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāminīf. Name of the daughter of a gandharva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāminīvilāsam. Name of a poem by jagannātha- paṇḍita-rāja- (the 1st chapter contains allegorical precepts, the 2nd amatory subjects, the 3rd an elegy on a wife's death, the 4th teaches that consolation is only attainable through worshipping kṛṣṇa-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bharatasvāminm. Name of Scholiast or Commentator on etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bharminm. a person whose father is a Brahman and whose mother is a pulkasī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhartṛsvāminm. Name of the poet bhaṭṭi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhaṭṭārasvāmin m. Name of authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhaṭṭasvāmin(see bhaṭṭi-) m. Name of various scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhavanasvāminm. the lord of a house, pater familias View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhavasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhavasvāminm. of various authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhīmasvāminm. Name of a Brahman, , View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhogasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhraminmfn. turning round, whirling (as the wind) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhrāminmfn. confused, perplexed (varia lectio for bhrānta-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhrāṣṭramindhamfn. heating the frying-pan, one who fries or cook Va1rtt. 6 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhṛṅgasvāminm. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūminandam. Name of a prince View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūminātham. "earth-lord" (), "earth-protector" ( ), a king, prince. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūmisvāminm. "landlord", a king, prince View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūsvāminm. a landlord, landholder View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhūtasaṃkrāminmfn. dependent on beings that have existed before View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bilminmfn. having a helmet () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brāhmaṇīgāminm. the paramour of a brāhmaṇī- woman or of a brahman-'s wife View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahmasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahmayaśaḥsvāminm. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahminmfn. belonging or relating to brahma- or brahmā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahminmfn. "possessing sacred knowledge"Name of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cakrasvāminm. (see -bhṛt-) viṣṇu-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
candragominm. Name of a grammarian (also called candra-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
candrasvāminm. Name of several men View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminmfn. (gaRa vrīhy-ādi-) idem or 'mfn. armed with a shield, shield-bearer gaRa vrīhy-ādi- and purohitādi-.' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminmfn. covered with a hide View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminmfn. made of leather View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminm. equals rma-druma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminm. (equals rmaṇ-vatī-) Musa sapientum View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminm. Name of an attendant of śiva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
carminm. of a man Va1rtt. 2 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caturāśraminmfn. passing the 4 stages of a Brahman's life View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cāturāśramin(edition Calc.) for cat- q.v View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
chadminmfn. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' disguised as View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
chalitasvāminm. Name of a sanctuary (called after chalitaka-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
chandānugāminmfn. complying with the wishes (of others), submissive View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
chāttragominmfn. any one attendant on pupils View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ciliminikāSee View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cyavanadharminmfn. destined to fall from any divine existence (so as to be re-born as a man) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daminmfn. () tamed, self-controlled View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daminmfn. "taming" See kāma-daminī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daminn. Name of a tīrtha-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daminm. plural the Brahmans of śāka-dvīpa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daṇḍāśraminm. an ascetic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
darśayāminīf. the new moon night View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
darvihominmfn. offering m/a- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daśagrāminm. equals ma-pati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daśaminmfn. 91-100 years old View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
deśasvāminm. lord or prince of a country View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
devasvāminm. "lord of the gods", Name of several Brahmans View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
devasvāminm. of an astronomer View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
devasvāminm. of a Scholiast or Commentator on etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
devatīrthasvāminm. the ascetic Name of viśveśvara-datta-mitra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhaminSee kāmaṃ-dh-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhanasvāminm. owner of money, capitalist on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmasvāminm. "lord of law and right", Name of a buddha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmasvāminm. of a sanctuary built by dharma- (king of kaśmīra-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminmfn. knowing or obeying the law, faithful to duty, virtuous, pious, just View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminmfn. endowed with any characteristic mark or peculiar property (see below) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminmfn. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') following the laws or duties of, having the rights or attributes or peculiarities of. having anything as a characteristic mark, subject to any state or condition etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminm. the bearer of any characteristic mark or attribute, object, thing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminm. Name of the 14th vyāsa-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminm. of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminīf. a kind of perfume View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharminīf. Name of a woman (see dhārmiṇeya-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūminmfn. smoking, steaming View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūminīf. one of the seven tongues of agni- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūminīf. Name of the wife of aja-mīḍha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūminīf. of another woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūminīf. (with diś-) equals dhūmitā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhūrtasvāminm. Name of a Scholiast or Commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhyātamātropagāminmfn. appearing when merely thought of View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
diddāsvāminm. Name of a temple built by diddā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dikkāminīf. () equals -kanyā-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
diksvāminm. equals -pati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dīptasvāminm. Name of the father of śabara-svāmin- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dīrghagāminmfn. going or flying far View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
divyadharminmfn. "having a divine nature", virtuous, agreeable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dūragāminmfn. going far View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dūragāminm. an arrow View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
durlabhasvāminm. Name of a temple built by dur-vardhana- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dviradagāminmfn. walking like an elephant, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ekadharminmfn. of the same properties or kind, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gajagāminīf. a woman of a stately elephant-like walk View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gambhīrasvāminm. "the inscrutable lord", Name of a statue of nārāyaṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gaminmfn. intending to go (with accusative or in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') Va1rtt. on ii, 1, 24 on ii, 3, 70. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. going anywhere (local adverb [ ] or accusative [ ]or prati- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. (in the following meanings only) in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' ( Va1rtt. 1) going or moving on or in or towards or in any peculiar manner etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. having sexual intercourse with (see mātṛ-g-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. reaching or extending to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. coming to one's share, due etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. attaining, obtaining View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. directed towards View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. relating to (see agra--, anta--, anya--, āśu--, ṛtu--, kāma--.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gautamasvāminm. equals got- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gautaminandanam. (metrically for -n-) metron. of aśvatthāman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gharminmfn. engaged in preparing the gharma- offering View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ghṛtaminvamf(ā-)n. melting ghee View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gominm. (; gaRa aśvādi-) the owner of cattle or cows View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gominm. a jackal View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gominm. a layman adhering to buddha-'s faith View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gominm. equals nindya- and equals praśasta- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gosvāminm. the master or possessor of a cow or of cows ; a religious mendicant (commonlygosAin see pp. 87; 135; 142;also affixed as a honorary title to proper names exempli gratia, 'for example' vopadeva-g-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gosvāminm. "lord of cows", kṛṣṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gotamasvāminm. mahā-vīra-'s pupil gotama- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
govindasvāminm. Name of a Brahman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāmagaminmfn. equals -ga- Va1rtt. 1 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāmagāminmfn. idem or 'mfn. equals -ga- Va1rtt. 1 ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāminmfn. surrounded by a village or community or race View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāminmfn. pertaining to a village, rustic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāminm. a villager, peasant (miṇāṃ rati- equals ma-caryā- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāminm. equals meśa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāmyadharminmfn. addicted to sexual intercourse View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gṛhāśraminm. equals ma-vat-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gṛhasvāminīf. a housewife View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gulminmfn. equals lma-vat- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gulminmfn. composed of different divisions (as force etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gulminmfn. growing in a clump or cluster, bushy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gulminīf. a spreading creeper View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gurudevasvāminm. Name of a scholiast. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gurutalpagāminmfn. idem or 'mfn. one who violates his teacher's bed etc.' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
haiminīf. Name of a woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
haṃsagāminīf. "walking like a swan", a graceful woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
haṃsavāraṇagāminīf. a woman who walks like a swan and young elephant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hariharasvāminm. Name of author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harināthagosvāminm. Name of author. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harisvāminm. Name of various men View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
haritaneminmfn. having (a chariot with) golden fellies (śiva-), R: View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harivaṃśacandragosvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harivaṃśagosvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hastagāminmfn. equals -ga- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hitaharivaṃśagosvāminm. = hari-vaṃśa-gosv- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hominmfn. offering, presenting an oblation of (only in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound';See kṣīra--, tila-h-etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hominīf. saṃjñāyām- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
iṣminmfn. going quickly, speedy, impetuous (said of the winds) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jagatsvāminm. the lord of the world View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jagatsvāminm. viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jagatsvāminm. Name of an image of the sun in dvādaśādityāśrama-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminim. (equals mani-) Name of a celebrated sage and philosopher (he was a pupil of vyāsa- [who made over to him the ] ;and was udgātṛ- priest at janamejaya-'s snake-sacrifice, i, 2046;and was founder of the pūrva-- or karma-mīmāṃsā- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminibhāgavatan. Name of a modern revision of View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminibhāratan. Name of a modern revision of View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminikaḍāram. equals kaḍāra-jaimini-, the red jaimini- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminikośasūtran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminisūtran. Name of work , View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminīyamfn. relating to or composed by jaimini- (a dharma-śāstra-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminīyam. an adherent of jaimini- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminīyam. plural Name of a school of the View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminīyan. jaimini-'s work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jaiminīyanyāyamālāvistaram. Name of a compendium of the mīmāṃsā- philosophy by mādhava-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jambūsvāminm. Name of the pupil of mahā-vīra-'s pupil sudharman-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
janminm. a creature, man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jayantasvāminm. Name of the author of a treatise on Vedic accent. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jayasvāminm. "victory-lord", śiva- (?), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jayasvāminm. Name of a scholiast on chandoga-sūtra- and āśvalāyana-brāhmaṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jayasvāminvirocanam. Name of a sanctuary, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jīvaghoṣasvāminm. Name of a grammarian. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jīvantasvāminm. Name of a Jain saint View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jyeṣṭhāśraminmfn. idem or 'mfn. being in the most excellent order of life (viz. in that of a householder) ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kakudminmfn. peaked, humped View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kakudminm. a mountain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kakudminm. a bullock with a hump on his shoulders View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kakudminm. Name of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kakudminm. of a king of the ānarta-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kakudminīf. Name of a river View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kalahaṃsagāminīf. a woman with a gait like a swan's, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kālaneminmfn. having the fellies of kāla- as a weapon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kālaneminm. equals -nemi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāmadaminīf. "taming love", Name of a libidinous woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāmagāminmfn. equals -gati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāmakāminmfn. "wishing wishes", having various desires or wishes, following the dictates of passion View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāmaṃdhaminm. a brazier (equals kāraṃ-dhamin-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāmaṃgāminmfn. equals -gati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāmaṃgāminSee kāma-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. desirous, longing after (accusative or in compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. loving, fond, impassioned, wanton View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. amorous, enamoured, in love with (accusative or with saha-or rdham-) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. a lover, gallant, anxious husband View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. the ruddy goose (cakra-vāka-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. a pigeon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. Ardea Sibirica View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. a sparrow View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. Name of śiva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. a loving or affectionate woman etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. a timid woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. a woman in general View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. a form of devī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. the plant Vanda Roxburghii View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. the plant Curcuma aromatica View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. a spirituous liquor View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minī(f. of kāmin- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīkāntan. a metre consisting of four lines of six syllables each. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīpriyāf. a kind of spirituous liquor View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīśam. the plant Hyperanthera Moringa View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kapardisvāminm. Name of an author. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāraṃdhaminm. a brazier, worker in mixed or white metal View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kāraṃdhaminm. an assayer View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karasvāminm. Name of a tīrtha-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kardaminīf. a marshy region gaRa puṣkarādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karkasvāminm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karminmfn. acting, active, busy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karminmfn. performing a religious action, engaged in any work or business etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karminmfn. belonging or relating to any act View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karminm. performer of an action View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karminm. labourer, workman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karminm. Butea frondosa View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kartṛgāminmfn. idem or 'mfn. going towards or falling to the share of the agent commentator or commentary on ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
keśavasvāminm. Name of a grammarian, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kevalakarminmfn. performing mere works (without intelligence) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khadirasvāminm. Name of a scholiast. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khakāminīf. "liking the sky", the female of the Falco Cheela (cilla-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khakāminīf. Name of durgā- (carcikā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khelagāminmfn. idem or 'mf(ā-)n. idem or 'mfn. having a stately walk ' ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khikkhiminmfn. speaking indistinctly View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
klaminmfn. becoming tired, languishing gaRa śamādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṛminm. a worm (for the sake of metre) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṛminmfn. affected with worms View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṛṣṇānandasvāminm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣaminmfn. () idem or 'mfn. enduring, patient ' (with locative case) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣāminmfn. (equals sti&iencoding=&lang=sans'>kṣāmo 'syāsti-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣaṇarāminm. "loving for a moment only", a pigeon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣeminmfn. enjoying peace or security, safe, secure (exempli gratia, 'for example' ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣīrahominmfn. idem or '(r/a--) mfn. (gaRa yuktārohy-ādi-) equals -yāj/in- ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣīrasvāminm. Name of a grammarian and commentator or commentary on the amara-koṣa- (according to Kashmirian tradition the same with kṣīra-, q.v) commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kumārasvāminm. Name of the author of a commentator or commentary on the mīmāṃsā-bhāṣya-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kumārilasvāminm. idem or ' m. idem or 'm. Name of a renowned teacher of the mīmāṃsā- philosophy.' ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kupathagāminmfn. going in a wrong road, wicked. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kusvāminm. a bad master View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuthuminm. Name of a teacher vArttika (see kuṭhumin-.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuṭilagāminmfn. going crookedly, tortuous View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lakṣmaṇasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lakṣmaṇasvāminm. of an image of lakṣmaṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lepakāminīf. a moulded figure of a woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mādhyamineyam. metron. fr. madhyamā- gaRa kalyāṇy-ādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
maghasvāminm. varia lectio for makha-sv- q.v View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahāsvāminm. Name of a commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahāvikraminm. Name of a bodhi-sattva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahīsvāminm. "earth-lord", a king. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahlaṇasvāminm. Name of a temple founded by mahlaṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahodayasvāminm. Name of a temple built by mahodaya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahorminmfn. having great waves, very billowy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
maithunadharminmfn. cohabiting, copulating
makhasvāminm. "lord of sacrifice", Name of an author = View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mākṣikasvāminm. Name of a place View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mammasvāminm. Name of a temple built by mamma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
manaḥsvāminm. Name of a Brahman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mandagāminmfn. equals -gati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mantharagāminmfn. slow-going View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mārtaṇḍatilakasvāminm. Name of the teacher of the sage vācaspati-. miśra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
martyadharminmfn. having the character or properties of a mortal, any human being View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mātṛgāminmfn. "going to a mother", one who has committed incest with his mother View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mattagāminīf. "having the gait of an elephant in rut", a woman with a rolling walk, a bewitching or wanton woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mṛducarminm. Betula Bhojpatra View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mṛdugāminmfn. going softly, having a soft or gentle gait View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mṛdugāminīf. equals -gamanā- above View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mṛgagāminīf. Embelis Ribes View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mudgaragominm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mukhyāśraminm. the pupil of a Brahmin View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
muktasvāminm. "lord of emancipation", Name of a statue erected by a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mūlasvāminm. dual number the temporary and the rightful owner View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nagaragāminmfn. (road) going or leading to a town View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nagarasvāminm. "town-chief", Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nāgasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. having a name View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. bending, (especially) changing a dental to a cerebral (said of all vowels except a-and ā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nandisvāminm. Name of a grammarian View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nārāyaṇasvāminm. Name of a poetry or poetic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
narendrasvāminm. Name of a temple built by narendrāditya-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
neminm. Dalbergia Ougeinensis View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
neminm. Name of the 22nd arhat- of present ut-sarpiṇī- (see nem/i-,m.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
neminātham. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nemininadam. equals -ghoṣa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nīcagāminmfn. going towards low ground (said of rivers), following low courses (said of women)
nigaminmfn. familiar with or versed in the veda-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirāminmfn. waiting, lurking View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirāminSee under ni-ram-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
niścaladāsasvāminm. Name of author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nistriṃśadharminmfn. resembling a sword View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padmasvāminm. Name of a sacred edifice built by padma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padmavṛṣabhavikrāminm. Name of a future buddha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminmfn. spotted (as an elephant) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminmfn. possessing lotuses View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminm. an elephant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. See next. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. (of prec.) Nelumbium Speciosum, a lotus (the whole plant in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' (nīka-) mfn.; see abjinī-, nalinī-etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. a multitude of lotuses or a lotus-pond etc. (see gaRa puṣkarādi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. a lotus-stalk View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. a female elephant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. a particular magical art View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. an excellent woman, a woman belonging to the first of the 4 classes into which the sex is divided View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīf. Name of several women View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīkāntam. "beloved of lotuses", Name of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīkaṇṭakam. a kind of leprosy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīkhaṇḍan. a multitude or lake of lotuses View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīkhaṇḍan. Name of a city View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīpattran. a lotus-leaf. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīśa(śa-) m. the sun (see -kānta-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīṣaṇḍa(and -pura-) n. Name of a city View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
padminīvallabha m. the sun (see -kānta-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pakṣilasvāminm. idem or 'm. Name of the saint vātsyāyana- ' (as identified with cāṇakya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pakṣisvāmin() m. "lord among bird", Name of garuḍa-.
pañcaminmfn. being in the fifth (month or year) of one's age View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paṇḍitasvāminm. Name of authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pāpakarminmfn. "wrong-doing", wicked, a villain or sinner View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paragāminmfn. idem or 'mfn. being with or relating to another ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pāragāminmfn. passing over, crossing, landing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pāragāminn. equals para-loka-hitaṃ karma- () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parākraminmfn. showing courage or strength, exerting power. ( ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paratalpagāminm. one who approaches another's wife View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paribhrāminmfn. moving hither and thither in (compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parikarminmfn. adorning, decorating View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parikarminm. an assistant, servant, slave View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pariṇāminmfn. changing, altering, subject to transformation, developing ( pariṇāmitva mi-tva- n. ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pariṇāminmfn. ripening, bearing fruits or consequences View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pariṇāminityamfn. eternal but continually changing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parvagāminm. one who approaches his wife on festivals View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
patanadharminmfn. what is likely to fall out or off ( patanadharmitva mi-tva- n.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
patminmfn. wrong reading for padmin- (?) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
phalgunasvāminm. phalguna
pitṛgāminmfn. belonging or pertaining to a father View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prabhākarasvāminm. Name of the statue of the tutelary deity of prabhākara-varman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prabhavasvāminm. (with jaina-s) Name of one of the 6 śruta-kevalin-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pragāminmfn. setting out, being about to depart (varia lectio prāg-g-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prāggāminmfn. going before, preceding, intending to go before View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
praminnamfn. one who has begun to become fat View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
praṇāminmfn. bending, bowing before, honouring (comp.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prāṇāyāminmfn. exercising the breath (in 3 ways) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prasavadharminmfn. characterized by production, productive, prolific View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prathamāgāminmfn. occurring first, first mentioned View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prathiminmfn. having size or magnitude View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prathiminīf. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratikāminmfn. contrary to desire, disagreeable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prātikāminmfn. (fr. -kāmam-; accusative m. Calcutta edition mīm-) a servant or messenger View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratikāminīf. a female rival View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratīpagāminmfn. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') going against, acting in contravention to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratisamindhA1. -inddhe-, to kindle again, rekindle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratiyāminiind. every night
pratyudyaminmfn. maintaining an equipoise, counterbalancing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratyudyāminmfn. idem or 'mfn. maintaining an equipoise, counterbalancing ' , resisting, refractory View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
preminmfn. loving, affectionate View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
priyasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pṛṣṭhagāminmfn. going behind, following, devoted or faithful (Bombay edition) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pṛṣṭhānugāmin() mfn. going behind, following. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pṛthūdakasvāminm. Name of the author of a commentator or commentary on the brahma-gupta- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
punarāgāminmfn. coming back, returning View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
puṇyavāgbuddhikarminmfn. pure in word and thought and deed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purogāminmfn. going before, preceding View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
purogāminm. a leader or a dog View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pūrvagrāminm. Name of a family
raghusvāminm. equals -pati- Name of rāma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājagāminmfn. coming to or brought before the king (as slander) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājagāminmfn. devolving or escheating to the king (as property etc. to which there are no heirs) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājakarminmfn. working for a prince Va1rtt. 2 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājasvāminm. "lord of kind", Name of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājayakṣminmf(iṇī-)n. suffering from consumption, consumptive View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raktagulminīf. a female suffering from it View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rāmabrahmānandasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rāmānandasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rāmānujasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rāmasvāminm. Name of a statue of rāma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rāmasvāminm. of various authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minSee kṣaṇa-rāmin-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raṇakāminmfn. desirous of war, wishing to fight View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raṇapurasvāminm. Name of a particular image of sūrya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raṇasvāminm. an image of śiva- as lord of battle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raṇḍāśraminm. one who loses his wife after the 48th year View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raśmin(in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') equals raśmi-, a rein, bridle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ratnasvāminm. Name of an image erected by ratna- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rātriviśleṣagāminm. "separating at night", the ruddy goose (equals cakravāka- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ṛgminmfn. praising, jubilant with praise View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ṛtugāminmfn. approaching (a woman sexually) at the fit time (id est after her courses) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rudraskandasvāminm. Name of a commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rudrasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rukminmfn. (iṇī-)n. wearing golden ornaments, adorned with gold View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rukminm. Name of the eldest son of bhīṣmaka- and adversary of kṛṣṇa- (he was slain by bala-rāma-;See rukmiṇī-above ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rukminm. Name of a mountain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rūpagosvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śabarasvāminm. Name of an author (see śabara-bhāṣya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śabdādidharminmfn. having the quality of sound etc. () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandasvāminm. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadharminmfn. having the same duties (see prec.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadharminmfn. having the same properties, like, resembling (compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāgaragāminmfn. equals -ga- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāgaragāminīf. a river View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāgaragāminīf. small cardamoms View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahadharminmfn. following the same duties or customs View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahagāminmfn. equals -gata- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahagāminīf. a woman who burns herself with her deceased husband View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sakṛdāgāminm. "returning only once again id est being re-born ", Name of the second of the four orders of Buddhist arya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaktisvāminm. Name of a minister of muktāpīḍa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
salīlagajagāminm. Name of a buddha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samāgaminmfn. coming together, meeting, Ind. Ant. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samāgaminmfn. future, imminent View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samarasvāminm. Name of an image or idol set up by samara-varman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃgamasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃgameśvarasvāminm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃgaminmfn. associating with (compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃgrāminmfn. engaged in war View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaminmfn. tranquil, pacific, incapable of any emotion (see ; Comparative degree of f. śaminī-tarā-or śamini-tarā- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaminm. Name of a son of rājādhideva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaminm. of a son of sūra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaminm. of a son of andhaka- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saminm. Name of a son of rājādhideva- (varia lectio śamin-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minm. (?derivation) a person born under a particular constellation (varia lectio sāvin-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saminakṣ(See inakṣ-), -inakṣati-, to wish to attain, strive to reach, be desirous of View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samindhA1. -inddhe-, or -indhe- (once in plural imperfect tense -aindhan-; see ; Vedic or Veda infinitive mood -/idham-and -/idhe-), to set fire to, set alight, light up, kindle, ignite, inflame (literally and figuratively) ; to take fire ; to swell, increase, exhibit, show, betray. (skill) : Passive voice -idhyate-, to be kindled, take fire, break out into flame View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samindhanam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samindhanan. the act of kindling View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samindhanan. fuel, firewood View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samindhanan. a means of swelling or increasing of (genitive case) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saminvP. -invati-, to impart, bestow ; to put together, restore View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaṃkarasvāminm. Name of a Brahman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃkrāminmfn. passing over or being transferred to others on (see bhūta-s-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samudragāminmfn. sea-going, seafaring View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samudyaminmfn. exerting one's self. strenuous, eager, zealous View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminmfn. who or what restrains or curbs or subdues View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminmfn. one who subdues his passions, self-controlled ( saṃyamitā mi-- f.self-control ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminmfn. tied up (as hair) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminm. a ruler View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminm. an ascetic, saint, ṛṣi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyamināmamālikāf. Name of work (containing synonyms of names of ṛṣi-s, by śaṃkarācārya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminīf. Name of the city kāśī-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminīf. Name of yama-'s residence (also written saṃ-yamanī- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃyaminīpatim. Name of yama- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaradyāminīf. a night in autumn View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarasvatīsvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaratkāminm. "desirous of autumn", a dog View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śarminmfn. possessing happiness, lucky, auspicious View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śarminm. Name of a ṛṣi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvagāminmfn. equals -ga- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sārvagāminmfn. (perhaps wrong reading for sarva-g-) entering into the Universal Soul View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvakāminmfn. fulfilling all wishes View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvakāminmfn. acting entirely according to one's wish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvakāminmfn. having all desired objects View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvāntarātaryāmin() m. the universal Soul. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvāśraminmfn. belonging to or being in every order of life, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvasvāminm. the owner or master of all View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvasvāminm. a universal monarch View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvatogāminmfn. going in all directions View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvatragāminmfn. all-pervading View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvatragāminm. air, wind View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvatragāminīpratipattijñānabalan. the faculty of knowing the means of going everywhere (one of the 10 faculties of a tathāgata-), . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saudāminīincorrect for preceding. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saudāminīyamf(ā-)n. (incorrect for saudāmanīya-) like saudāminīya- lightning, lightning-like View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
senāgragāminm. "going at the front of an army", a general View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śīghragāmin( ) mfn. idem or '() or' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śikharasvāminīf. Name (also title or epithet) of a queen, ibidem or 'in the same place or book or text' as the preceding View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sīmadharasvāminm. "observing the bounds (of morality or decorum)", Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
siṃhagāminīf. Name of a gandharva- maiden View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
siṃhasvāminm. Name of a temple erected in honour of siṃha-rāja- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
siṃhavikrāntagāminmfn. having a lion's gait View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śītalasvāminm. Name of an arhat- with jaina-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sitayāminīf. a bright night, moonlight View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śivasvāminm. Name of various authors and teachers View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
skandasvāminm. Name of a Commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
skandhasvāmin wrong reading for skanda-sv- (q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śleṣminm. bdellium View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somavāminmfn. vomiting soma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somavāminm. a priest who has drunk too much soma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sominmfn. having or possessing soma-, offering soma-, performer of a soma- sacrifice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sominmfn. inspired by soma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sominīf. (saṃjñāyām-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śraminmfn. (only ; see ) making great efforts View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śraminmfn. undergoing fatigue or weariness. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrīdharasvāminm. (also mi-yati-) Name of a well-known scholar (the pupil of paramānanda- and author of various Commentaries) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrīkayyasvāminm. Name of a particular shrine or temple View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrīsvāminm. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śrīsvāminm. of the father of bhaṭṭi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sthalagāminmfn. idem or 'mfn. equals -ga- ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sthalapadminīf. Hibiscus Mutabilis View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sudāminīf. Name of the wife of śamika- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sudharminmfn. (in next;also wrong reading for -dharman-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sumatisvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
surakāminīf. an apsaras- (-janāḥ-,"the apsaras- people") View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sureśvarasvāminm. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śuṣminmfn. roaring, rushing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śuṣminmfn. strong, fiery, mettlesome, vigorous, impetuous, courageous, bold etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śuṣminmfn. sexually excited, ruttish (applied to bulls and elephants) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śuṣminm. plural Name of a caste living in kuśa-dvīpa- (corresponding to the kṣatriya-s) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śuṣmintama(śuṣm/in--.) mfn. most strong or mighty or fiery or bold View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
susvāminm. a good lord or chief View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
suvāgminmfn. very eloquent View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
suvikrāntavikraminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
suvikrāntavikrāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svadāragāminmfn. cohabiting with one's own wife View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svakāminmfn. following one's own wish, self-pleasing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svakāminmfn. self-loving, selfish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svakarminmfn. selfish , View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvalominīf. Name (also title or epithet) of a female demon, ibidem or 'in the same place or book or text' as the preceding View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminSee . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. (fr. 1. sva-+ min-) an owner, proprietor, master, lord or owner of (genitive case locative case,or compound) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. a chief, commander (of an army) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. a husband, lover (dual number"husband and wife") etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. a king, prince (in dramatic language used as a form of address equals deva-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. a spiritual preceptor, learned Brahman or Pandit (used as a title at the end of names, especially of natives of the Carnatic) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. the image or temple of a god (often in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound';See śrīdhara--, viṣṇu-sv-etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. Name of skanda- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. of śiva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. of garuḍa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. of the muni- vātsyāyana- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. of the 11th arhat- of the past utsarpiṇī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminm. of various authors (also with miśra-and śāstrin-;sometimes abridged from names ending in svāmin- exempli gratia, 'for example' for kṣīra--and śabara-svāmin-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminīf. See next. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminīf. a proprietress, mistress, lady (used in addressing a queen or a king's favourite wife) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminīstotran. Name of a stotra-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminyin compound for svāminī-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svāminyaṣṭakan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svargagāminmfn. going to heaven View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svayambhraminmfn. self-revolving View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svayaṃhominmfn. offering a sacrifice of the above kind View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svayamindriyamocanan. spontaneous emission of semen View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śyenagāminm. "flying like a hawk", Name of a rākṣasa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taddharminmfn. obeying his laws View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taminmfn. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taptodakasvāminm. Name of a tīrtha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tilahominmfn. offering sesamum-oblations View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tiryaggāminm. " equals -gama- ", a craw-fish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
trailokyavikraminm. "striding through the 3 worlds", Name of a bodhi-sattva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tripathagāminīf. idem or 'f. "flowing through heaven, earth, and the lower regions", the Ganges etc.' , View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tuvikūrminmfn. idem or 'mfn. powerful in working (indra-) ' , 66, 12. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
uditahominmfn. sacrificing after sunrise View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
udvāminmfn. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' vomiting out View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
udyaminmfn. undertaking, persevering View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
udyaminmfn. making effort, active View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
unmārgagāminmfn. going on a wrong road, going wrong, erring (literally and figuratively) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upagāminmfn. coming near, approaching, arriving View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upasamindhA1. -inddhe-, to kindle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upasamindhanan. the act of kindling on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upayāminmfn. (fr. upa-yāma- gaRa balādi- ), furnished with a ladle. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ūrdhvagāminmfn. going or tending upwards View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ūrminmfn. undulating, wavy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
utkūlagāminmfn. passing beyond the bank View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
uttarāśraminm. (a Brahman) who enters into the next āśrama- (or period of religious life) commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vācaminvamfn. "word-moving", singing, reciting View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāgminmfn. See below. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāgminmfn. speaking well, eloquent etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāgminmfn. speaking much, loquacious, talkative, wordy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāgminm. a parrot View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāgminm. Name of bṛhas-pati- or the planet Jupiter View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāgminm. of a son of manasyu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vainyasvāminm. Name of a temple View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vajrasvāminm. (with jaina-s) Name of one of the seven daśapūrvin-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vakragāminm. going crookedly, fraudulent, dishonest View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vallabhasvāminm. Name of a teacher View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāmanasvāminm. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vāmanendrasvāminm. Name of a preceptor View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vaminmfn. vomiting, being sick View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. (for 2.See column 3) vomiting, ejecting from the mouth View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minmfn. (for 1.See this page, column 1) equals vāmācarin- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. (with yoni-) a vulva ejecting the semen virile View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vanāśraminm. a vānaprastha- or Brahman dwelling in a forest, an anchorite. () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varadharminm. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varāhadevasvāminm. Name of an author. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varāhasvāminm. Name of a mythical king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vardhamānasvāminm. Name of a jina- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vardhanasvāminm. Name of a particular temple or image View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varminmf(iṇī-)n. clad in armour, mailed etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varminm. Name of a man on Va1rtt. 2. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
varṇāśraminmfn. possessed of caste and order View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vaśagāminmfn. coming into the power (of another), becoming subject or obedient View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vastudharminmfn. dependent on the nature of a thing, objective View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vātagāminm. "wind-goer", a bird View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vātagulminmfn. suffering from the above disease. ( ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vātanulominmfn. forcing the wind in the right direction or downwards (as in inflating she lungs) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vedakavisvāminm. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vedasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vedavyāsasvāminm. Name of a teacher View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
veśyāgāminm. one who visits harlots, fornicator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
veśyakāminī(),
vibhraminmfn. moving hither and thither View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vidharminmfn. transgressing the law (as speech) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vidharminmfn. of a different kind View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vidhavāgāminm. one who has intercourse with a widow View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vidyādhīśasvāminm. Name of scholar. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vihāyasāgāminmfn. able to move through the sky View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikarminmfn. acting wrongly or unlawfully View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikraminmfn. striding (said of viṣṇu-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikraminmfn. displaying valour, courageous, gallant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikraminm. a lion View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vilāsāndragāminīf. Name of a gandharvī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vilāsasvāminm. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vilasatsaudāminīf. a flash of lightning View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vimārgagāminmfn. going on a wrong road () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vinayasvāminīf. Name of a woman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vipariṇāminmfn. undergoing a change of state or form, turning into (instrumental case) on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vipathagāminmfn. going in a wrong way or evil course View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vīrasvāminm. Name of a dānava- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vīrasvāminm. (with bhaṭṭa-) of the father of medhātithi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣakṛminyāyam. the rule of the poison-worm (denoting that what may be fatal to others, is not so to those who are bred in it) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣṇugūḍhasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣṇusvāminm. a temple or statue of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣṇusvāminm. Name of various men etc. (especially of a celebrated vaiṣṇava- teacher, predecessor of vallabhācārya- ). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣṭīminmfn. ( stīm-) making or becoming wet, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvaminvamf(-)n. all-moving, all-pervading, all-embracing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvaminvamf(-)n. all-containing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viśvasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vrajarājagosvāminm. Name of various authors and other men View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vṛṣabhasvāminm. Name of a king (founder of the family of ikṣvāku- and father of draviḍa-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyādhidharminmfn. subject or liable to pain, ibidem or 'in the same place or book or text' as the preceding View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyatikraminmfn. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') sinning against, wronging View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyatikraminmfn. passing over, deviating, transgressing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyāyāyāminmfn. equals āyāma-vat- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyomagāminmfn. equals -ga- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyominm. Name of one of the Moon's ten horses (see vyoma-mṛga-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yādavaprakāśasvāminm. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yajñasvāminm. "lord of sacrifice", Name of a Brahman View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yajuḥsvāminm. Name of a purohita- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yakṣminmfn. consumptive, phthisical View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yakṣminmfn. one who suffers from pulmonary consumption View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yaminmfn. restraining, curbing etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yaminmfn. one who restrains himself or has subdued his senses View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minSee antar-yām/in- (for yāminī-See) . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minayaNom. (fr. next) P. yati-, to appear like night View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yaminīf. bringing forth twins View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. (fr. 1. yāma-) "consisting of watches", night etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. Name of a daughter of prahlāda- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīf. of the wife of tārkṣa- (mother of śalabha-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minī yāmīra- See . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīdayita() m. "the beloved or the husband of night", the moon. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīnātha() m. "the beloved or the husband of night", the moon. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīpati() m. "the beloved or the husband of night", the moon. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīpriyatama m. "lover of night", the moon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīpūrṇatilakāf. assumed Name of a princess View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīramaṇam. "lover of night", the moon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīśa(śa-) m. equals -pati- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīvirahinmfn. separated by night View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
minīvirahinm. (with vihaga-) the bird cakravāka- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yānasvāminm. the owner of a vehicle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yaśassvāminm. Name of a temple founded by yaśas-kara- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yathākāminmfn. acting according to will or pleasure ( yathākāmitva mi-tva- n.) on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yatidharminm. Name of a son of śvaphalka-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yatīśvarasvāminm. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yogadharminmfn. doing homage to the Yoga View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yogagāminmfn. going (through the air) by means of magical power View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yogasvāminm. a master in the Yoga View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yugminmfn. (fr. yugma-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
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Results for min78 results
     
mind मिन्द् 1, 1 U. (मिन्दति, मिन्दयति-ते). See मिद् II.
minmina मिन्मिन (ल) a. One who speaks with nasal utterance; a snuffler; आवृत्य वायुः सकफो धमनीः शब्दवाहिनीः । नरान् करोत्यक्रियकान् मूकमिन्मिलगद्गदान् ॥
minna मिन्न p. p. 1 Fat; P.VII.2.16. -2 Unctuous, greasy. -3 Affectionately inclined towards (one).
minv मिन्व् 1 P. (मिन्वति) 1 To sprinkle, moisten. -2 To honour, worship.
ativarṇāśramin अतिवर्णाश्रमिन् m. One who is beyond castes and orders (यो वेदान्तमहावाक्यश्रवणेनैव केवलम् । आत्मानमीश्वरं वेद सो$ तिवर्णाश्रमी भवेत्).
adharmin अधर्मिन् a. Impious, wicked.
anāgāmin अनागामिन् m. 1 Not coming, not arriving. -2 Not future, not likely to return. -m. An epithet of the third among the 4 Buddhist orders.
anāśramin अनाश्रमिन् m. One who does not belong to, or follow, any of the 4 orders of life (गृहस्थाद्याश्रमशून्य); अनाश्रमी न तिष्ठेत्तु क्षणमेकमपि द्विजः; अनाश्रम-मे-वासः not dwelling in any Āśrama.
anugāmin अनुगामिन् a. Following. -m. A follower = अनुग.
apakramin अपक्रमिन् a. Going forth or away; not going fast.
abhigāmin अभिगामिन् a. Approaching, having intercourse with; ऋतुकालाभिगामी स्यात् स्वदारनिरतः सदा Ms.3.45; Y.2.282.
abhyamin अभ्यमिन् a. [अम्-णिनि P.III.2.157] 1 Attacking, inclined to attack. -2 Diseased, sick.
amin अमिन् a. Sick, diseased.
amina अमिन a. Ved. Inviolable (अहिंस्य); immense (?).
aminat अमिनत् a. Ved. 1 Not hurting; unhurt. -2 Unalterable; यजत्रैरमिनती तस्थतुरुक्षमाणे Rv.4.56.2.
āyāmin आयामिन् a. 1 One who restrains. -2 Long (in space or time); K.25,55; ˚यामासु Ki.11.48.
iṣmin इष्मिन् a. Speedy, impetuous, an epithet of the winds.
udyamin उद्यमिन् a. Diligent, persevering, active, making effort.
udvāmin उद्वामिन् a. Vomiting out.
upagāmin उपगामिन् a. Coming near; Ks.
ūrmin ऊर्मिन् a. Wavy, undulating.
kakudmin ककुद्मिन् a. 1 Peaked; furnished with a hump &c. m. 1 A bull with a hump on his shoulders; एवं ककुद्मिनं हत्वा _x001F_2Bhāg.1.36.15. -2 A mountain. -3 N. of Viṣṇu; and of king रैवतक. ˚कन्या-सुता N. of Revatī and wife of Balarāma; ककुद्मिकन्यावक्त्रान्तर्वासलब्धाधिवासया Śi.2.2.
karmin कर्मिन् a. 1 Working, active, busy. -2 Engaged in any work or business. -3 One who performs religious deeds with the expectation of reward or recompense; यत् कर्मिणो न प्रवेदयन्ति रागात् Muṇḍ. Up.1.2.9. कर्मिभ्यश्चा- धिको योगी तस्माद्योगी भवार्जुन Bg.6.46. -m. A mechanic, artisan; अनेन विधिराख्यात ऋत्विक्कर्षककर्मिणाम् Y.2.265.
kāmandhamin कामन्धमिन् m. Brazier.
min कामिन् a. (-नी f.) [कम्-णिनि] 1 Lustful. -2 Desirous. -3 Loving, fond. -m. 1 A lover, a lustful person (paying particular attention to ladies); त्वया चन्द्रमसा चातिसन्धीयते कामिजनसार्थः Ś.3; त्वां कामिनो मदनदूतिमुदाहरन्ति V.4.11; Amaru.2; M.3.14. -2 A luxurious husband. -3 The ruddy goose or चक्रवाक bird. -4 A sparrow. -5 An epithet of Śiva. -6 The moon. -7 A pigeon. -8 The Supreme Being. -नी 1 A loving, affectionate, or fond woman; Ms.8.112. -2 A lovely or beautiful woman; उदयति हि शशाङ्कः कामिनीगण्डपाण्डुः Mk.1.57; केषां नैषा कथय कविताकामिनी कौतुकाय P. R.1.22. -3 A woman (in general); मृगया जहार चतुरेव कामिनी R.9.69; Me.65; Ṛs.1.28. -4 A timid woman. -5 Spirituous liquor.
minīśaḥ कामिनीशः The शोभाञ्जन tree.
kārandhamin कारन्धमिन् m. 1 Brazier. -2 A mineralogist.
krudhmin क्रुध्मिन् a. Ved. Angry, wrathful, irritable; शुभ्रो वः शुष्मः क्रुध्मी मनांसि Rv.7.56.8.
kṣemin क्षेमिन् a. (-णी f.) Safe, secure, happy; क्षेमी स्यात्किमु विश्वेशे Bhāg.1.88.39.
gamin गमिन् a. Intending to go; as in ग्रामंगमी. -m. A passenger.
min गामिन् a. [गम्-णिनि] (Only at the end of comp.) 1 Going, moving, walking; वैदिशगामी M.5; मृगेन्द्रगामी R.2.3 having the gait of a lion; कुब्ज˚ Pt.2.5; अलस˚ Amaru.51. -2 Riding; द्विरद˚ R.4.4. -3 Going or reaching to, extending or applying to, relating to; ननु सखीगामी दोषः Ś.4; द्वितीयगामी न हि शब्द एष नः R.3.49. -4 Leading or going to, accruing to; चित्रकूटगामी मार्गः; कर्तृगामि क्रियाफलम्. -5 United with; सदृशभर्तृगामिनी M.5. -6 Passing over to, devolving on; Ś.6; शेषेषु पितृगामि तत् Y.2.145.
gulmin गुल्मिन् a. (-नी f.) 1 Growing in a clump or cluster; विरोप्यन्तां बहुविधाश्छायावन्तश्च गुल्मिनः Rām.7.54.11. -2 Having a diseased spleen, or a spleen affected by गुल्म. -3 Composed of different divisions (as a force &c.).
gomin गोमिन् a. Rich in herds. -m. 1 An owner of cattle; Ms.9.5. -2 A jackal. -3 A worshipper. -4 An attendant on a Buddha. -5 A vaishya (चारण); योगक्षेमं च संप्रेक्ष्य गोमिनः कारयेत्करम् Mb.12.87.35-4.
grāmin ग्रामिन् a. 1 Rustic, rural. -2 Libidinous. -m. 1 A villager, peasant. -2 The head of a village. -णी The indigo plant.
carmin चर्मिन् a. (-णी f.) [चर्म-इनि] 1 Armed with a shield. -2 Leathern. -m. 1 A soldier armed with a shield. -2 Plantain. -3 The Bhūrja tree.
chadmin छद्मिन् a. (-नी f.) [छद्मन्-इनि] 1 Fraudulent, deceitful. -2 Disguised (at the end of comp.); e. g. ब्राह्मण- छद्मिन् disguised as a Brāhmaṇa.
janmin जन्मिन् m. A creature, a living being; Pt.1.16.
jaiminiḥ जैमिनिः N. of a celebrated sage and philosopher, founder of the Mīmāṁsā school of philosophy (properly पूर्वमीमांसा); मीमांसाकृतमुन्ममाथ सहसा हस्ती मुनिं जैमिनिम् Pt. 2.23. -Comp. -भागवतम् N. of a modern revision of Bhāg. -भारतम् N. of a modern revision Mb. -सूत्रम् N. of a work.
jaiminīya जैमिनीय a. Relating to or composed by Jaimini. -m. an adherent of Jaimini. -m. (pl.) N. of a school of the Sv. -n. Jaimini's work. -Comp. -न्यायमालाविस्तरः N. of a compendium of the Mīmāṁsā philosophy of Mādhava.
damin दमिन् a. 1 Tamed, subdued. -2 Taming, subduing, overpoweing.
daśamin दशमिन् a. (-नी f.) Very old.
minī दामिनी Lightning.
dharmin धर्मिन् a. [धर्मो$स्त्यस्य-इनि] 1 Virtuous, just, pious. -2 Knowing one's duties. -3 Obeying the law. -4 Having the properties of, having the nature, peculiar properties or characteristics of anything (at the end of comp.); षट् सुता द्विजधर्मिणः Ms.1.41; कल्पवृक्षफलधर्मि काङ्क्षितम् R.11.5. -5 Following the habits of any person. m. An epithet of Viṣṇu.
dhūmin धूमिन् a. Smoking. -नी N. of one of the tongues of fire.
nigamin निगमिन् a. Knowing the Vedas.
pañcamin पञ्चमिन् a. Being in the fifth year of one's age.
padmin पद्मिन् a. [पद्म-इनि] 1 Possessing lotuses. -2 Spotted; शतं गजानामपि पद्मिनां तथा Mb.1.198.16. -m. 1 An elephant; पद्मीशनाथैः परिशीलनीया लक्ष्मीव संभाति नरेन्द्र ते सभा Sūkti.5.3. -2 An epithet of Viṣṇu.
padminī पद्मिनी 1 The lotus plant; पद्मिनी नक्तमुन्निद्रा Kāv.4.45; सुरगज इव बिभ्रत् पद्मिनीं दन्तलग्नाम् Ku.3.76; R.16.68; Me.83; M.2.13; निरास भृङ्गं कुपितेव पद्मिनी Bk.2.6. -2 An assemblage of lotus flowers. -3 A pond or lake abounding in lotuses; पुष्पैश्चान्यैः परिक्षिप्तं पद्मिन्या च सपद्मया Rām.3.1.6; क्षीणतोयानिलार्काभ्यां हतत्विडिव पद्मिनी । बभूव पाण्डवी सेना तव पुत्रस्य तेजसा ॥ Mb.7.153.2. -4 The fibrous stalk of a lotus. -5 A female elephant. -6 A woman of the first of the four classes into which writers on erotical science divide women; the रतिमञ्जरी thus defines her:-- भवति कमलनेत्रा नासिकाक्षुद्ररन्ध्रा अविरलकुच- युग्मा चारुकेशी कृशाङ्गी । मृदुवचनसुशीला गीतवाद्यानुरक्ता सकलतनु- सुवेशा पद्मिनी पद्मगन्धा ॥ -Comp. -ईशः, -कान्तः, -वल्लभः the sun. -कण्टकः a. kind of leprosy. -खण्डम्, -षण्डम् a multitude of lotuses; a place abounding in lotuses.
parākramin पराक्रमिन् a. Heroic, spirited, courageous, valiant.
parikarmin परिकर्मिन् m. An assistant, a servant, slave.
prātikāmin प्रातिकामिन् A servant or messenger.
premin प्रेमिन् a. (-णी f.) Loving, affectionate.
brahmin ब्रह्मिन् a. Relating to Brahma. -m. An epithet of Viṣṇu.
bhāmin भामिन् a. 1 Passionate, angry. -2 Shining. -3 Handsome, beautiful.
bhāminī भामिनी 1 A beautiful young woman; (कामिनी); क्षितिरिन्दुमती च भामिनी पतिमासाद्य तमग्ऱ्यपौरुषम् R.8.28. -2 A passionate woman (often used like चण्डी as a term of endearment); उपचीयत एव कापि शोभा परितो भामिनि ते मुखस्य नित्यम् Bv.2.1. -Comp. -विलासः N. of a poem by Jagannātha Paṇḍita.
bhramin भ्रमिन् a. [भ्रम्-णिनि] Turning or moving round, revolving, whirling &c.
bhrāmin भ्रामिन् a. Confused, perplexed.
bhrāṣṭramindha भ्राष्ट्रमिन्ध a. One who fries or roasts.
yakṣmin यक्ष्मिन् a. One who is affected by or suffers from consumption; यक्ष्मी च पशुपालश्च परिवेत्ता निराकृतिः Ms.3. 154; Mb.13.9.6.
yamin यमिन् a. [यम्-णिनि, यम-इनि वा] Restraining, curbing &c. -m. One who has restrained his passions; यतिर्वशिष्ठो यमिनां वरिष्ठः Bk.1.15; अहिंसासत्यमस्तेयं ब्रह्मचर्यमकल्मषम् । इति पञ्च यमा येषां सन्तीति यमिनः स्मृताः ॥ J. N. V.; दधत्यन्त- स्तत्त्वं किमपि यमिनस्तत् किल भवान् Śiva-mahimna 25.
minayati यामिनयति Den. P. To appear like night.
rukmin रुक्मिन् a. 1 Wearing golden ornaments. -2 Gilded. -m. N. of the eldest son of Bhīṣmaka and brother of Rukmiṇī.
vamin वमिन् a. Vomiting, being sick; P.III.2.157.
vāgmin वाग्मिन् a. [वाच् अस्त्यर्थे ग्मिनिः चस्य कः तस्य लोपः; cf. P. V.2.124] 1 Eloquent, oratorical. -2 Talkative. -3 Verbose, wordy. -m. 1 An orator, an eloquent man; अनिर्लोडितकार्यस्य वाग्जालं वाग्मिनो वृथा Śi.2.27,19; Ki. 14.6; Pt.3.87. -2 N. of Bṛihaspatī. -3 N. of Viṣṇu. -4 A parrot.
vikramin विक्रमिन् a. 1 Chivalrous, heroic. -2 Powerful, strong. -m. 1 A lion. -2 A hero. -3 An epithet of Viṣṇu.
vidharmin विधर्मिन् a. 1 Untrue (अनृत); मनुष्यसंभवा वाचो विधर्मिण्यः प्रतिश्रुताः Mb.3.313.6. -2 Of a different kind.
śamin शमिन् a. 1 Calm, tranquil, pacific. -2 One who has subdued his passions, self-controlled; भ्रमी कदम्बसंभिन्नः पवनः शमिनामपि Bk.7.5; Mk.1.16.
śuṣmin शुष्मिन् a. 1 Powerful, strong; प्रमथ्य चैद्यप्रमुखान् हि शुष्मिणः Bhāg.1.1.29. -2 Fiery, high-mettled (as a horse, bull or elephant); शुष्मिणो यूथपस्येव वासितामनु धावतः Bhāg.8.12.32;3.18.19. -3 Brilliant, heroic; न ह्यहं परिपश्यामि वधे कञ्चन शुष्मिणः Mb.7.9.26.
śramin श्रमिन् a. 1 Laborious, toiling, diligent. -2 Undergoing fatigue or exertions. -3 Tiring, fatiguing.
śleṣmin श्लेष्मिन् Bdellium.
saṃyamin संयमिन् a. One who curbs or restrains, controlling. -m. One who controls or subdues his passions, a sage, an ascetic; या निशा सर्वभूतानां तस्यां जागर्ति संयमी Bg.2.69; R.8.11.
sadharmin सधर्मिन् a. (-णी f.) See सधर्मन्.
samindh समिन्ध् 7 Ā. 1 To kindle, light up, ignite. -2 To excite, inflame, kindle (anger &c.) -3 To glorify. -4 To exhibit (skill). -Pass. To catch or take fire.
samindhanam समिन्धनम् 1 Kindling. -2 Fuel; संधुक्ष्यतां नो$रि- समिन्धनेषु Bk.2.28. -3 A means of swelling; Mb.12.
somin सोमिन् a. (-नी f.) Performing the Soma sacrifice. -m. A performer of a Soma sacrifice.
svāmin स्वामिन् a. (-नी f.) [स्व अस्त्यर्थे मिनि दीर्घः] Possessing proprietory rights. -m. 1 A proprietor, an owner. -2 A lord, master; रघुस्वामिनः सच्चरित्रम् Vikr.18.17. -4 A sovereign, king, monarch. -5 A husband. -6 A spiritual preceptor. -7 A learned Brāhmana, an ascetic or religious man of the highest order; (in this sense usually added to proper names).-8 An epithet of Kārtikeya. -9 Of Viṣṇu. -1 Of Śiva. -11 Of the sage Vātsyāyana. -12 Of Garuḍa. -13 The sacrificer, the owner (at a याग); यो$र्थी स्वत्यागेन ऋत्विजः परिक्रीणीते, यश्च स्वं प्रदेयं त्यजति स स्वामी ŚB. on MS.6.3. 21; तस्मान्न स्वामिनः प्रतिनिधिः ibid. -14 The image or temple of a god. -Comp. -उपकारकः a horse. -कार्यम् the business of a king or master. -गुणः the virtue of a ruler. -जङ्घिन् m. N. of Paraśurāma. -जनकः the father-in-law. -पाल m. du. the owner and the keeper (of cattle); क्रयविक्रयानुशयो विवादः स्वामिपालयोः Ms.8.5. -भट्टारकः a noble lord. -भावः the state of a lord or owner, ownership. -मूल a. originating in or derived from a master or lord. -वात्सल्यम् affection for the husband or lord. -सद्भावः 1 existence of a master or owner. -2 goodness of a master or lord. -सेवा 1 the service of a master. -2 respect for a husband.
svāminī स्वामिनी A mistress, proprietress.
homin होमिन् m. [होमो$स्त्यस्य इनि] The offerer of an oblation, a sacrificer in general.
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avṛka a-vṛká, a. (K.) friendly, x. 15, 1 [not harming: vṛ́ka wolf]. [225]
as as be, II. P.: pr. 2. ási, i. 1, 4; ii. 12, 15; 33, 3; 3. ásti, ii. 12, 5; 33, 7. 10; vii. 71, 4; 86, 6; x. 34, 14; pl. 1. smási, vi. 54, 9; viii. 48, 9; 3. sánti, i. 85, 12; x. 90, 16; ipv. ástu, v. 11, 5; vii. 86, 82; x. 15, 2; sántu, vii. 63, 5; op. syá̄ma, iii. 59, 3; iv. 50, 6; 51, 10. 11; viii. 48, 12. 13; ipf. 3. á̄s, x. 129, 3; āsīt, x. 34, 2; 90, 6. 12. 14; 129, 14. 22. 32. 4. 52; á̄san, x. 90, 15. 16; 129, 52; pf. āsa, vii. 86, 4; x. 129, 2; á̄sur, iv. 51, 7. ápi- be or remain in (lc.); syāma pári be around, celebrate, 2. pl. stha, vii. 103, 7. prá- be pre-eminent, ipv. astu, iii. 59, 2.
asurya asur-yà, n. divine dominion, ii. 33, 9; 35, 2.
asmin a-smín, L. of prn. root a, in this, ii. 35, 14; iv. 50, 10; x. 14, 5.
āgamiṣṭha á̄-gam-iṣṭha, a. spv. coming most gladly, x. 15, 3.
ābhu ā-bhú, a. coming into being, x. 129, 3.
āyatī ā-yat-í̄, pr. pt. f. coming, x. 127, 1. 3 [á̄ + i go].
ṛtvij ṛtv-íj, m. ministrant, i. 1, 1 [ṛtú + ij = yaj sacrificing in season].
kṣatra kṣa-trá, n. dominion, i. 160, 5 [kṣa = kṣi rule].
cakṣ cakṣ, see II. cáṣṭe [reduplicated form of kas = kāś shine: = ca-k(a)s]. [232] abhí- regard, iii. 59, 1; vii. 61, 1. prá-, cs. cakṣáya illumine, viii. 48, 6. ví- reveal, x. 34, 13.
tanvāna tanv-āná, pr. pt. Ā. performing, x. 90, 15 [tan extend].
dadhāna dádh-āna, pr. pt. Ā. committing, assuming, i. 35, 4; ii. 12, 10; = going, x. 15, 10 [dhā put].
divya div-yá, a. coming from heaven, divine, vii. 49, 1; 103, 2; x. 34, 9 [dív heaven].
doṣāvastṛ doṣā-vastṛ, m. (Tp.) illuminer of gloom, i. 1, 7 [doṣá̄ evening + vas-tṛ from vas shine].
daivya dáiv-ya, a. divine, i. 35, 5; viii. 48, 2; coming from the gods, ii. 33, 7; n. divinity, ii. 35, 8 [from devá god].
nakṣatra ná-kṣatra, n. star; day-star, vii. 86, 1 [nák night + kṣatrá dominion = ruling over night].
pathikrt pathi-kṛ́t, m. path-maker, x. 14, 15 [kṛ-t making: kṛ + determinative t]. [239]
pṛc pṛc mix, VII. pṛṇákti. sám-, Ā. pṛṅkté, mingle, vii. 103, 4.
brahman brah-mán, m. priest, iv. 50, 8. 9; Brahmin, ii. 12, 6 [bṛh swell].
brāhmaṇa brāhmaṇá, m. Brahmin, vii. 103, 1. 7. 8; 90, 12.
manas mán-as, n. mind, x. 90, 13; 129, 4; 135, 3 [Av. manō, Gk. μένος].
manojū mano-jú̄, a. swift as thought, i. 85, 4 [mánas mind + jù to speed].
mī damage, IX. miná̄ti [cp. Gk. μι-νύ-ω, Lat. mi-nu-o]. á̄- diminish, ii. 12, 5.
maujavata maujavatá, a. coming from Mūjavant, x. 34, 1.
ya Yá, rel. prn. who, which, that: N. yás, i. 35, 6; 154, 12. 3. 4; 160, 4; ii. 12, 1-7. 9-15; 33, 5. 7; iii. 59, 2. 7; iv. 50, 1. 7. 9; vi. 54, 1. 2. 4; vii. 61, 1; 63, 1. 3; vii. 71, 4; 86, 1; viii. 48, 102. 12; x. 14, 5; 34, 12; 129, 7; f. yá̄, iv. 50, 3; n. yád, i. 1, 6; ii. 35, 15; vii. 61, 2; 63, 2; 103, 5. 7; x. 15, 6; 90, 23. 12; 129, 1. 3. 4; 135, 7; with kíṃ ca whatever, v. 83, 9; A. yám, i. 1, 4; ii. 12, 5. 7. 9; 35, 11; viii. 48, 1; x. 135, 3. 4; I. yéna, i. 160, 5; ii. 12, 4; iv. 51, 4; f. yáyā, iv. 51, 6; Ab. yásmād, ii. 12, 9; G. yásya, i. 154, 2; ii. 12, 1. 74. 142; 35, 7; v. 83, 43; vii. 61, 2; x. 34, 4; f. yásyās, x. 127, 4; L. yásmin, iv. 50, 8; x. 135, 1; du. yáu, x. 14, 11; pl. N. yé, i. 35, 11; 85, 1. 4; iv. 50, 2; x. 14, 3. 10; 15, 1-4. 8-10. 132. 142; 90, 7. 8; with ké whatever, x. 90, 10; f. yá̄s, vii. 49, 1. 2. 3; n. yá̄ni, ii. 33, 13; yá̄, i. 85, 12; ii. 33, 183; iv. 50, 9; vii. 86, 5; A. m. yá̄n, x. 14, 3; 15, 132; G. f. yá̄sām, vii. 49, 3; L. f. yá̄su, iv. 51, 7; vii. 49, 44; 61, 5.
rucāna ruc-āná, rt. ao. pt. Ā. beaming, iv. 51, 9.
ruśant rúś-ant, pr. pt. gleaming, iv. 51, 9.
virāṣāh virā-ṣá̄h, a. overcoming men, i. 35, 6 [= vīra-ṣá̄h for. vīra-sá̄h].
śukra śuk-rá, a. shining, i. 160, 3; bright, ii. 33, 9; iv. 51, 9; clear, ii. 35, 4 [śuc be bright, Av. sux-ra‘flaming’].
samana sám-ana, n. festival, x. 168, 2 [coming together].
saṃprcas saṃ-pṛ́cas, ab. inf. from mingling with, ii. 35, 6 [pṛc mix].
sarvahut sarva-hút, a. (Tp.) completely offering, x. 90, 8. 9 [hu-t: hu sacrifice + determinative t].
havanaśrut havana-śrút, a. (Tp.) listening to invocations, ii. 33, 15 [hávana (from hū call) + śrú-t hearingfrom śru hear with determinative t].
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min f. bodily defect (V.1).
minvat pr. pt. √ 1. mi.
akāmin a. not in love.
akṣamin a. pitiless.
agnimindha m. fire-kindler, kind of priest, later agnídh.
atikramin a. violating (--°ree;).
anapakramin a. not leaving, faithful.
ananyagāmin a. going to no other; -guru, a. having no other father, fa therless; -kitta, a. thinking exclusively of (lc.); -ketas, a. id.; -ga, a. legitimately born; -gâni, a. having no other wife; -drishti, a. looking at nothing else; -nâtha, a. having no other protector; -nârî-kamanîya, fp. not to be desired by another woman; -nârî-sâmâ nya, a. having communion with no other wo man; -para, a. intent on nothing else; -pa râyana, a. devoted to no one else; -pûrva, a. not married to any one else before; -pûrvikâ, f. not married before; -prati kriya, a. having no other expedient; -bhâg, a. devoted to no one else; -manas, a. think ing of no one else; -mânasa, a. id.; -ruki, a. liking nothing else; -vishaya, a. relating to nothing else; -vyâpâra, a. occupied with no thing else; -sarana, a. having no other re fuge; -sâsana, a. under no one else's com mands; -samtati, a. without other offspring; -sama, a. like no one else, unequalled; -sâ dhârana, a. (î) common to no one else; -sâ mânya, a. unequalled; -½adhîna, a. depending on no other; -½apatya, a. having no other off spring; -½âsrita, pp. not transferred to another.
abhigāmin a. having sexual intercourse with (ac.).
aminat pr. pt. not injuring.
āgāmin a. coming; future.
āgamin a. taking an augment.
āyāmin a. hindering (--°ree;); long.
āśramin a. belonging to one of the religious stages.
iṣmin a. driving, stormy.
upagāmin a. approaching; ap pearing.
ṛgmin a. praising, shouting; -míya (or ríg-), a. praiseworthy; -yagusha, n. the Rik and the Yagus verses; -vidhâna, n. employment of the rik verses; T. of a work; -vedá, m. Veda of verses or hymns, Rig-veda (i. e. the rik verses with or without the ritual and speculative works connected with them).
kakudmin a. having a hump; m. buffalo with a hump; -mi-kanyâ, f. pat. of the Revatî.
karmin a. acting, working, per forming; m. man of action.
kṣemin a. safe.
gamin a. about to go (to, ac., --°ree;).
min a. going anywhere (ad., prati, or *ac.); gnly. --°ree;, going, moving, walking (in, to, like); having sexual intercourse with; reaching or extending to; devolving on; be fitting, behoving; obtaining; directed to; re lating to.
carmin a. covered with a hide; armed with a shield; m. shield-bearer.
chandānugāmin a. complaisant, obedient; -½anuvritta, n. complaisance.
chadmin a. disguised as (--°ree;).
janmin m. creature, man.
jaimini m. N. of a teacher, founder of the Pûrva-Mîmâmsâ school of philosophy: î-ya, f. relating to Gamini; m. adherent of Gaimini; n. Gaimini's work.
damin a. self-controlled; subduing (--°ree;).
dharmin a. observing the law, knowing one's duty, virtuous; having attributes; --°ree;, observing the law of or having the rights of, having the nature, peculiarities, or characteristics of.
dhūmin a. smoking: -î, f. N.
min a. having a name.
padmin a. spotted (elephant): -î, f. lotus (nelumbium speciosum: flower & plant); multitude of lotuses; lotus-pond: -khanda, n. group of lotuses.
prātikāmin m. (acting ac cording to one's desire: prati-kâmam), ser vant; messenger; -kûlika, a. (î) resisting, hostile, contrary: -tâ, f. opposition, hostility; -kûlya, n. unfriendliness, opposition; repug nant practice; disagreeableness; disagree ment with (--°ree;); -gña, n. subject under dis cussion; -daivas-ika, a. occurring daily (prati-divasam); -nidhi-ka, m. representa tive; -paksha, a. belonging to the enemy oradversary; -pakshya, n. hostility, enmity, towards (g.); -pada, a. forming the com mencement; m. N.; -pad-ika, a. express, ex plicit; n. crude base of a noun (before it re ceives the case terminations or other suffixes); -paurush-ika, a. relating to manliness or valour; -bha, a. intuitive; n. intuition; pre sence of mind; -bhat-ya, n. rivalry; -bhâv ya, n. surety, for (--°ree;); certainty, trustworthy news of (g.); -bhâs-ika, a. existing only in appearance, apparent only; -rûp-ika, a. coun terfeit, spurious; using false measure or coun terfeit coin; -lom-ya, n. inversion, inverse order; opposition, hostility; -ves-ika, m. neighbour; -vesm-ika, m. neighbour: î, f.female neighbour; -ves-ya, a. neighbouring; m. opposite neighbour; neighbour;--°ree;=neigh bouring: -ka, m. neighbour; -sâkhya, n. a grammatical treatise on the phonetic changes of words in the text of the Vedasaccording to the respective recension (prati-sâkham; there are four such treatises, one for the RV., two for the YV., and one for the AV.); -satvanam, ad. in the direction of the Sat van; -sv-ika, a. own, peculiar, not common to others; -hata, m. kind of svarita ac cent; -hartra, n. office of the Pratihartri; -hârika, m. door-keeper; -hâr-ya, n. jug glery, performance of miracles; miracle.
brahmin a. relating to Brahman.
bhrāmin a. confused.
yajuḥsvāmin m. N. of a Purohita.
yamin a. self-controlled.
minī f. (having watches), night; N.: -dayita, m. lover --, -nâtha or -pati, m. lord --, -priya-tama, -ramana, m. lover of night, moon.
rukmin a. adorned with gold (V.); m. N. of the eldest son of Bhîshmaka and adversary of Krishna.
vāgmin a. eloquent: (-mi)-tâ, f., (-mi)-tva, n. eloquence.
min a. vomiting, ejecting.
vikramin a. striding, -through (Vishnu); valiant.
śuṣmin a. roaring (Maruts, Agni; V.); strong (Soma, V.); mighty, fiery, valiant (V., E., P.).
sarvatogāmin a. going in all directions (weapon); -disam, ad. from all sides, in all directions; -bhadra, a. pleasant etc. in every way; m. an artificial stanza in which each half Pâda read backwards is identical with the other half (e.g. Kirâtâr gunîya XV, 25; Sisupâla-vadha XIX, 40); (áto)-mukha, a. (î) facing in all directions; unlimited, complete; m. kind of military array; -vritta, pp. omnipresent.
saudāminī f. incorr., but fre- quent, for saudâmanî, lightning.
svargāmin a. going or having gone to heaven; dying, dead.
svāmin m. [sva] owner, lord, master, of (g., lc., --°ree;); commander (of an army); husband; ep. of Skanda; image of a god, esp. of Siva (often --°ree;); N.: -î, f. mistress.
homina a. sacrificing (--°ree;); -îya, a. belonging to or meant for the sacrifice or oblation.
     Vedic Index of
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356 results
     
akṣa This word occurs frequently, from the Rigveda onwards, both in the singular and plural, meaning ‘ die ’ and ‘ dice.’ Dicing, along with horse-racing, was one of the main amusements of the Vedic Indian ; but, despite the frequent mention of the game in the literature, there is considerable difficulty in obtaining any clear picture of the mode in which it was played. (i) The Material.—The dice appear normally to have been made of Vibhīdaka nuts. Such dice are alluded to in both the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda, hence being called ‘brown’ {babhru), and ‘ born on a windy spot.’ In the ritual game of dice at the Agnyādheya and the Rājasūya ceremonies the material of the dice is not specified, but it is possible that occasionally gold imitations of Vibhīdaka nuts were used. There is no clear trace in the Vedic literature of the later use of cowries as dice. (2^ The Number In the Rigveda the dicer is described as leader of a great horde ’ (senānīr mahato gaiiasya), and in another passage the number is given as tri-pañcāśah, an expression which has been variously interpreted. Ludwig, Weber, and Zimmer render it as fifteen, which is grammatically hardly possible. Roth and Grassmann render it as ‘ con¬sisting of fifty-three.’ Liiders takes it as ‘consisting of one hundred and fifty,’ but he points out that this may be merely a vague expression for a large number. For a small number Zimmer cites a reference in the Rigveda to one who fears ‘ him who holds four’ (caturaś cid dadamānāt), but the sense of that passage is dependent on the view taken of the method of playing the game. (3) The Method of Play.—In several passages of the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas lists are given of expressions con¬nected with dicing. The names are Krta, Tretā, Dvāpara, Áskanda, and Abhibhū in the Taittirīya Samhitā.16 In the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, among the victims at the Purusamedha, the kitava is offered to the Aksarāja, the ādinava-darśa to the Krta, the kalpin to the Tretā, the adhi-kalpin to the Dvāpara, the sabhā-sthānu to the Áskanda. The lists in the parallel version of the Taittirīya Brāhmana are kitava, sabhāvin, ādinava- darśa, bahih-sad, and sabhā-sthānu, and Aksarāja, Krta, Tretā, Dvāpara, and Kali. From the Satapatha Brāhmana it appears that another name of Kali was Abhibhū, and the parallel lists in the Taittirīya and Vājasaneyi Samhitās suggest that Abhibhū and Aksarāja are identical, though both appear in the late Taittirīya Brāhmana list. The names of some of these throws go back even to the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda. Kali occurs in the latter, and Luders shows that in a considerable number of passages in the former Krta means a * throw ’ (not ‘ a stake ’ or * what is won ’ ), and this sense is clearly found in the Atharvaveda. Moreover, that there were more throws (ayāh) than one is proved by a passage in the Rigveda, when the gods are compared to throws as giving or destroying wealth. The nature of the throws is obscure. The St. Petersburg Dictionary conjectures that the names given above were applied either to dice marked 4, 3, 2, or 1, or to the sides of the dice so marked, and the latter interpretation is supported by some late commentators. But there is no evidence for the former interpretation, and, as regards the latter, the shape of the Vibhīdaka nuts, used as dice, forbids any side being properly on the top. Light is thrown on the expressions by the descrip- tion of a ritual game at the Agnyādheya and at the Rājasūya ceremonies. The details are not certain, but it is clear that the game consisted in securing even numbers of dice, usually a number divisible by four, the Krta, the other three throws then being the Tretā, when three remained over after division by four; the Dvāpara, when two was the remainder; and the Kali, when one remained. If five were the dividing number, then the throw which showed no remainder was Kali, the Krta was that when four was left, and so on. The dice had no numerals marked on them, the only question being what was the total number of the dice themselves. There is no reason to doubt that the game as played in the Rigveda was based on the same principle, though the details must remain doubtful. The number of dice used was certainly large, and the reference to throwing fours, and losing by one, points to the use of the Krta as the winning throw. The Atharvaveda, on the other hand, possibly knew of the Kali as the winning throw. In one respect the ordinary game must have differed from the ritual game. In the latter the players merely pick out the number of dice required—no doubt to avoid ominous errors, such as must have happened if a real game had been played. In the secular game the dice were thrown, perhaps on the principle suggested by Luders: the one throwing a certain number on the place of playing, and the other then throwing a number to make up with those already thrown a multiple of four or five. This theory, at any rate, accounts for the later stress laid on the power of computation in a player, as in the Nala. No board appears to have been used, but a depression on which the dice were thrown (adhi-devana, devana,dδ irina36), was made in the ground. No dice box was used, but reference is made to a case for keeping dice in (aksā-vapanaZ7). The throw was called graha or earlier grābhaP The stake is called vij. Serious losses could be made at dicing: in the Rigveda a dicer laments the loss of all his property, including his wife. Luders finds a different form of the game Upanisad.
akṣa In the Chāndogya Upanisad this word seems to denote the nut of the Vibhīdaka (Terminalia bellericd).
agnidagdha This epithet (‘ burnt with fire ’) applies to the dead who were burned on the funeral pyre. This is one of the two normal methods of disposing of the dead, the other being burial (an-agnidagdhāh, ‘ not burnt with fire ’).The Atharvaveda adds two further modes of disposal to those— viz., casting out (paroptāh), and the exposure of the dead (uddhitāh). The exact sense of these expressions is doubtful. Zimmer considers that the former is a parallel to the Iranian practice of casting out the dead to be devoured by beasts, and that the latter refers to the old who are exposed when helpless.Whitney refers the latter expression to the exposure of the dead body on a raised platform of some sort. Burial was clearly not rare in the Rigvedic period: a whole hymn describes the ritual attending it. The dead man was buried apparently in full attire, with his bow in his hand, and probably at one time his wife was immolated to accompany him, in accordance with a practice common among savage tribes. But in the Vedic period both customs appear in a modified form: the son takes the bow from the hand of the dead man, and the widow is led away from her dead husband by his brother or other nearest kinsman. A stone is set between the dead and the living to separate them. In the Atharvaveda, but not in the Rigveda, a coffin (vrksa) is alluded to. In both Samhitās occur other allusions to the ‘ house of earth ’ (bhūmi-grha). To remove the apparent discrepancy between burning and burial, by assuming that the references to burial are to the burial of the burned bones, as does Oldenberg, is unnecessary and improbable, as burning and burial subsisted side by side in Greece for many years. Burning was, however, equally usual, and it grew steadily in frequency, for in the Chāndogya Upanisad the adornment
acyut He acted as Pratihartr at the Sattra celebrated by the Vibhindukīyas and described in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana
atithigva This name occurs frequently in the Rigveda, apparently applying, in nearly all cases, to the same king, otherwise called Divodāsa. The identity of the two persons has been denied by Bergaigne, but is certainly proved by a number of passages, when the two names occur together, in connection with the defeat of Sambara. In other passages Atithigva is said to have assisted Indra in slaying Parnaya and Karañja. Sometimes he is only vaguely referred to, while once he is mentioned as an enemy of Turvaśa and Yadu. Again Atithigva is coupled with Ayu and Kutsa as defeated by Tūrvayāna. A different Atithigva appears to be referred to in a Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts ’), where his son, Indrota, is mentioned. Roth distinguishes three Atithigvas—the Atithigva Divodāsa, the enemy of Parnaya and Karañja, and the enemy of Tūrvayāna. But the various passages can be reconciled, especially if it is admitted that Atithigva Divodāsa was already an ancient hero in the earliest hymns, and was becoming almost mythical.
atyarāti jānaṃtapi Though not a prince, was taught the Rājasūya by Vāsistha Satyahavya, and thereupon conquered the earth. When Vāsistha reminded him of his indebtedness, and claimed a great reward, the warrior replied irascibly that he intended to conquer the Uttara Kurus, and that Vāsistha would then become King of the Earth, Atyarāti himself being his general (senā-pati). Vāsistha replied that as no mortal man could conquer the Uttara Kurus he was cheated of his reward. He consequently procured Atyarati’s defeat and death at the hands of Amitratapana Susmina Saibya.
atharvan The name in the singular denotes the head of a semi-divine family of mythical priests, of whom nothing his­torical can be said. In the plural the family as a whole is meant. In a few places an actual family seems to be referred to. Thus, for instance, they are mentioned as recipients of gifts in the Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts ’), of Aśvattha’s generosity; their use of milk mingled with honey in the ritual is referred to f and a cow that miscarries (ava-tokā) from accident is dedicated to the Atharvans, according to the Taittirīya Brāhmana.
adṛṣṭa The unseen ’ is a term used in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda to designate a species of vermin. The sun is also described as *the slayer of the unseen ’ (adrsta-han) , and as a counterpart a * seen ’ (drsta) is mentioned. In one passage the epithets ‘seen’ and ‘unseen’ are applied to the worm (Krmi), their use being no doubt due to the widespread theory of diseases being due to worms, whether discernable by examination or not.
anucara This is a general expression for an ‘ attendant ’ (the feminine being Anucarī), but it is not often used.
anuvaktṛ satya sātyakīrta is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana Upanisad
apī Ludwig finds an Apī whose sons are described as not performing sacrifice (a-yajña-sāc) and as breakers of the law of Mitra-Varuna in the Rigveda. Roth and Grassmann take the expression used (apyah putrāh) as referring to the sons of the waters.
abhipratārin kākṣaseni is mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana,the Chāndogya Upanisad, and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, as engaged in discussions on philo­sophy. The Jaiminīya Brāhmana further reports that his sons divided the property amongst themselves while he was yet alive. He was a Kuru and a prince.
abhiśrī (‘ admixture ’).—This word designates the milk used to mingle with the Soma juice before it was offered.
aśvatara Are respectively the masculine and feminine name of ‘ mule.’ These animals are mentioned frequently from the Atharvaveda onwards. They were known not to be fruitful, and were probably considered inferior to horses, but a mule-car was quite common.
aśvapati (‘Lord of horses’) is a name of a prince of the Kekayas, who instructed Prācīnaśāla and other Brahmins
aṣāḍha uttara pārāśarya Is mentioned as a teacher in a Vamśa or Genealogy in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
asitamṛga is the designation in the Aitareya Brāhmana1 of a family of the Kaśyapas who were excluded from a sacrifice by Janamejaya, but who took away the conduct of the offering from the Bhūtavīras, whom the king employed. In the Jaiminīya Brāhmana[1] and the Sadvimsa Brāhmana[2] the Asita- mrgas are called 4 sons of the Kaśyapas,’ and one is mentioned as Kusurubindu4 Auddālaki.
ahan ‘Day.’ Like other peoples, the Indians used night as a general expression of time as well as day, but by no means predominantly.Night is also termed the dark (krsna), as opposed to the light (arjuna), day. Aho-rātra is a regular term for ‘ day and night ’ combined.The day itself is variously divided. In the Atharvaveda a division into ‘ the rising sun ’ (udyan sūryah), ‘ the coming together of the cows’ (sam-gava), ‘midday’ (madhyam-dina),*afternoon ’ (aparāhna), and ‘ sunset ’ (astam-yan) is found. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana the same series appears with ‘ early ’ (prātar) and ‘ evening ’ (sāyāhna) substituted for the first and last members, while a shorter list gives prātar, samgava, sāyam. In the Maitrāyanī Samhitā there is the series ‘ dawn ’ (usas), samgava, madhyamdina, and aparāhna. The morning is also, according to Zimmer, called api-śarvara, as the time when the dark is just past. It is named svasara, as the time when the cows are feeding, before the -first milking at the samgava, or when the birds are awakening. It is also called pra-pitva, according to Zimmer. But Geldner points out that that term refers to the late midday, which also is called api-śarvara, as bordering on the coming night, being the time when day is hastening to its close, as in a race. From another point of view, evening is called abhi-pitva, the time when all come to rest. Or again, morning and evening are denoted as the dawning of the sun (uditā sūryasya)i or its setting (ni-mruc). The midday is regularly madhyam ahnām, madhye, or madhyamdina. Samgava16 is the forenoon, between the early morning (prātar) and midday (madhyamdina). The divisions of time less than the day are seldom precisely given. In the śatapatha Brāhmana, however, a day and night make up 30 muhūrtas; 1 muhūrta=ι5 ksipra; 1 ksipra — 15 etarhi; 1 etarhi= 15 idāni; 1 idāni = 15 breathings; 1 breath¬ing =1 spiration; 1 spiration = ι twinkling (nimesa), etc. In the śānkhāyana Áranyaka the series is dhvamsayo, nimesāh, kāsthāh, kalāh, ksanā, muhūrtā, ahorātrāh. A thirtyfold division of day as well as of night is seen in one passage of the Rigveda by Zimmer, who compares the Babylonian sixty¬fold division of the day and night. But the expression used— thirty Yojanas—is too vague and obscure—Bergaigne refers it to the firmament—to build any theory upon with safety.
ākramaṇa In the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana this word is used with the specific sense of ‘steps to climb trees.’
ājakeśin Is the name of a family in which, according to the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana, Baka used violence against Indra
āmbaṣṭhya Is mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana as a king, whose priest for the Rājasūya, or royal inauguration, was Nārada. Presumably the name is local, meaning ‘ King of the Ambasthas,’ as interpreted in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Later the term Ambastha denotes 4 a man of mingled Brāhmana and Vaiśya parentage by father and mother ’ respectively.
aruṇi Is the patronymic normally referring to Uddālaka, son of Aruna Aupaveśi. Uddālaka is probably also meant by Aruni Yaśasvin, who occurs as a teacher of the Subrahmanyā (a kind of recitation) in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana. Arunis are referred to both in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana and in the Kāthaka Samhitā, as well as in the Aitareya Aranyaka.
ārjīka And Arjīkīyā2 (masc.), Arjīkīyā3 (fem.).—The two masculine forms probably denote the people or land, while the feminine word designates the river of the land. Hillebrandt locates the country in or near Kaśmir, as Arrian mentions Arsaces, brother of Abhisares, who presumably took his name from his people, and Abhisāra bordered on Kaśmir. Pischel accepts Arjīka as designating a country, which he, however, thinks cannot be identified. But neither Roth nor Zimmer recognizes the word as a proper name. On the other hand, all authorities agree in regarding Arjīkīyā as the name of ariver. Roth9 does so in one passage10 only, elsewhere seeing references to Soma vessels; but it seems necessary to treat the word alike in all passages containing it. Zimmer does not locate the river, and Pischel denies the possibility of its identification. Hillebrandt thinks it may have been the Upper Indus, or the Vitastā (the Jhelum), or some other stream. Grassmann follows Yāska in identifying it with the the Vipāś (Beás), but this is rendered improbable by the position of the name in the hymn in praise of rivers (nadī- stuti). Brunnhofer identifies it with the Arghesan, a tributary of the Arghanab.
āla Appears to mean ‘ weed ’ in the Atharvaveda, and to form part of three other words, denoting, according to Sāyana, grass-creepers (sasya-vallī)—viz., Alasālā, Silañjālā, and Nīlā- galasāla. Whitney, however, does not think that the words can be given any determinate sense.
āvika (‘ coming from the sheep,’ avi) is a term for * wool,’ which occurs first in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad
āsandī This is a generic term for a seat of some sort, occurring frequently in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas, but not in the Rigveda. In the Atharvaveda the settle brought for the Vrātya is described at length. It had two feet, length­wise and cross-pieces, forward and cross-cords, showing that it was made of wood and also cording. It was also covered with a cushion (Ástarana) and a pillow (Upabarhana), had a seat (Asāda) and a support (Upaśraya). Similar seats are described in the Kausītaki Upanisad and the Jaiminīya Brāhmana. The seat for the king at the royal consecration is described in very similar terms in the Aitareya Brāhmana, where the height of the feet is placed at a span, and the lengthwise and cross-pieces are each to be a cubit, while the interwoven part (vivayana) is to be of Muñja grass, and the seat of Udumbara wood. In another passage of the Atharvaveda Lanman seems to take the seat meant as a ‘ long reclining chair.’ There also a cushion (Upadhāna) and coverlet (Upavāsana) are mentioned. The śatapatha Brāhmana repeatedly describes the Ásandī in terms showing that it was an elaborate seat. In one place8 it is said to be made of Khadira wood, perforated (vi-trnnā), and joined with straps (vardhra-yutā) like that of the Bhāratas. At the Sautrāmanī rite (an Indra sacrifice) the seat is of Udumbara wood, is knee-high, and of unlimited width and depth, and is covered with plaited reed-work. The imperial seat10 is to be shoulder-high, of Udumbara wood, and wound all over with cords of Balvaja grass (.Eleusina indica). Elsewhere11 the seat is a span high, a cubit in width and depth, of Udumbara wood, and covered with reed-grass cords, and daubed with clay.
itihāsa As a kind of literature, is repeatedlymentioned along with Purāna in the later texts of the Vedic period. The earliest reference to both occurs in the late fifteenth book of the Atharvaveda. Itihāsa then appears in the Satapatha Brāhmana, the Jaiminīya, Brhadāranyaka, and Chāndogya Upanisads. In the latter it is expressly declared with Purāna to make up the fifth Veda, while the Sāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra makes the Itihāsa a Veda and the Purāna a Veda. The Itihāsa-veda and the Purāna-veda appear also in the Gopatha Brāhmana, while the śatapatha identifies the Itihāsa as well as the Purāna with the Veda. In one passage Anvākhyāna and Itihāsa are distinguished as different classes of works, but the exact point of distinction is obscure; probably the former was supplementary. The Taittirīya Áranyaka mentions Itihāsas and Purānas in the plural. There is nothing to show in the older literature what dis¬tinction there was, if any, between Itihāsa and Purāna; and the late literature, which has been elaborately examined by Sieg, yields no consistent result. Geldner has conjectured that there existed a single work, the Itihāsa-purāna, a collection. of the old legends of all sorts, heroic, cosmogonic, genealogical; but though a work called Itihāsa, and another called Purāna, were probably known to Patañjali, the inaccuracy of Geldner’s view is proved by the fact that Yāska shows no sign of having known any such work. To him the Itihāsa may be a part of the Mantra literature itself, Aitihāsikas being merely people who interpret the Rigveda by seeing in it legends where others see myths. The fact, however, that the use of the compound form is rare, and that Yāska regularly has Itihāsa, not Itihāsa-purāna, is against the theory of there ever having been one work. The relation of Itihāsa to Akhyāna is also uncertain. Sieg considers that the words Itihāsa and Purāna referred to the great body of mythology, legendary history, and cosmogonic legend available to the Vedic poets, and roughly classed as a fifth Veda, though not definitely and finally fixed. Thus, Anvākhyānas, Anuvyākhyānas, and Vyākhyānas could arise, and separate Ákhyānas could still exist outside the cycle, while an Akhyāna could also be a part of the Itihāsa-purāna. He also suggests that the word Akhyāna has special reference to the form of the narrative. Oldenberg, following Windisch, and followed by Geldner, Sieg, and others, has found in the Akhyāna form a mixture of prose and verse, alternating as the narrative was concerned with the mere accessory parts of the tale, or with the chief points, at which the poetic form was naturally produced to correspond with the stress of the emotion. This theory has been severely criticized by Hertel and von Schroeder. These scholars, in accordance with older suggestions of Max Muller and Levi, see in the so-called Ákhyāna hymns of the Rigveda, in which Oldenberg finds actual specimens of the supposed literary genus, though the prose has been lost, actual remains of ritual dramas. Elsewhere it has been suggested that the hymns in question are merely literary dialogues.
indrota daivāpa śaunaka Is mentioned in the śata­patha Brāhmana as the priest who officiated at the horse sacrifice of Janamejaya, although this honour is attributed in the Aitareya Brāhmana to Tura Kāvaseya. He also appears in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Sruta,and is mentioned in the Vamśa Brāhmana. He cannot be connected in any way with Devāpi, who occurs in the Rigveda
iṣa śyāvāśvi Is mentioned in a Vamsa (‘ list of teachers ’) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Agastya.
uccaiḥśravas kaupayeya Appears in the Jaiminīya Upani­ṣad Brāhmaṇa as a king of the Kurus and as maternal uncle of Keśin. His connexion with the Kurus is borne out by the fact that Upamaśravas was son of Kuru- śravaṇa, the names being strikingly similar.
udāna Is usually the fifth of the vital breaths (Prāna) when five are enumerated. Sometimes it appears as the second, coming after Prāna, and followed by Vyāna or Samāna. Again, it is found simply opposed to Prāna, or it simply follows Prāna and Apāna. In the śatapatha Brāhmana it is treated as the breath that consumes the later Upanisads, while it that rises up by the throat, death.
uddālaka aruṇi Uddālaka, son of Aruna, is one of the most prominent teachers of the Vedic period. He was a Brāh­mana of the Kurupañcālas, according to the śatapatha Brāh­mana. This statement is confirmed by the fact that he was teacher of Proti Kausurubindi of Kauśāmbī, and that his son Svetaketu is found disputing among the Pañcālas. He was a pupil of Aruna, his father, as well as of Patañcala Kāpya, of Madra, while he was the teacher of the famous Yājñavalkya Vājasaneya and of Kausītaki, although the former is represented elsewhere as having silenced him. He overcame in argument Prācīnayogya śauceya, and apparently also Bhadrasena Ajāta- śatrava, though the text here seems to read the name as Arani. He was a Gautama, and is often alluded to as such. As an authority on questions of ritual and philosophy, he is repeatedly referred to by his patronymic name Aruni in the śatapatha Brāhmana, the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, the Chāndogya Upanisad, and occasionally in the Aitareya, the Kausītaki, and the Sadvimśa Brāhmanas, as well as the Kausītaki Upanisad. In the Maitrāyanī Samhitā he is not mentioned, according to Geldner, but only his father Aruna; his name does not occur, according to Weber, in the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, but in the Kāthaka Samhitā he is, as Aruni, known as a contemporary of Divodāsa Bhaimaseni, and in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana he is mentioned as serving Vāsistha Caikitāneya. In the Taittirīya tradition he seldom appears. There is an allusion in the Taittirīya Samhitā to Kusurubinda Auddālaki, and according to the Taittirīya Brāhmana, Naciketas was a son of Vājaśravasa Gautama, who is made out to be Uddālaka by Sāyana. But the episode of Naciketas, being somewhat unreal, cannot be regarded as of historical value in proving relationship. Aruna is known to the Taittirīya Samhitā. A real son of Uddālaka was the famous śvetaketu, who is expressly reported by Apastamba to have been in his time an Avara or later authority, a statement of importance for the date of Aruni.
upabarhaṇa denotes a ‘ pillow ’ or ‘ cushion,’ especially of a seat (āsandī), occurring in the Rigveda, the Atharvaveda, and the Brāhmanas. The feminine Upabarhanī is found in the Rigveda with the same sense, but used metaphorically of the earth.
urvarā Is with Ksetra the regular expression, from the Rigveda onwards, denoting a piece of ‘ploughland’ (άρουρα). Fertile (apnasvatī) fields are spoken of as well as waste fields (ārtanā). Intensive cultivation by means of irrigation is clearly referred to both in the Rigveda and in the Atharva­veda, while allusion is also made to the use of manure. The fields (iksetra) were carefully measured according to the Rigveda. This fact points clearly to individual ownership in land for the plough, a conclusion supported by the reference of Apālā, in a hymn of the Rigveda, to her father's field (urvarā), which is put on the same level as his head of hair as a personal possession. Consistent with this are the epithets ‘winning fields ’ (urvarā-sā, urvarā-jit, ksetra-sā), while ‘ lord of fields ’ used of a god is presumably a transfer of a human epithet (urvarā-pati). Moreover, fields are spoken of in the same connexion as children, and the conquest of fields (ksetrāni sam-ji) is often referred to in the Samhitās. Very probably, as suggested by Pischel, the ploughland was bounded by grass land (perhaps denoted by Khila, Khilya) which in all likelihood would be joint property on the analogy of property elsewhere. There is no trace in Vedic literature of communal property in the sense of ownership by a community of any sort, nor is there mention of communal cultivation. Individual property in land seems also presumed later on. In the Chāndogya Upanisad the things given as examples of wealth include fields and houses («ūyatanāni). The Greek evidence also points to individual ownership. The precise nature of the ownership is of course not determined by the expression ‘ individual ownership.’ The legal relationship of the head of a family and its members is nowhere explained, and can only be conjectured (see Pitr). Very often a family may have lived together with undivided shares in the land. The rules about the inheritance of landed property do not occur before the Sūtras. In the Satapatha Brāhmana the giving of land as a fee to priests is mentioned, but with reproof: land was no doubt even then a very special kind of property, not lightly to be given away or parted with. On the relation of the owners of land to the king and others see Grāma; on its cultivation see Krsi.
ulukya janaśruteya Is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
ṛkṣīkā A word found in the Atharvaveda, the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, and the Satapatha Brāhmana, appears to denote a demon. Harisvāmin, however, in his commentary on the Sata­patha Brāhmana, connects the word with Rksa, as meaning ‘ bear.’
ṛtu ‘Season,’ is a term repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda onwards. Three seasons of the year are often alluded to, but the names are not usually specified. In one passage of the Rigveda spring (vasanta), summer (grīsma), and autumn (sarad) are given. The Rigveda knows also the rainy season (prā-vrs) and the winter (hitnā, hemanta). A more usual division (not found in the Rigveda is into five seasons,vasanta, grīsma, varsā, sarad, hemanta-śiśira; but occasionally the five are otherwise divided, varsā-śarad being made one season. Sometimes six seasons are reckoned, hemanta and śiśira being divided, so that the six seasons can be made parallel to the twelve months of the year. A still more artificial arrangement makes the seasons seven, possibly by reckoning the intercalary month as a season, as Weber and Zimmer hold, or more probably because of the predilection for the number seven, as Roth suggests. Occasionally the word rtu is applied to the months. The last season, according to the Satapatha Brāhmana, is hemanta. The growth of the division of the seasons from three to five is rightly explained by Zimmer as indicating the advance of the Vedic Indians towards the east. It is not Rigvedic, but dominates the later Samhitās. Traces of an earlier division of the year into winter and summer do not appear clearly in the Rigveda, where the appropriate words himā and samā are merely general appellations of the year, and where śarad is commoner than either as a designation of the year, because it denotes the harvest, a time of overwhelming importance to a young agricultural people. The division of the year in one passage of the Atharvaveda into two periods of six months is merely formal, and in no way an indication of old tradition.
ṛtvij Is the regular term for ‘ sacrificial priest,’ covering all the different kinds of priests employed at the sacrifice. It appears certain that all the priests were Brāhmanas. The number of priests officiating at a sacrifice with different functions was almost certainly seven. The oldest list, occurring in one passage of the Rigveda, enumerates their names as Hotr, Potr, Nestr, Agnīdh, Praśāstr, Adhvaryu, Brahman, besides the institutor of the sacrifice. The number of seven probably explains the phrase ‘ seven Hotrs ’ occurring so frequently in the Rigveda, and is most likely connected with that of the mythical ‘ seven Rsis.’ It may be compared with the eight of Iran. The chief of the seven priests was the Hotr, who was the singer of the hymns, and in the early times their composer also. The Adhvaryu performed the practical work of the sacrifice, and accompanied his performance with muttered formulas of prayer and deprecation of evil. His chief assist­ance was derived from the Agnīdh, the two performing the smaller sacrifices without other help in practical matters. The Praśāstr, Upavaktr, or Maitrāvaruna, as he was variously called, appeared only in the greater sacrifices as giving in­structions to the Hotr, and as entrusted with certain litanies. The Potr, Nestr, and Brahman belonged to the ritual of the Soma sacrifice, the latter being later styled Brāhmanāc- chamsin to distinguish him from the priest who in the later ritual acted as supervisor. Other priests referred to in the Rigveda are the singers of Sāmans or chants, the Udgātr and his assistant the Prastotr, while the Pratihartr, another assistant, though not mentioned, may quite well have been known. Their functions undoubtedly represent a later stage of the ritual, the development of the elaborate series of sacrificial calls on the one hand, and on the other the use of long hymns addressed to the Soma plant. Other priests, such as the Achāvāka, the Grāvastut, the Unnetr, and the Subrahmanyan were known later in the developed ritual of the Brāhmanas, making in all sixteen priests, who were technically and artificially classed in four groups : Hotr, Maitrāvaruna, Achāvāka, and Grāvastut; Udgātr, Prastotr, Pratihartr, and Subrahmanya; Adhvaryu, Pratisthātr, Nestr, and Unnetr; Brahman, Brāhmanācchamsin, Agnīdhra, and Poty. Apart from all these priests was the Purohita, who was the spiritual adviser of the king in all his religious duties. Geldner holds that, as a rule, when the Purohita actually took part in one of the great sacrifices he played the part of the Brahman, in the sense of the priest who superintended the whole conduct of the ritual. He sees evidence for this view in a considerable number of passages of the Rigveda and the later literature, where Purohita and Brahman were combined or identified. Oldenberg, however, more correctly points out that in the earlier period this was not the case: the Purohita was then normally the Hotr, the singer of the most important of the songs; it was only later that the Brahman, who in the capacity of overseer of the rite is not known to the Rigveda, acquired the function of general supervision hitherto exercised by the Purohita, who was ex officio skilled in the use of magic and in guarding the king by spells which could also be applied to guarding the sacrifice from evil demons. With this agrees the fact that Agni, pre-eminently the Purohita of men, is also a Hotr, and that the two divine Hotrs of the Aprī hymns are called the divine Purohitas. On the other hand, the rule is explicitly recognized in the Aitareya Brāhmana that a Ksatriya should have a Brahman as a Purohita; and in the Taittirīya Samhitā the Vasistha family have a special claim to the office of Brahman-Purohita, perhaps an indi¬cation that it was they who first as Purohitas exchanged the function of Hotys for that of Brahmans in the sacrificial ritual. The sacrifices were performed for an individual in the great majority of cases. The Sattra, or prolonged sacrificial session, was, however, performed for the common benefit of the priests taking part in it, though its advantageous results could only be secured if all the members actually engaged were consecrated (ιdīksita). Sacrifices for a people as such were unknown. The sacrifice for the king was, it is true, intended to bring about the prosperity of his people also; but it is characteristic that the prayer16 for welfare includes by name only the priest and the king, referring to the people indirectly in connexion with the prosperity of their cattle and agriculture.
ṛśya This is the correct spelling of a word that occurs in the Rigveda and the later literature meaning ‘stag,’ the feminine being Rohit. Apparently deer were caught in pits (rśya-da). The procreative power of the stag (ārśya vrsnya) was celebrated.
ṛṣi ‘Seer,’ is primarily a composer of hymns to the gods. In the Rigveda reference is often made to previous singers and to contemporary poets. Old poems were inherited and refurbished by members of the composer’s family, but the great aim of the singers was to produce new and approved hymns. It is not till the time of the Brāhmanas that the composition of hymns appears to have fallen into disuse, though poetry was still produced, for example, in the form of Gāthās, which the priests were required to compose them¬selves and sing to the accompaniment of the lute at the sacrifice. The Rsi was the most exalted of Brāhmanas, and his skill, which is often compared with that of a carpenter, was regarded as heaven-sent. The Purohita, whether as Hotr or as Brahman (see Rtvij), was a singer. No doubt the Rsis were normally attached to the houses of the great, the petty kings of Vedic times, or the nobles of the royal household. Nor need it be doubted that occasionally the princes them¬selves essayed poetry: a Rājanyarsi, the prototype of the later Rājarsi or * royal seer,’ who appears in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, though he must be mythical as Oldenberg points out, indicates that kings cultivated poetry just as later they engaged in philosophic disputations. Normally, how¬ever, the poetical function is Brahminical, Viśāmitra and others not being kings, but merely Brāhmanas, in the Rigveda. In the later literature the Rsis are the poets of the hymns preserved in the Samhitās, a Rsi being regularly16 cited when a Vedic Samhitā is quoted. Moreover, the Rsis become the representatives of a sacred past, and are regarded as holy sages, whose deeds are narrated as if they were the deeds of gods or Asuras. They are typified by a particular group of seven, mentioned four times in the Rigveda, several times in the later Samhitās, and enumerated in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad as Gotama, Bharadvāja, Viśvāmitra, Jamadagni, Vasistha, Kaśyapa, and Atri. In the Rigveda itself Kutsa, Atri, Rebha, Agastya, the Kuśikas, Vasistha, Vyaśva, and others appear as Rsis; and the Atharvaveda contains a long list, including Añgiras, Agasti, Jamadagni, Atri, Kaśyapa, Vasistha, Bharadvāja, Gavisthira, Viśvāmitra, Kutsa, Kaksīvant, Kanva, Medhātithi, Triśoka, Uśanā Kāvya, Gotama, and Mudgala. Competition among the bards appears to have been known. This is one of the sides of the riddle poetry (Brahmodya) that forms a distinctive feature of the Vedic ritual of the Aśva¬medha, or horse sacrifice. In the Upanisad period such competitions were quite frequent. The most famous was that of Yājñavalkya, which was held at the court of Janaka of Videha, as detailed in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, and which was a source of annoyance to Ajātaśatru of Kāśī. According to an analogous practice, a Brāhmana, like Uddālaka Aruni, would go about disputing with all he came across, and compete with them for a prize of money.
ṛṣyaśṛṅga Appears as a teacher, pupil of Kāśyapa, and as bearing the patronymic Kāśyapa in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana and in the Vamśa Brāhmana.The more correct spelling of the name is Rśya-śrñga.
eḍaka Appears to denote a ‘ vicious ram ’ in the Satapatha and Jaiminīya Brāhmanas.
eṇī Denotes the ‘ female antelope ’ in the later Samhitās, perhaps as the feminine of Eta.
aikādaśākṣa mānutantavya Appears in the Aitareya Brāh¬mana as a king who observed the rule of sacrificing when the sun had risen (udita-homin), and as a contemporary of Nagarin Jāna-śruteya.
aikṣvāka Descendant of Iksvāku,’ is the patronymic borne by Purukutsa in the śatapatha Brāhmana. Another Aiksvāka is Vārsni, a teacher mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. A king Hariścandra Vaidhasa Aiksvāka is known to the Aitareya Brāhmana, and Tryaruna is an Aiksvāka in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana.
oṣadhi Roughly speaking, the vegetable world is divided in Vedic literature between Osadhi or Vīrudh ‘plants’ and Vana or Vrksa ‘trees.’ Osadhi is employed in opposition to Vīrudh to denote plants as possessing a healing power or some other quality useful to men, while Vīrudh is rather a generic term for minor vegetable growths, but sometimes, when occur­ring beside Osadhi, signifies those plants which do not possess medicinal properties. A list of the minor parts of which a plant is made up is given in the later Samhitās. It comprises the root 0mfdd), the panicle (tfda), the stem (kāηda), the twig (valśa), the flower (puspa), and the fruit (phala), while trees have, in addition, a corona (skaηdha), branches [śākhā), and leaves (parηa). The Atharvaveda gives an elaborate, though not very intelligible, division of plants into those which expand (pra-strηatīh), are bushy (stambiηīh), have only one sheath (eka-śtmgāh), are creepers (pra-taηvatīh), have many stalks (amśumatīh), arejointed (kāndinīh), or have spreading branches (vi-śākhāh). In the Rigveda plants are termed ‘ fruitful ’ (phalinīh), blossom¬ing ’ (puspavatīh), and ‘ having flowers ’ (pra-sūvarīh).
audanya ‘Descendant of Udanya or Odana,’ is the patro­nymic in the śatapatha Brāhmana of Mundibha, who is credited with inventing an expiation for the crime of slaying a Brahmin. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana the name appears in the form of Audanyava.
aupoditi ‘Descendant of Upodita,’ is the patronymic applied in the Taittirīya Samhitā to Tumiñja, and in the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra to Gaupālāyana, son of Vyāghrapad, Sthapati (‘ general ’) of the Kurus. In the form of Aupoditeya, a metro­nymic from Upoditā, the name is found in the śatapatha Brāhmana, where the Kānva text calls him Tumiñja Aupo­diteya Vaiyāghrapadya.
kakuha A word occurring several times in the Rigveda, is understood by Roth to designate part of a chariot, perhaps the seat. Ludwig, again, regards it in one passage4 as the proper name of a Yādava prince who took spoil from Tirindira, the Parśu, but this view is hardly probable.It is, on the whole, most likely that the word always means ‘ chief,’ ‘pre-eminent,’ being applied as an epithet to horses, chariots, princes, etc. This is the only sense given by Grassmann, and later adopted by Roth.
kakṣa Is the name of two men mentioned as teachers in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. One is Kaksa Vārakya, pupil of Prosthapada Vārakya, and the other Kaksa Vārāki or Vārakya,\ pupil of Daksa Kātyā- yani Atreya. See also Urukaksa.
kāṇḍviya Is mentioned as an Udgātr in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
kāṇva See Kanva: among others, Devātithi, Medhātithi, Vatsa, were prominent members of the Kanva family.
kāpya (‘ descendant of Kapi') is the patronymic of Sanaka and Navaka, two obviously fictitious persons who served at the Sattra (‘ sacrificial session ’) of the Vibhindukīyas in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana. It is also the patronymic of Patañcala in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad. See also Kaiśorya.
kārīradi Kārīradi is the name of persons mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as holding a special view of the Udgītha (Sāmaveda Chant).
kāśi The name Kāśi denotes (in the plural1) the people of Kāśi (Benares), and Kāśya, the king of Kāśi. The Satapatha Brāhmana tells of Dhrtarāstra, king of Kāśi, who was defeated by Satānīka Sātrājita, with the result that the Kāśis, down to the time of the Brāhmana, gave up the kindling of the sacred fire. Sātrājita was a Bharata. We hear also of Ajātaśatru as a king of Kāśi; and no doubt Bhadrasena Ajātaśatrava, a contemporary of Uddālaka, was also a king of Kāśi. The Kāśis and Videhas were closely connected, as was natural in view of their geographical position. The compound name Kāśi-Videha occurs in the Kausītaki Upanisad; in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad Gārgī describes Ajātaśatru as either a Kāśi or a Videha king. The Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra mentions one Purohita as acting for the kings of Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha; and the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra mentions Kāśi and Videha in close proximity. Weber,8 indeed, throws out the suggestion that the Kāśis and the Videhas together con¬stitute the Uśīnaras, whose name is very rare in Vedic literature. As Kosala and Videha were in close connexion, Kāśi and Kosala are found combined in the compound name Kāśi- Kauśalyas of the Gopatha Brāhmana. Though Kāśi is a late word, it is quite possible that the town is older, as the river Varanāvatī referred to in the Athar¬vaveda may be connected with the later Vārānasī (Benares).It is significant that while the Kāśis, Kosalas, and Videhas were united, any relations which the Kuru-Pañcala peoples may have had with them were hostile. It is a fair conclusion that between these two great groups of peoples there did exist some political conflict as well as probably a difference of culture in some degree. The śatapatha Brāhmana,11 in the story of the advance of Aryan civilization over Kosala and Videha, preserves a clear tradition of this time, and a piece of evidence that in the Kuru-Pañcāla country lay the real centre of the Brāhmana culture (see also Kuru-Pañcāla). That the Kosala-Videhas were originally settlers of older date than the Kuru-Pañcālas is reasonably obvious from their geographical position, but the true Brāhmana culture appears to have been brought to them from the Kuru-Pañcala country. It is very probable that the East was less Aryan than the West, and that it was less completely reduced under Brahmin spiritual supremacy, as the movement of Buddhism was Eastern, and the Buddhist texts reveal a position in which the Ksatriyas rank above Brāhmanas. With this agrees the fact that the later Vedic texts display towards the people of Magadha a marked antipathy, which may be reasonably explained by that people’s lack of orthodoxy, and which may perhaps be traced as far back as the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. It is, of course, possible that the Kosala-Videhas and Kāśis actually were merely offshoots of the tribes later known as the Kuru-Pañcālas, and that they by reason of distance and less complete subjugation of the aborigines lost their Brahminical culture. This hypothesis, however, appears less likely, though it might be supported by a literal inter-pretation of the legend of the Aryan migration in the śatapatha Brāhmana.
kilāta Is the form of the name. Kirata that appears in the śatapatha, śātyāyanaka, and Jaiminīya Brāhmanas.
kubera vārakya Is mentioned in a list of teachers in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Jayanta Vārakya.
kuru The Kurus appear as by far the most important people in the Brāhmana literature. There is clear evidence that it was in the country of the Kurus, or the allied Kuru- Pañcālas, that the great Brāhmanas were composed. The Kurus are comparatively seldom mentioned alone, their name being usually coupled with that of the Pañcālas on account of the intimate connexion of the two peoples. The Kuru-Pañcālas are often expressly referred to as a united nation. In the land of the Kuru-Pañcālas speech is said to have its particular home ; the mode of sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas is proclaimed to be the best ; the Kuru-Pañcāla kings perform the Rājasūya or royal sacrifice ; their princes march forth on raids in the dewy season, and return in the hot season Later on the Kuru-Pañcāla Brahmins are famous in the Upanisads. Weber and Grierson have sought to find traces in Vedic literature of a breach between the two tribes, the latter scholar seeing therein a confirmation of the theory that the Kurus belonged to the later stream of immigrants into India, who were specially Brahminical, as opposed to the Pañcālas, who were anti-Brahminical. In support of this view, Weber refers to the story in the Kāthaka Samhitā of a dispute between Vaka Dālbhya and Dhrtarāstra Vaicitravīrya, the former being held to be by origin a Pañcāla, while the latter is held to be a Kuru. But there is no trace of a quarrel between Kurus and Pañcālas in the passage in question, which merely preserves the record of a dispute on a ritual matter between a priest and a prince: the same passage refers to the Naimisīya sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas, and emphasizes the close connexion of the two peoples. Secondly, Weber conjectures in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā that Subhadrikā of Kāmpīla was the chief queen of the king of a tribe living in the neighbour¬hood of the clan, for whose king the horse sacrifice described in the Samhitā was performed. But the interpretation of this passage by Weber is open to grave doubt ; and in the Kānva recension of the Samhitā a passage used at the Rājasūya shows that the Kuru-Pañcālas had actually one king. More¬over, there is the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmana that the old name of the Pañcālas was Krivi. This word looks very like a variant of Kuru, and Zimmer plausibly conjectures that the Kurus and Krivis formed the Vaikarna of the Rigveda, especially as both peoples are found about the Sindhu and the Asikni.The Kurus alone are chiefly mentioned in connexion with the locality which they occupied, Kuruksetra. We are told, however, of a domestic priest (Purohita) in the service of both the Kurus and the Srñjayas, who must therefore at one time have been closely connected. In the Chāndogya Upanisad reference is made to the Kurus being saved by a mare (aśvā), and to some disaster which befel them owing to a hailstorm. In the Sūtras, again, a ceremony (Vājapeya) of the Kurus is mentioned. There also a curse, which was pronounced on them and led to their being driven from Kuruksetra, is alluded to. This possibly adumbrates the misfortunes of the Kauravas in the epic tradition. In the Rigveda the Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But mention is made of a prince, Kuruśravana (‘ Glory of the Kurus ^, and of a Pākasthāman Kaurayāna. In the Atharvaveda there occurs as a king of the Kurus Pariksit, whose son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the śata¬patha Brāhmana as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice.It is a probable conjecture of Oldenberg’s that the Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes referred to by other names in the Rigveda. Kuruśravana, shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the Rigveda called Trāsadasyava, * descendant of Trasadasyu,’ who is well known as a king of the Pūrus. Moreover, it is likely that the Trtsu- Bharatas, who appear in the Rigveda as enemies of the Pūrus, later coalesced with them to form the Kuru people. Since the Bharatas appear so prominently in the Brāhmana texts as a great people of the past, while the later literature ignores them in its list of nations, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that they became merged in some other tribe. Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found. Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rigveda as having kindled fire on the Drsadvatī, the Apayā, and the Sarasvatī—that is to say, in the sacred places of the later Kuruksetra. Similarly, the goddess Bhāratī (‘ belonging to the Bharatas ’) is constantly mentioned in the Aprī (‘ propitiatory ’) hymns together with Sarasvatī. Again, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana, one Bharata king was victorious over the Kāśis, and another made offerings to Gañgā and Yamunā, while raids of the Bharatas against the Satvants are mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana. Nor is it without importance that the Bharatas appear as a variant for the Kuru-Pañcālas in a passage of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, and that in the list of the great performers of the horse sacrifice the names of one Kuru and two Bharata princes are given without any mention of the people over which they ruled, while in other cases that information is specifically given.The territory of the Kuru-Pañcālas is declared in the Aitareya Brāhmana to be the middle country (Madhyadeśa). A group of the Kuru people still remained further north—the Uttara Kurus beyond the Himālaya. It appears from a passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana that the speech of the Northerners— that is, presumably, the Northern Kurus—and of the Kuru- Pañcālas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. There seems little doubt that the Brahminical culture was developed in the country of the Kuru-Pañcālas, and that it spread thence east, south, and west. Traces of this are seen in the Vrātya Stomas (sacrifices for the admission of non - Brahminical Aryans) of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and in the fact that in the śāñkhāyana Áranyaka it is unusual for a Brahmin to dwell in the territory of Magadha. The repeated mention of Kuru- Pañcāla Brahmins is another indication of their missionary activity. The geographical position of the Kuru-Pañcālas renders it probable that they were later immigrants into India than the Kosala-Videha or the Kāśis, who must have been pushed into their more eastward territories by a new wave of Aryan settlers from the west. But there is no evidence in Vedic literature to show in what relation of time the immigration of the latter peoples stood to that of their neighbours on the west. It has, however, been conjectured, mainly on the ground of later linguistic phenomena, which have no cogency for the Vedic period, that the Kurus were later immigrants, who, coming by a new route, thrust themselves between the original Aryan tribes which were already in occupation of the country from east to west. Cf. also Krtvan. For other Kuru princes see Kauravya.
kuṣṭha Is the name of a plant (Costus speciosus or arabicus) which is prominent in the Atharvaveda. It grew especially on the mountains, along with the Soma, on the high peaks of the Himālaya (Himavant) where the eagles nest, and was thence brought east to men. Like Soma, it is said to have grown in the third heaven under the famous Aśvattha tree, where the gods were wont to assemble, and thence it was brought in a golden ship. As a remedy, it held the highest place among herbs, being called by the auspicious names Nagha-māra and Naghā-risa, and styled the offspring of Jīvala and Jīvalā, the ‘lively’ ones. It cured headache (.śīrsāmaya), diseases of the eyes, bodily affliction, but especially fever—hence called ‘ fever- destroyer ’ (takma-nāsana)—and consumption (Yaksma). From its general properties it was also named ‘ all-healing ’ (viśva- bhesaja). Its aromatic qualities were apparently known, as it is classed with ‘ salve ’ (Añjana) and ‘ nard ’ (Nalada).
kusurubinda auddālaki Appears as an authority on ritual matters in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, the Taittirīya Samhitā, the Jaiminīya Brāhmana, and the Sadvimśa Brāhmana. He may have been the brother of Svetaketu, as suggested by Weber.
kṛṣi ‘ploughing.’ The cultivation of the soil was no doubt known to the Indians before they separated from the Iranians, as is indicated by the identity of the expressions yavam krs and sasya in the Rigveda with yao karesh and hahya in the Avesta, referring to the ploughing in of the seed and to the grain which resulted. But it is not without significance that the expressions for ploughing occur mainly in the first and tenth books of the Rigveda, and only rarely in the so-called ‘ family ’ books (ii.-vii.). In the Atharvaveda Prthī Vainya is credited with the origination of ploughing, and even in the Rigveda the Aśvins are spoken of as concerned with the sowing of grain by means of the plough. In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas ploughing is repeatedly referred to. Even in the Rigveda there is clear proof of the importance attached to agriculture. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana the Vrātyas, Hindus without the pale of Brahminism, are de¬scribed as not cultivating the soil.The plough land was called Urvarā or Ksetra; manure (Sakan, Karīsa) was used, and irrigation was practised (Khani- tra). The plough (Lāñgala, Sira) was drawn by oxen, teams of six, eight, or even twelve being employed. The operations of agriculture are neatly summed up in the śatapatha Brāhmana as ‘ ploughing, sowing, reaping, and threshing ’ (
kṛṣṇa devakīputra Is mentioned in the Chāndogya Upanisad as a pupil of the mythical Ghora Angirasa. Tradition, and several modern writers like Grierson, Garbe, and von Schroeder, recognize in him the hero Krsna, who later is deified. In their view he is a Ksatriya teacher of morals, as opposed to Brahminism. This is extremely doubtful. It appears better either to regard the coincidence of name as accidental, or to suppose that the reference is a piece of Euhemerism. To identify this Krsna with the preceding, as does the St. Petersburg Dictionary, seems to be quite groundless.
kṛṣṇadatta lauhitya (‘ descendant of Lohita ’) is mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāh­mana as a pupil of Syāmasujayanta Lauhitya.
kṛṣṇadhṛti sātyaki (‘ descendant of Satyaka') is mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāh­mana as a pupil of Satyaśravas.
kṛṣṇarāta lauhitya (‘descendant of Lohita’) is mentioned : in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāh-mana as a pupil of Syāmajajayanta Lauhitya.
keśa Hair of the head,’ is repeatedly mentioned in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The hair was a matter of great care to the Vedic Indian, and several hymns of the Atharva­veda are directed to securing its plentiful growth. Cutting or shaving (vap) the hair is often referred to. For a man to wear long hair was considered effeminate. As to modes of dressing the hair see Opaśa and Kaparda; as to the beard see Smaśru.
keśin dārbhya (* descendant of Darbha ’) is a somewhat enigmatic figure. According to the Satapatha Brāh¬mana and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana he was a king, sister’s son of Uccaihśravas, according to the latter authority. His people were the Pañcālas, of whom the Keśins must there¬fore have been a branch, and who are said to have been threefold (tvyanīka). A story is told of his having a ritual dispute wτith ṣandika in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā ; this appears in another form in the śatapatha Brāhmana. He was a contemporary of a fellow sage, Keśin Sātyakāmi, according to the Maitrā¬yanī and Taittirīya Samhitās. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmana attributes to him a Sāman or chant, and the Kausītaki Brāh¬mana tells how he was taught by a golden bird. In view of the fact that the early literature always refers to Dārbhya as a sage, it seems doubtful whether the commentator is right in thinking that the śatapatha refers to a king and a people, when a sage alone may well be meant, while the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana is of no great authority. The latter work may have assumed that the reference in the Kāthaka Samhitā to the Keśin people signifies kingship, but this is hardly necessary.
kosala Is the name of a people not occurring in the earliest Vedic literature. In the story of the spread of Aryan culture told in the śatapatha Brāhmana, the Kosala-Videhas, as the offspring of Videgha Māthava, appear as falling later than the Kuru-Pañcālas under the influence of Brahminism. The same passage gives the Sadānīrā as the boundary of the two peoples —Kosala and Videha. Elsewhere the Kausalya, or Kosala king, Para Atnāra Hairanyanābha, is described as having performed the great Aśvamedha, or horse sacrifice. Connexion with Kāśi and Videha appears also from a passage of the Sāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra. Weber points out that Áśvalāyana, who was very probably a descendant of Aśvala, the Hotr priest of Videha, is called a Kosala in the Praśna Upanisad. The later distinction of North and South Kosala is unknown to both Vedic and Buddhist literature. Kosala lay to the north-east of the Ganges, and corresponded roughly to the modern Oudh.
kauśāmbeya Is the patronymic (‘ descendant of Kuśāmba ’) of a teacher Proti in the Satapatha Brāhmana according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary: a view supported by the fact that Kūśāmba actually occurs as the name of a man in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. It is, however, possible that the word means a ‘ native of the town Kauśāmbī ’ as understood by Harisvāmin in his commentary on the Satapatha Brāhmana.
kravya Raw flesh,’ is never mentioned in Vedic literature as eaten by men. Demons alone are spoken of as consuming it, apart from Agni being called kravyād, ‘ eating raw flesh,’ as consumer of the bodies of the dead. The man who in the Rigveda is compelled by starvation to eat dog’s flesh, never­theless cooks it.
krātujāteya Is a patronymic of Rāma Krātujāteya Vaiyā- ghrapadya in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
kṣatra In the general sense of dominion,’ ‘ rule,’ power,’ as exercised by gods and men, occurs frequently from the Rigveda onwards. The word is also found in the concrete sense of ‘ rulers ’ in the Rigveda and later ; but in no case does it in the Rigveda certainly mean what it regularly denotes in the later Samhitās, the ruling class as opposed to the priests (Brahman), the subject people (Viś, Vaiśya), and the servile class (Sūdra). See also Ksatriya. A Ksatra-pati is several times mentioned as an equivalent of king.
kṣatriya As the origin of caste, the relation of the castes, intermarriage, and cognate matters may most conveniently be discussed under Varna, this article will be confined to deter­mining, as far as possible, the real character of the class called Ksatriyas, or collectively Ksatra. The evidence of the Jātakas points to the word Khattiya denoting the members of the old Aryan nobility who had led the tribes to conquest, as well as those families of the aborigines who had managed to maintain their princely status in spite of the conquest. In the epic also the term Ksatriya seems to include these persons, but it has probably a wider signification than Khattiya, and would cover all the royal military vassals and feudal chiefs, expressing, in fact, pretty much the same as the barones of early English history. Neither in the Jātakas nor in the epic is the term co-extensive with all warriors; the army contains many besides the Ksatriyas, who are the leaders or officers, rather than the rank and file.In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas the Ksatriya stands as a definite member of the social body, distinct from the priest, the subject people, and the slaves, Brāhmana, Vaiśya, and Sūdra. It is significant that Rājanya is a variant to Ksatriya, and an earlier one. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that the Ksatriya and Rājanya are both of similar origin, being princely or connected with royalty. Moreover, the early use of Ksatriya in the Rigveda is exclusively con-nected with royal authority or divine authority. It is impossible to say exactly what persons would be in¬cluded in the term Ksatriya. That it covered the royal house and the various branches of the royal family may be regarded as certain. It, no doubt, also included the nobles and their families: this would explain the occasional opposition of Rājanya and Ksatriya, as in the Aitareya Brāhmana,8 where a Rājanya asks a Ksatriya for a place for sacrifice (deυa-yajana). Thus, when strictly applied, Ksatriya would have a wider denotation than Rājanya. As a rule, however, the two expressions are identical, and both are used as evidence in what follows. That Ksatriya ever included the mere fighting man has not been proved: in the Rigveda9 and later10 others than Ksatriyas regularly fought; but possibly if the nobles had retinues as the kings had, Ksatriya would embrace those retainers who had military functions. The term did not apply to all members of the royal entourage; for example, the Grāmanī was usually a Vaiśya. The connexion of the Ksatriyas with the Brahmins was very close. The prosperity of the two is repeatedly asserted to be indissolubly associated, especially in the relation of king (Rājan) and domestic priest (Purohita). Sometimes there was feud between Ksatriya and Brahmin. His management of the sacrifice then gave the Brahmin power to ruin the Ksatriya by embroiling him with the people or with other Ksatriyas. Towards the common people, on the other hand, the Ksa¬triya stood in a relation of well-nigh unquestioned superiority. There are, however, references to occasional feuds between the people and the nobles, in which no doubt the inferior numbers of the latter were compensated by their superior arms and prowess. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Vaiśya is described as tributary to another (anyasya bali-krt), to be devoured by another (anyasyādya), and to be oppressed at will (yathākāma-jyeya). Probably these epithets apply most strictly to the relation of the king and his people, but the passage shows that the people were greatly at the mercy of the nobles. No doubt the king granted to them the right, which may have been hereditary, to be supported by the common people, whose feudal superiors they thus became. In return for these privileges the Kṣatriyas had probably duties of protection to perform, as well as some judicial functions, to judge from an obscure passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā. The main duty of the Ksatriya in the small states of the Vedic period was readiness for war. The bow is thus his special attribute, just as the goad is that of the agriculturist; for the bow is the main weapon of the Veda. Whether the Ksatriyas paid much attention to mental occupations is uncertain. In the latest stratum of the Brāhmana literature there are references to learned princes like Janaka of Videha, who is said to have become a Brahmin (brahmā), apparently in the sense that he had the full knowledge which a Brahmin possessed. Other learned Ksatriyas of this period were Pravāhana Jaivali, Aśvapati Kaikeya, and Ajātaśatru Garbe, Grierson, and others believe they are justified in holding the view that the Ksatriyas developed a special philosophy of their own as opposed to Brahminism, which appears later as Bhakti, or Faith. On the other hand, there is clear evidence that the opinion of Ksatriyas on such topics were held in little respect, and it must be remembered that to attribute wisdom to a king was a delicate and effective piece of flattery. There are earlier references to royal sages (rājan- yarsi) but it is very doubtful if much stress can be laid on them, and none can be laid on the later tradition of Sāyana. Again, the Nirukta gives a tradition relating how Devāpi, a king’s son, became the Purohita of his younger brother Samtanu; but it is very doubtful if the story can really be traced with Sieg in the Rigveda itself. In any case, the stories refer only to a few selected Ksatriyas of high rank, while there is no evidence that the average Ksatriya was concerned with intellectual pursuits. Nor is there any reference to Ksatriyas engaging in agriculture or in trade or commerce. It may be assumed that the duties of administration and war were adequate to absorb his atten¬tion. On the other hand, we do hear of a Rājanya as a lute player and singer at the Aśvamedha or horse sacrifice. Of the training and education of a Ksatriya we have no record; presumably, as in fact if not in theory later on, he was mainly instructed in the art of war, the science of the bow, and the rudimentary administrative functions which would devolve on him. At this early state of the development of the nobility which appears to be represented in the Rigveda, it was probably not unusual or impossible for a Vaiśya to become a Ksatriya; at least, this assumption best explains the phrase ‘claiming falsely a Ksatriya’s rank ’ (ksatriyam mithuyā dhārayantam). The king and the Ksatriyas must have stood in a particularly close relation. The former being the Ksatriya par excellence, it is to him rather than to the ordinary Ksatriya that we must refer passages like that in the Satapatha Brāhmana, where it is said that the Ksatriya, with the consent of the clansmen, gives a settlement to a man : clearly a parallel to the rule found among many peoples that the chief, but only with the consent of the people, can make a grant of unoccupied land. In the same Brāhmana it is said that a Ksatriya consecrates a Ksatriya, a clear reference, as the commentator explains, to the practice of the old king consecrating the prince (kumāra) who is to succeed him ; and again, the Ksatriya and the Purohita are regarded as alone complete in contrast with other people, the parallel with the Purohita here suggesting that the Ksatriya par excellence is meant. On the other hand, the king is sometimes con¬trasted with the Rājanya. The Sūtra literature contains elaborate rules for the education and occupations of Ksatriyas, but their contents cannot always be traced in the Brāhmana literature, and their value is questionable.
kṣaimi ‘descendant of Ksema,’ is the patronymic of Suda- ksina in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
khadyota (* sky-illuminator’), ‘the firefly,’ is mentioned in the Chāndogya Upanisad.
khalva Is some sort of grain or leguminous plant, perhaps, as Weber thinks, the Phaselus radiatus. It is mentioned with other grains of all sorts in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, and as being crushed with the Drsad in the Atharvaveda. It occurs also in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, where Sañkara glosses it with ηispāva.
galūnasa arkṣākāyaṇa (‘ descendant of Eksāka’) is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
gupta Is the name in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana of Vaipaścita Dārdhajayanti Gupta Lauhitya. All the three other names being patronymics show that he was descended from the families of Vipaścit, Drdhajayanta, and Lohita.
go ‘ox’ or ‘cow.’ These were among the chief sources of wealth to the Vedic Indian, and are repeatedly referred to from the Rigveda onwards. The milk (Ksīra) was either drunk fresh or made into butter (Ghrta) or curds (Dadhi), or was mixed with Soma or used for cooking with grain (Ksīraudana).The cows were milked thrice a day, early (prātar-doha), in the forenoon (Samgava), and in the evening (.sāyam-doha). Thrice a day they were driven out to graze, according to the Taittirīya Brāhmana (prātah, saφgave, say am). The first milking was productive, the last two scanty. According to the Aitareya Brāhmana, among the Bharatas the herds in the evening are in the Gostha, at midday in the Samgavinī. This passage Sāyana expands by saying that the herds go home to the Sālā, or house for animals, at night so far as they consist of animals giving milk, while the others stayed out in the Gostha, or open pasturage ; but both were together in the cattle-shed during the heat of the day. The time before the Samgava, when the cows were grazing freely on the pastureland, was called Svasara. When the cows were out feeding they were separated from the calves, which were, how¬ever, allowed to join them at the Samgava, and sometimes in the evening. While grazing the cattle were under the care of a herdsman (Gopā, Gopāla) armed with a goad, but they were liable to all sorts of dangers, such as being lost, falling into pits, breaking limbs, and being stolen. The marking of the ears of cattle was repeatedly adopted, no doubt, to indicate ownership. Large herds of cattle were well-known, as is shown by the Dānastutis, or ‘ praises of gifts,’ in the Rigveda, even when allowances are made for the exaggeration of priestly gratitude. The importance attached to the possession of cattle is shown by the numerous passages in which the gods are asked to prosper them, and by the repeated prayers for wealth in kine. Hence, too, forays for cattle (Gavisti) were well known; the Bharata host is called the ‘ horde desiring cows ’ (gavyan grāmak) in the Rigveda j and a verbal root gup, ‘ to protect,’ was evolved as early as the Rigveda from the denominative go-pāya, ‘ to guard cows.’ The Vedic poets do not hesitate to compare their songs with the lowing of cows, or to liken the choir of the singing Apsarases to cows. The cattle of the Vedic period were of many colours: red (:rohita), light (śakra), dappled (prśni), even black (krsna). Zimmer sees a reference to cows with blazes on the face in one passage of the Rigveda, but this is uncertain. Oxen were regularly used for ploughing or for drawing wágons (anadvāh), in which case they were, it seems, usually castrated. Cows were not properly used for drawing carts, though they at times did so. The flesh of both cows and bulls was sometimes eaten (Māmsa). Cattle were certainly the objects of individual ownership, and they formed one of the standards of exchange and valuation (see Kraya). The term Go is often applied to express the products of the cow. It frequently means the milk, but rarely the flesh of the animal. In many passages it designates leather used as the material of various objects, as a bowstring, or a sling, or thongs to fasten part of the chariot, or reins,or the lash of a whip. See also Carman, with which Go is sometimes synonymous.
gobala (‘ox-strength *) Vārsna (‘ descendant of Vrsni ’) is mentioned as a teacher in the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
gośru jābāla Is mentioned as a sage in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
gaurivīti śāktya (‘Descendant of śakti’) or Gaurīviti, as the name is also spelt, is the Rsi, or Seer, of a hymn of the Rigveda, and is frequently mentioned in the Brāhmanas. According to the Jaiminīya Brāhmana, he was Prastotr at the Sattra, or sacrificial session, celebrated by the Vibhindukīyas and mentioned in that Brāhmana.
gauṣūkti Is the name of a pupil of Isa śyāvāśvi according to the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana in a Vamśa (list of teachers).It is also the name, in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, of a teacher who appears to have been needlessly invented to explain the Gausūkta Sāman (chant), which is really the Sāman of Gosūktin.
grāma The primitive sense of this word, which occurs frequently from the Rigveda onwards, appears to have been village.’ The Vedic Indians must have dwelt in villages which were scattered over the country, some close together, some far apart, and were connected by roads.The village is regularly contrasted with the forest (
caṇḍāla Are the variant forms of the name of a despised caste, which in origin was probably a tribal body, but which in the Brahminical theory was the offspring of Sūdra fathers and Brahmin mothers. The references to the caste in the Yajurveda Samhitās and in the Upanisads show clearly that it was a degraded one, but they yield no particulars.
caikitāneya (‘Descendant of Cekitāna’) is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. The Caikitā- neyas are also referred to there in connexion with the Sāman which they worshipped. Brahmadatta Caikitāneya is brought into connexion with the Sāman in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, and Vāsistha Caikitāneya is known to the Sadvimśa and Vamśa Brāhmanas. The word is a patronymic, formed from Caikitāna, according to śañkara, but more probably from Cekitāna, a name found in the Epic.
cyavana Are variant forms of the name of an ancient Ṛṣi, or seer. The Rigveda represents him as an old decrepit man, to whom the Aśvins restored youth and strength, making him acceptable to his wife, and a husband of maidens. The legend is given in another form in the śatapatha Brāh¬mana, where Cyavana is described as wedding Sukanyā, the daughter of śaryāta. He is there called a Bhrgu or Añgirasa, and is represented as having been rejuvenated by immersion in a pond—the first occurrence of a motive, later very common in Oriental literature. Another legend about Cyavāna is apparently alluded to in an obscure hymn of the Rigveda, where he seems to be opposed to the Paktha prince Tūrvayāna, an Indra worshipper, while Cyavāna seems to have been specially connected with the Aśvins. This explanation of the hymn, suggested by Pischel, is corroborated by the Jaiminīya Brāhmana, which relates that Vidanvant, another son of Bhrgu, supported Cyavana against Indra, who was angry with him for sacrificing to the Aśvins; it is also note¬worthy that the Aśvins appear in the śatapatha Brāhmana as obtaining a share in the sacrifice on the suggestion of Sukanyā. But a reconciliation of Indra and Cyavana must have taken place, because the Aitareya Brāhmana relates the inauguration of śāryāta by Cyavana with the great Indra consecration (aindrena mahābhisekena). In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaça Cyavana is mentioned as a seer of Sāmans or Chants.
chandas In the Rigveda usually denotes a song of praise ’ or hymn.’ The original sense of the word, as derived from the verb chand, to please,’ was probably attractive spell,’magic hymn,' which prevailed on the gods. In a very late hymn of the Rigveda, as well as in one of the Atharvaveda, the word is mentioned in the plural (chandāmsi), beside Ec (γcah), Sāman (sāmāni), and Yajus, and seems to retain its original meaning, not improbably with reference to the magical subject-matter of the Atharvaveda. From denoting a (metrical) hymn it comes to mean metre ’ in a very late verse of the Rigveda, in which the Gāyatrī, the Tristubh, and all (sarvā) the metres (chandāmsi) are mentioned. In the later Samhitās three or seven metres are enumerated, and in the śatapatha Brāhmana eight. By the time of the Rigveda Prātiśākhya the metres were subjected to a detailed examination, though much earlier references are found to the number of syllables in the several metres. Later the word definitely denotes a Vedic text generally, as in the śatapatha Brāhmana.
janaka King of Videha, plays a considerable part in the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, as well as in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana and the Kausītaki Upanisad. He was a contemporary of Yājñavalkya Vāja-saneya, of śvetaketu Aruneya, and of other sages.6 He had become famous for his generosity and his interest in the dis¬cussion of the nature of Brahman, as ultimate basis of reality, in the life-time of Ajātaśatru of Kāśi. It is significant that he maintained a close intercourse with the Brahmins of the Kuru-Pañcālas, such as Yājñavalkya and śvetaketu; for this indicates that the home of the philosophy of the Upanisads was in the Kuru-Pañcāla country rather than in the east. There is a statement in the śatapatha Brāhmana that he became a Brahmin (brahma). This does not, however, signify a change of caste, but merely that in knowledge he became a Brahmin (see Ksatriya). Janaka is occasionally mentioned in later texts: in the Taittirīya Brāhmana he has already become quite mythical; in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra a sapta-rātra or seven nights’ rite is ascribed to him. It is natural to attempt to date Janaka by his being a con¬temporary of Ajātaśatru, and by identifying the latter with the Ajātasattu of the Pāli texts11: this would make the end of the sixth century B.C. the approximate date of Janaka. But it is very doubtful whether this identification can be supported: Ajātaśatru was king of Kāśi, whereas Ajātasattu was king of Magadha, and his only connexion with Kāśi was through his marriage with the daughter of Pasenadi of Kosala. More¬over, the acceptance of this chronology would be difficult to reconcile with the history of the development of thought; for it would make the rise of Buddhism contemporaneous with the Upanisads, whereas it is reasonably certain that the older Upanisads preceded Buddhism Nor do the Vedic texts know anything of Bimbisāra or Pasenadi, or any of the other princes famed in Buddhist records. The identification of Janaka of Videha and the father of Sītā is less open to objection, but it cannot be proved, and is somewhat doubtful. In the Sūtras Janaka appears as an ancient king who knew of a time when wifely honour was less respected than later.
janaśruta (‘Famed among men ’) Kāndviya is the name of a pupil of Hrtsvāśaya, mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana, and of Vārakya, a pupil of Jayanta, referred to in the same Brāh­mana. Cf. Jānaśruti.
jayaka lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita ’) is mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Yaśasvin Jayanta Lauhitya.
jayanta Is the name of several teachers in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana: (a) Jayanta Pārāśarya (‘descendant of Parāśara’) is mentioned as a pupil of Vipaśeit in a Vamśa (list of teachers). (b) Jayanta Vārakya (‘ descendant of Varaka’) appears in the same Vamśa as a pupil of Kubera Vārakya. His grandfather is also mentioned there as a pupil of Kamsa Vārakya. A Jayanta Vārakya, pupil of Suyajña Sāndilya, perhaps identical with the preceding, is found in another Vamśa. (d)Jayanta is a name of Yaśasvin Lauhitya. See also Daksa Jayanta Lauhitya.
jātūkarṇya ‘Descendant of Jātūkarna,’ is the patronymic of several persons. (a) A pupil of Asurāyana and Yāska bears this name in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad in the Kānva recension. In the Mādhyamdina he is a pupil of Bhāradvāja. (b) A Kātyāyanī-putra, ‘son of Kātyāyanī,’ bears this name in the Sāñkhāyana Áranyaka. (c) A Jātūkarnya is mentioned in the Kausītaki Brāhmana as a contemporary of Alīkayu Vācaspatya and other sages. (d) Jātūkarnya is in the Sūtras5 frequently a patronymic of teachers whose identity cannot be determined. The same person or different persons may here be meant.
jābāla ‘Descendant of Jabāla,’ is the metronymic of Mahā- śāla and Satyakāma. Jābāla is also mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana, which refers to the Jābālas4 as well. The Jābāla Grhapatis are spoken of in the Kausītaki Brāhmana.
jaitrāyaṇa sahojit Is apparently in the Kāthaka Samhitā the name of a prince who celebrated the Rājasūya, or ‘ royal consecration.’ Von Schroeder quotes in support of Jaitrā­yana as a proper name the derivative Jaitrāyani, ‘descendant of Jaitra/ formed according to the Gana harηādi, which is referred to by Pānini; but it should be noted that in the parallel passage of the Kapisthala Samhitā the reading is different, and no proper personal name appears, the subject being Indra, the god. This reading seems much more probable, for the verse should be general, and suit every king performing the rite.
jaimini Does not appear till the Sūtra period. But a Jaiminīya Samhitā of the Sāmaveda is extant, and has been edited and discussed by Caland; and a Jaiminīya Brāhmana, of which a special section is the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāh­mana, is known and has formed the subject of several articles by Oertel.
jaivala ‘Descendant of Jīvala,’ is the patronymic of Pravāhana in the Brhadāranyaka and Chāndogya Upani­sads. Jaivali, the king, in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana is the same person.
jvālāyana ‘Descendant of Jvāla,’ is the name of a man, a pupil of Gausūkti, mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana (iv. 16, 1), in a list of teachers.
takman Is a disease repeatedly mentioned in the Athar­vaveda, but later not known under this name. It is the subject of five hymns of the Atharvaveda, and is often mentioned else­where. Weber first identified it with fever,’ and Grohmann showed that all the symptoms pointed to that ailment. Refer­ence is made to the alternate hot and shivering fits of the patient, to the yellow colour of the jaundice which accompanies the fever, and to its peculiar periodicity. The words used to describe its varieties are aηye-dyuh, ubhaya-dyuh, trtīyaka, vi-trtīya, and sadam-di, the exact sense of most of which terms is somewhat uncertain. It is agreed that the first epithet designates the fever known as quotidiaηus, which recurs each day at the same hour, though the word is curious (lit.‘ on the other—i.e., next, day’). The ubhaya-dyuk (‘ on both days ’) variety appears to mean a disease recurring for two suc¬cessive days, the third being free; this corresponds to the rhythmus quartanus complicatus. But Sāyana considers that it means a fever recurring on the third day, the * tertian.’ The tvtīyaka, however,must be the ‘tertian’ fever, though Zimmer suggests that it may mean a fever which is fatal at the third paroxysm. Grohmann regards the vi-trtīyaka as equivalent to the tertiana duplicata, a common form in southern countries, in which the fever occurs daily, but with a correspondence in point of time or severity of attack on alternate days. Bloomfield suggests that it is identical with the ubhaya-dyuh, variety. The sadam-di type appears to be the kind later known as samtata-jvara (‘ continuous fever ’), in which there are attacks of several days’ duration, with an interval followed by a fresh period of attack. Fever occurred at different seasons, in the autumn (śārada), in the hot weather (graisma), in the rains (vārsika) but was especially prevalent in the first, as is indicated by the epithet viśva-śārada, occurring every autumn.’ The disease is said to arise when Agni enters the waters. From this Weber deduced that it was considered to be the result of a chill supervening on heat, or the influence of heat on marshy land. Grohmann preferred to see in this connexion of the origin of the disease with Agni’s entering the waters an allusion to the fact that fever arises in the rainy season, the time when Agni, as lightning, descends to earth with the rain. Zimmer, who accepts this view, further refers to the prevalence of fever in the Terai, and interprets vanya, an epithet of fever found in the Atharvaveda, as meaning ‘ sprung from the forest,’ pointing out that fever is mentioned as prevalent among the Mūjavants and Mahāvrsas, two mountain tribes of the western Himalaya. There is no trace of fever having been observed to be caused by the bite of the anopheles mosquito, which breeds in stagnant water : this theory has without reason been held to be known to classical Indian medicine. Among the symptoms of Takman, or among complications accompanying it, are mentioned ‘itch’ (Pāman), ‘headache’ (§īrsa-śoka),so ‘cough’ (Kāsikā), and ‘consumption,’ or perhaps some form of itch (Balāsa). It is perhaps significant that the Takman does not appear until the Atharvaveda. It is quite possible that the Vedic Aryans, when first settled in India, did not know the disease, which would take some generations to become endemic and recognized as dangerous. What remedies they used against it is quite uncertain, for the Atharvaveda mentions only spells and the Kustha, which can hardly have been an effective remedy, though still used in later times. Fever must, even in the Atharvan period, have claimed many victims, or it would not be mentioned so prominently.
tāyu Was another name for thief, perhaps of a less distinguished and more domestic character than the highway­man, for though he is referred to as a cattle-thief, he is also alluded to as a stealer of clothes (vastra-mathi)u and as a debtor. In one passage the Tāyus are said to disappear at the coming of dawn (which is elsewhere called yāvayad-dvesas driving away hostile beings,’ and rta-pā, ‘ guardian of order ’), like the stars of heaven (naksatra). In the Satarudriya litany of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā Rudra is called lord of assailers (ā-vyādhin), thieves (stena), robbers (taskara), pickpockets (stāyu), stealers (musnant), and cutters (1vi-krnta); and designations of sharpers (grtsa) and bands (gana, vrāta), apparently of robbers, are mentioned. It is therefore not surprising that the Rigveda should contain many prayers for safety at home or on the way, or that the Atharvaveda should devote several hymns to night chiefly for protection against the evil doings of thieves and robbers. Pischel suggests that in one passage of the Rigveda Vasistha is represented as a burglar, but he admits that, since Vasistha was attacking the house of his father Varuna, he was only seeking to obtain what he may have regarded as his own. But the interpretation of the hymn is not certain. Sayana’s explanation of one passage of the Rigveda, as referring to professional cattle-trackers, like the Khojis of the Panjab, seems quite probable.The punishment of thieves appears primarily to have been left to the action of the robbed. The practice of binding them in stocks seems clearly referred to. But later, at any rate— and in all probability earlier also, as in other countries—a more severe penalty could be exacted, and death inflicted by the king. There is no hint in Vedic literature of the mode of conviction; a fire ordeal is not known to the Atharvaveda, and the ordeal known to the Chāndogya Upanisad is not said to be used in the case of theft. No doubt the stolen property was recovered by the person robbed if he could obtain it. Nothing is known as to what happened if the property had passed from the actual thief into the possession of another person.
tugrya Occurs in the Rigveda as a patronymic of Bhujyu, but also in a passage in which no reference to Bhujyu appears to be meant, and in which it may mean ‘ a man of the house of Tugra.’ A similar sense seems to occur in the locative plural feminine in the Rigveda, where (supplying viksu) the meaning must be ‘among the Tugrians.’ This explanation may also apply to the epithet of Indra or Soma, tugryā-vrdh, ‘ rejoicing among the Tugrians.
tūṣa Is found in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas denoting the fringe ’ or ‘ trimming ’ of a garment.
tṛtsu Occurs in the Rigveda, once in the singular and several times in the plural, as a proper name. The Trtsus were clearly helpers of Sudās in the great battle against the ten kings, Simyu, the Turvaśa, the Druhyu, Kavasa, the Pūru, the Anu, Bheda, Sambara, the two Vaikarnas, and perhaps the Yadu, who led with them as allies the Matsyas, Pakthas, Bhalānas, Alinas, Visānins, Sivas, Ajas, Sigrus, and perhaps Yaksus. The defeat of the ten kings is celebrated in one hymn of the Rigveda, and is evidently alluded to in two others. The great battle took place on the Parusnī, but there was also a fight on the Yamunā with Bheda, the Ajas, Sigrus, and Yaksus. As the Yamunā and the Parusnī represent opposite ends of the territory of the Trtsus (for we cannot with Hopkins safely identify the streams), it is difficult to see exactly how the ten kings could be confederated, but it should be noted that the references to the ten kings occur in the two later hymns, and not in the hymn describing the battle itself; besides, absolute numerical accuracy cannot be insisted upon.It is difficult exactly to determine the character of the Trtsus, especially in their relation to the Bharatas, who under Visvamitra’s guidance are represented as prospering and as advancing to the Vipāś and Sutudrī. Roth ingeniously brought this into connexion with the defeat of his enemies by Sudās, which is celebrated in the seventh book of the Rigveda—a book attributed to the Vasistha family—and thought that there was a reference in one verse to the defeat of the Bharatas by Sudās. But it seems certain that the verse is mistranslated, and that the Bharatas are really represented as victors with Sudās. Ludwig accordingly identifies the Trtsus and the Bharatas. Oldenberg, after accepting this view at first, later expressed the opinion that the Trtsus were the priests of the Bharata people, and therefore identical with the Vasisthas. This view is supported by the fact that in one passage the Trtsus are clearly described as wearing their hair in the peculiar manner affected by the Vasisthas, and would in that passage thus seem to represent the Vasisthas. But Geldner has suggested with great probability that Trtsu, who is once mentioned in the singular, means the Trtsu king—that is, Sudās. This explanation alone justifies the description of the Bharatas as Trtsūnām viśah, ‘ subjects of the Trtsus,’ meaning the Trtsu Gotra or family, for the people could not be said to be subjects of a body of priests. The Vasisthas might be called Trtsus because of their close con¬nexion with the royal house of that people. The reverse process is also quite possible, but is rendered improbable by the fact that the Pratrdah are referred to as receiving Vasistha. This name of the Trtsu dynasty is probably older than its connexion with Vasistha in the time of Sudās, a conclusion supported by the name of Pratardana, who is mentioned later as a descendant of Divodāsa, an ancestor of Sudās. The Trtsu dynasty could therefore hardly have been referred to as Vasisthas. For the further history of the dynasty and its relation with Vasistha and Viśvāmitra, see Sudās. If the Trtsus and their subjects, the Bharatas, were in the Rigvedic period at war with the tribes on either side of the territory between the Parusnī and the Yamunā, it is clear that later on they coalesced with the Pūrus and probably others of those tribes to form the Kuru people. Already in the Rigveda the Trtsus are allied with the Srñjayas, and in the śatapatha Brāhmana one Purohita serves both Kurus and Srñjayas. Hillebrandt considers that the Trtsus cannot be identified with the Bharatas, but that Sudās and the Bharatas represent an invading body, which, however, became allied with the Trtsus and the Vasistha priests. He also thinks that the Rigveda reveals a time when Divodāsa, the grandfather or ancestor of Sudās, was living in Arachosia, on the Sarasvatī, and warring against the Panis, whom he identifies with the Parnians. But this conjecture cannot be regarded as probable. In the Sarasvatī it is not necessary to see any other river than the later Sarasvatī, in the middle country, which flowed within the boundaries of the Trtsus: it is also significant that there are references to contests between Turvaśa Yadu and Atithigva or Divodāsa. Thus there is no reason to doubt that Divodāsa and the Bharatas were in the middle country, and not in Iran.
trasadasyu Son of Purukutsa, is mentioned in the Rigveda as king of the Pūrus. He was born to Purukutsa by his wife, Purukutsānī, at a time of great distress; this, according to Sāyana, refers to Purukutsa’s captivity: possibly his death is really meant. Trasadasyu was also a descendant of Giriksit and Purukutsa was a descendant of Durgaha. The genealogy, therefore, appears to be: Durgaha, Giriksit, Purukutsa, Trasa­dasyu. Trasadasyu was the ancestor of Tpksi, and, according to Ludwig, had a son Hiranin. Trasadasyu’s chronological position is determined by the fact that his father, Purukutsa, was a contemporary of Sudās, either as an opponent or as a friend. That Purukutsa was an enemy of Sudās is more probable, because the latter’s predecessor, Divodāsa, was apparently at enmity with the Pūrus, and in the battle of the ten kings Pūrus were ranged against Sudās and the Trtsus. Trasadasyu himself seems to have been an energetic king. His people, the Pūrus, were settled on the Sarasvatī, which was, no doubt, the stream in the middle country, that locality according well with the later union of the Pūrus with the Kuru people, who inhabited that country. This union is exemplified in the person of Kuruśravana, who is called Trāsadasyava, ‘ descendant of Trasadasyu,’ in the Rigveda, whose father was Mitrātithi, and whose son was Upamaśravas. The relation of Mitrātithi to Trksi does not appear. Another descendant of Trasadasyu was Tryaruna Traivrsna, who is simply called Trasadasyu in a hymn of the Rigveda. He was not only a 4 descendant of Trivrsan,’ but, according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, he was also Traidhātva, descendant of Tridhātu.’ The order of these two predecessors of Tryaruna cannot be determined in any way from Vedic literature. According to the later tradition, a prince named Tridhanvan preceded Tryaruna in the succession. Vedic tradition further fails to show in what precise relation Trasadasyu stood to Trivrsan or Tryaruna.
triveda kṛṣṇarāta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita ’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of śyāmajayanta Lauhitya, according to a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
tryaruṇa traivṛṣṇa trasadasyu Is the name of a prince whose generosity to a singer is celebrated in a hymn of the Rigveda. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana he appears as Tryaruna Traidhātva Aiksvāka, and is the hero of the following story. He was out in his chariot with his Purohita, or domestic priest, Vrśa Jāna, and by excessive speed in driving killed a Brahmin boy. This sin was atoned for by the Puro- hita’s using his Vārśa Sāman (chant). The Sātyāyana Brāh­mana, cited by Sāyana, elaborates the tale. As Vrśa had held the reins, king and priest accused each other of the murder. The Iksvākus being consulted threw the responsibility for the crime on Vrśa, who thereupon revived the boy by the Vārśa Sāman. In consequence of this unfairness of theirs—being Ksatriyas they were partial to a Ksatriya—Agni’s glow ceased to burn in their houses. In response to their appeal to restore it, Vrśa came to them, saw the Piśācī (demoness), who, in the form of Trasadasyu’s wife, had stolen the glow, and succeeded in restoring it to Agni. This version with some variations occurs also in the Brhaddevatā, which connects the story with a hymn of the Rigveda. Sieg’s attempt to show that the hymn really refers to this tale is not at all successful. It is clear that Trasadasyu must here mean ‘descendant of Trasadasyu,’ and not King Trasadasyu himself. The difference of the patronymics, Traivrsna and Traidhātva, by which he is referred to can best be explained by assuming that there were two kings, Trivrsan and Tridhātu (or possibly Tridhanvan), from whom Tryaruna was descended. The connexion with the Iksvākus is important (see Iksvāku).
daṃṣṭra Denoting a prominent tooth, ‘tusk,’ or ‘fang’ of an animal, occurs often from the Rigveda onwards.
dakṣa kātyāyani ātreya Is mentioned in the Vamśas (lists of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Sañkha Bābhravya.
dakṣa jayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita ’) is men­tioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Krsnarāta Lauhitya.
daṇḍa ‘Staff.’ (a) This word is often mentioned in the ordinary sense; for example, when used for driving cattle (go-ajaηāsah), or as a weapon. A staff was given to a man on consecration for driving away demons, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana.3 The staff also played a part in the initiation (upaηayaηa) of a youth on attaining manhood. In a modified sense the word is used to denote the handle of a ladle or similar implement. (b) The ‘staff’ as the symbol of temporal power, implying punishment, is applied by the king (rāja-presito dandah). The king, in modern phraseology, was the source of criminal law ; and he clearly retained this branch of law in his own hands even in later times. The punishment of the non-guilty (a-dandya) is given as one of the characteristics of the non- Brahminical Vrātyas in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. See also Dharma.
darbha Is the name of a grass in the Rigveda and later. In the Atharvaveda it is used for the calming of anger (maηyu- śamaηa), and as an amulet for protection against the scattering of one’s hair or the striking of one’s breast. It is also said to be ‘ rich in roots ’ (bhūri-mūla), to possess a thousand leaves (sahasra-parηa) and a hundred stalks (śata-kāηda).
daśan ‘Ten,’ forms the basis of the numerical system of the Vedic Indians, as it does of the Aryan people generally. But it is characteristic of India that there should be found at a very early period long series of names for very high numerals, whereas the Aryan knowledge did not go beyond 1,000. In the Vājasaneyi Samhitā the list is 1 ; 10; 100; 1,000 ; ιο,οοο {ayuta) \ ιοο,οοο (ηiyuta); ι,οοο,οοο(prayuta); 10,000,000 {arbuda); 100,000,000 (ηyarbuda)', 1,000,000,000 (samudra); 10,000,000,000 (madhya); ιοο,οοο,οοο,οοο (aηta); 1,000,000,000,000 {parārdha). In the Kāthaka Samhitā the list is the same, but ηiyuta and prayuta exchange places, and after ηyarbuda a new figure (badva) intervenes, thus increasing samudra to ιο,οοο,οοο,οοο, and so on. The Taittirīya Samhitā has in two places exactly the same list as the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. The Maitrāyanī Samhitā has the list ayuta, prayuta, then ayuta again, arbuda, ηyarbuda, samudra, madhya, aηta, parārdha. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmana has the Vājasaneyi list up to ηyarbuda inclusive, then follow ηikharvaka, badva, aksita, and apparently go = ι,οοο,οοο,οοο,οοο. The Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana list replaces nikharvaka by nikharva, badva by padma, and ends with aksitir vyomāntah. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra con¬tinues the series after nyarbuda with nikharvāda, samudra, salila, antya, ananta (=10 billions).But beyond ayuta none of these numbers has any vitality. Badva, indeed, occurs in the Aitareya Brāhmana, but it cannot there have any precise numerical sense j and later on the names of these high numerals are very much confused. An arithmetical progression of some interest is found in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, where occurs a list of sacrificial gifts in which each successive figure doubles the amount of the preceding one. It begins with dvādaśa-mānam hiranyam, * gold to the value of 12 ’ (the unit being uncertain, but probably the Krsnala18), followed by ‘to the value of 24, 48, 96, 192, 384, 768, 1,536, 3072/ then dve astāvimśati-śata-māne, which must mean 2 x 128 X 24 (the last unit being not a single māna, but a number of 24 mānas) = 6,144, then 12,288, 24,576, 49,152, 98,304, 196,608, 393,216. With these large numbers may be compared the minute theoretical subdivision of time found in the śatapatha Brāhmana, where a day is divided into 15 muhūrtas—1 muhūrta =15 ksipras, 1 ksipra =15 etarhis, I etarhi = 15 idānis, 1 idāni =15 prānas. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra15 has a decimal division of the day into 15 muhūrtas—• i muhūrta = 10 nimesas, 1 nimesa = 10 dhvamsis. Few fractions are mentioned in Vedic literature. Ardha, pāda, śapha, and kalā denote J, J, TV respectively, but only the first two are common. Trtīya denotes the third part.16 In the Rigveda Indra and Visnu are said to have divided ι,οοο by 3, though how they did so is uncertain. Tri-pād denotes 4 three-fourths.’ There is no clear evidence that the Indians of the Vedic period had any knowledge of numerical figures, though it is perfectly possible.
dākṣāyaṇa Descendant of Daksa.’ The Dāksāyanas are mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Yajurveda Samhitās as having given gold to Satānīka. In the Satapatha Brāhmana the word is actually used to denote * gold. ’ The Dāksāyanas appear there as a race of princes who, because of performing a certain rite, prospered down to the time of the Brāhmana itself.
dāya Occurs in the Rigveda only in the sense of ‘reward’ of exertion (śrama), but later it means ‘inheritance’—that is, a father’s property which is to be divided among his sons either during his lifetime or after his death. The passages all negative the idea that the property 0/ the family was legally family property: it is clear that it was the property of the head of the house, usually the father, and that the other members of the family only had moral claims upon it which the father could ignore, though he might be coerced by his sons if they were physically stronger. Thus Manu is said in the Taittirīya Samhitā to have divided his property among his sons. He omitted Nābhānedistha, whom he afterwards taught how to appease the Añgirases, and to procure cows. This is a significant indication that the property he divided was movable property, rather than land (Urvarā). In the Aitareya Brāhmana the division is said to have been made during Manu’s lifetime by his sons, who left only their aged father to Nābhānedistha. According to the Jaiminīya Brāhmana, again, four sons divided the inheritance while their old father, Abhipratārin, was still alive. It is, of course, possible to regard Dāya as denoting the heritable property of the family, but the developed patria potestas of the father, which was early very marked, as shown by the legend of Sunahśepa, is inconsistent with the view that the sons were legally owners with their father, unless and until they actually insisted on a division of the property. Probably— there is no evidence of any decisive character—land was not divided at first, but no doubt its disposal began to follow the analogy of cattle and other movable property as soon as the available supply of arable land became limited. As for the method of division, it is clear from the Taittirīya Samhitā that the elder son was usually preferred; perhaps this was always the case after death. During the father’s life¬time another might be preferred, as appears from a passage of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. Women were excluded from partition or inheritance, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Nirukta. They were, no doubt, supported by their brothers; but if they had none they might be reduced to prostitution. Detailed rules of inheritance appear in the Sūtras.
dārḍhajayanti ‘Descendant of Drdhajayanta,’ is the patro­nymic of Vaipaścita Gupta Lauhitya and of Vaipaścita Drdhajayanta Lauhitya in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
dālbhya ‘Descendant of Dalbha,’ is a variant of Dārbhya. It is the patronymic of {a) Keśin in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana j (b) Caikitāyana in the Chāndogya Upanisad and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana; (c) Vaka in the Chāndogya Upanisad and the Kāthaka Samhitā.
dāśataya ‘Belonging to the (Rigveda text) divided into ten (books),’ is an epithet of Adhyāya, ‘ section,’ in the Nidāna Sūtra. The feminine form of the word is also found in the Kausītaki Brāhmana and later.
dāsa Like Dasyu, sometimes denotes enemies of a demoniac character in the Rigveda, but in many passages the word refers to human foes of the Aryans. The Dāsas are described as having forts (purafy), and their clans {viśah) are mentioned. It is possible that the forts, which are called ‘ autumnal ’ (śāradīh), may be mythical, but it is not essential, for the epithet may allude to their being resorted to in the autumn season. The Dāsa colour (Varna)6 is probably an allusion to the black skin of the aborigines, which is also directly mentioned. The aborigines (as Dasyus) are called anās, ‘nose¬less’ (?), and mrdhra-vāc, ‘ of hostile speech/9 and are probably meant by the phallus-worshippers (śiśna-devāh, ‘whose deity is a phallus ’) of the Rigveda. It is significant that constant. reference is made to the differences in religion between Arya and Dāsa or Dasyu. Since the Dāsas were in many cases reduced to slavery, the word Dāsa has the sense of * slave ’ in several passages of the Rigveda. Dāsī, the feminine, always has this sense from the Atharvaveda onwards. Aboriginal women were, no doubt, the usual slaves, for on their husbands being slain in battle they would naturally have been taken as servants. They would sometimes also become concubines; thus Kavasa was taunted with being the son of a female slave (dāsyāh putrah) in the Aitareya Brāhmana. Ludwig considers that in some passages Dāsa is applied, in the sense of enemy,’ to Aryan foes, but this is uncertain. Zimmer and Meyer think that Dāsa originally meant enemy in general, later developing in Iran into the name of the Dahae of the Caspian steppes, and in India into a desig¬nation of the aborigines. On the other hand, Hillebrandt argues that, as the Dāsas and the Panis are mentioned together, they must be deemed to be closely related tribes, identifying the Panis with the Parnians and the Dāsas of the Rigveda with the Dahae. This view, of course, necessitates a transfer of the scenes of the Rigveda, where Dāsas are prominent, and especially those in which Divodāsa—‘ the heavenly Dāsa’—plays an important part, to the far west. Hillebrandt justifies this by regarding the scene of the sixth book of the Rigveda as quite different from that of the seventh and third, in which Sudās, the Bharatas, Vasistha, and Viśvāmitra appear. The Sarasvatī of the sixth book he locates in Arachosia, that of the seventh in the Middle Country.’ It is, however, extremely doubtful whether this theory can be upheld. That Divodāsa should have been a Dāsa, and yet have fought against other Dāsas, is not in itself likely, especially when his son Sudās appears as a protagonist of Aryan civilization. It also seems unreasonable to seek in Arachosia for the river Sarasvatī, which it is natural to locate in the Middle Country. ’The wealth of the Dāsas was no doubt considerable, but in civilization there is no reason to suppose that they were ever equal to the invaders. Leading Dāsas were Ilībiśa, Cumuri and Dhuni, Pipru, Varcin, Sambara. For names of aboriginal tribes, see Kirāta, Kīkata, Candāla, Parnaka, Simyu.
dityavāh A two-year-old bull or cow,’ is mentioned in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas. dityavāh (masculine) dityauhī (feminine)
div ‘Sky.’ The world as a whole is regarded as divided into the three domains of ‘earth/ ‘air’ or ‘atmosphere,’ and ‘heaven’ or ‘sky’ (div) or alternatively into ‘heaven and earth’ (dyāvā-prthivī), which two are then considered as com­prising the universe, the atmosphere being included in the sky. Lightning, wind, and rain belong to the atmosphere, solar and The shape of the earth is compared with a wheel in the Rigveda, and is expressly called * circular ’ (pari-mandala) in the Satapatha Brāhmana. When earth is conjoined with heaven, the two are conceived as great bowls (camvā) turned towards each other. In the Aitareya Aranyaka the two are regarded as halves of an egg. The distance of heaven from the earth is given by the Atharvaveda as a thousand days’ journey for the sun-bird, by the Aitareya Brāhmana as a thousand days’ journey for a horse, while the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana whimsically estimates the distance as equivalent to a thousand cows standing one on the top of the other.According to Zimmer, the Vedic poets conceived the atmosphere to be above the earth in its upper division only, but below it in its lower stratum. The evidence, however, for the latter assumption is quite insufficient. The theory of the Aitareya Brāhmana is that the sun merely reverses its bright side at night, turning its light on the stars and the moon while it retraverses its course to the east; and it has been shown that this is probably the doctrine of the Rigveda also. See also Sūrya and Candramās. For the Vedic knowledge of the planets, see Graha. There is no geographical division of the earth in Vedic literature. The Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana states that the centre of the earth is a span north of the Plaksa Prāsravanā, and that the centre of the sky is the constellation of the seven Esis, the Great Bear. For the quarters, see Diś.
durvarāha Probably denotes a ‘wild boar.’ It is mentioned in the Satapatha Brāhmana and the Jaiminīya Upanisad. Brāhmana.
dṛḍhacyut ágasti (‘Descendant of Agastya ’) is mentioned in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana as having been Udgātr priest at the Sattra (‘ sacrificial session ’) of the Vibhindukīyas.
dṛti aindrota (‘Descendant of Indrota’) is mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana as a contemporary of Abhipratārin Kāksaseni and as a pupil of Indrota Daivāpa in a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. Possibly the same Drti is meant in the compound Drti-Vātavantau, which is found in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana.The former is here said to have continued, after the Mahāvrata was over, the sacrificial session in which both had been engaged, with the result that his descendants prospered more than the Vātavatas.
devataras syāvasāyana kāśyapa (‘Descendant of Kaśyapa’) is mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Rśyaśrñga. In the Vamśa Brāhmana, as śāvasāyana, he is a pupil of his father śavas, who again was a pupil of Kāśyapa.
devarājan Apparently denotes a king of Brahminical descent in the phrase ‘Sāmans of Devarājans ’ in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. C/. Rājanyarsi and Varna.
devāpi arṣṭiṣeṇa (‘Descendant of Rstisena ’) is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda and in the Nirukta. According to the latter source there were two brothers, Devāpi and Santanu, princes of the Kurus. The elder was Devāpi, but śantanu got himself anointed king, whereupon no rain fell for twelve years. The drought being attributed by the Brahmins to his having superseded his elder brother, Santanu offered the kingdom to Devāpi. The latter, however, refused, but acting as Purohita, or domestic priest, for his brother, obtained rain. The Brhad­devatā tells much the same tale, but adds that the reason for Devapi’s exclusion from the throne was the fact that he suffered from a skin disease. The Epic and later legends further develop the story, presenting two somewhat discrepant accounts. According to the one version, the ground of Devāpi's being passed over was leprosy, while in the other his devoting himself to asceticism in his youth was the cause of his brother’s taking his place. The Epic, moreover, treats him as a son of Pratīpa, and names as his brothers Bāhlīka6 and Arstisena, who is a new figure developed from the patronymic of Devāpi. Possibly Sieg is right in holding that two stories, those of Devāpi, Pratlpa’s son, and of Devāpi, Estisena’s son, have been confused; but in any case it is impossible to extract history from them. The Rigvedic hymn certainly appears to represent Devāpi as sacrificing for Santanu, who seems to be called Aulāna. But there is no trace in it of the brotherhood of the two men, nor is there anything to show that Devāpi was not a Brahmin, but a Ksatriya. Sieg, who interprets the hymn by the Nirukta, thinks that he was a Ksatriya, but on this occasion was enabled by the favour of Brhaspati to officiate as priest, and that the hymn shows clear recognition of the unusual character of his action ; but this view seems very improbable.
daivāpa ‘Descendant of Devāpi,’ is the patronymic of Indrota in the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. No connexion can be traced with the Devāpi of the Rigveda.
dvija ‘Twice-born,’ as an epithet of the Aryans generally, or of the Brahmins in particular, is not found in Vedic litera­ture except in a quite obscure verse of the Atharvaveda.
dharma Are the regular words, the latter in the Rigveda, and both later, for ‘ law ’ or ‘ custom.’ But there is very little evidence in the early literature as to the administra­tion of justice or the code of law followed. On the other hand, the Dharma Sūtras contain full particulars.Criminal Law.—The crimes recognized in Vedic literature vary greatly in importance, while there is no distinction adopted in principle between real crimes and what now are regarded as fanciful bodily defects or infringements of merely conventional practices. The crimes enumerated include the slaying of an embryo (
dhṛtarāṣṭra vaicitravīrya (‘Descendant of Vicitra- vīrya’) is mentioned in a passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā, which is, unhappily, far from intelligible. But there is no ground for supposing that he was a Kuru-Pañcāla king; he seems rather to have lived at some distance from the Kuru- Pañcālas. There is no good reason to deny his identity with the Dhrtarāstra of the Satapatha Brāhmana, king of Kāśi, who was defeated, when he attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, by Sātrājita śatānīka. The fact that the latter was a Bharata also points to Dhrtarāstra's not having been a Kuru-Pañcāla at all. In the Kāthaka Samhitā he appears as having a dispute with Vaka Dālbhi; but even assuming that the latter was a Pañcāla, there is nothing to hint that the former was a Kuru or that this dispute is a sign of an early hostility of Kuru and Pañcāla. It is true that in the Epic śantanu and Vicitravīrya and Dhrtarāstra himself are all connected, but this connexion seems to be due, as so often in the Epic, to a confused derange¬ment of great figures of the past.
dhruva In the Sūtras denotes the pole star, being mentioned in connexion with the marriage ritual, in which the star is constancy. In the Maitrāyanī Upanisad, a late work, the movement of the Dhruvā (dhruvasya pracalanam) is mentioned, but this can hardly be interpreted as referring to an actual observed motion of the nominal pole star, but rather to an extraordinary event, such as a destruction of the world, as Cowell understood the expression. Jacobi sees in the motion of the Dhruvā the possibility of fixing a date, on the ground that the only star which could have been deemed a pole star, as * immovable,’ was one (α Draconis) of the third millenium B.C. But this attempt to extract chronology from the name of the star is of very doubtful validity.
dhvasra Is named with Purusanti in the Pañcavimśa Brāh­mana as giving gifts to Taranta and Purumīdha. These two, being kings, could not properly accept gifts which Brāhmanas alone could accept, but by becoming authors of a verse of the Rigveda they qualified themselves to accept them. The verse mentions the names in the dual as Dhvasrayofy Purusaηtyoh, ‘from the two, Dhvasra and Purusanti.’ In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana5 the names occur in the dual as Dhvasre Purusanti, a reading which is confirmed by the Nidāna Sūtra. The former is necessarily a feminine form, though Sāyana, in his comment on the passage, explains it as really an irregular masculine. According to Roth, the feminine is a corruption based on the dual form in the verse of the Rigveda mentioned above; but the names may be those of women, as Benfey inclines to believe. Weber suggests that the two were demons, but this is, as Sieg shows, quite unnecessary. Dhvasra is no doubt identical with Dhvasanti.
nakṣatra Is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The śatapatha Brāhmana re­solves it into na-ksatra (‘ no power ’), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta refers it to the root naks, ‘obtain/ following the Taittirīya Brāhmana. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from nakta-tra, ‘ guardian of night/ and more recently the derivation from nak-ksatra, ‘ having rule over night/ seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ‘star/ The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later.—The sense of star ’ appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. The same sense occurs in the later Samhitās also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together, or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, or the moon and the Naksatras, or the Naksatras alone; but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of lunar mansion ’ in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Aghās (plur.) and Arjunī (dual) the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghās (plur.) and Phālgunī (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Sūryā, has no claim to great age. Ludwig and Zimmer have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revatī (£ rich ’) and punarvasīi (‘ bringing wealth again’) in another hymn appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions.—In several passages of the later Samhitās the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kāthaka and Taittirīya Samhitās it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohinī; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitās: the Taittīriya has, and the Kāthaka no number; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittirīya Samhitā and elsewhere. The number 28 is much less well attested: in one passage of the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book, in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number: it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manāzil are 28 in number.28 Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Lātyāyana and Nidāna Sūtras as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidāna Sūtra makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sāvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J• days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda. The Names of the Naksatras.—In addition to the two mentioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda gives the names of Jyesthaghnī (the later Jyesthā) and Vicrtau, which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatīs (plural) and Kyttikās. With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyādhāna, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kāthaka Samhitā, the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and the Taittirīya Brāhmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikās, Rohinī, Phalgunyas, Hasta; the latter Brāhmana adds Punar- vasū, and in an additional remark excludes Pūrve Phālgunī in favour of Uttare Phālgunī. The śatapatha Brāhmana adds Mrgaśīrsa and Citrā as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasū is recommended by all authorities as suitable for the Punarādheya, 'relaying of the sacred fires,’ which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer. The Kāthaka Samhitā, however, allows Anurādhās also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or 'piling of the fire- altar,’ the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated to 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense. But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitās enumerate the 27, The Taittirīya Brāhmana has a list of the Naksatras which agrees generally with the list of the Samhitās. It runs as follows: Kyttikās, Rohinī, Invakās, Bāhū (dual), Tisya, Aśleṣās, Maghās, Pūrve Phālgunī, Uttare Phālgunī, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Rohinī, Mūlabarhanī, Pūrvā Asādhās', Uttarā Asādhās, Sronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Pūrve Prosthapadās, Uttare Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Apabharanīs. In a later book, however, the list grows to 28, and the full moon is inserted after number 14, and the new moon after number, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra (lunar) month into accordance with the Sāvana (solar) month of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the Samhitās with the following exceptions. The seven stars of the Krttikās are named as Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varsayantī, Cupunīkā, names found also in the Taittirīya and Kāthaka Samhitās. Beside Mrgaśīrsa, Invakās are also mentioned. Then come Ardrā, Punarvasū, Tisya, Aśresās, Maghās (beside which Anaghās, Agadās, and Arun- dhatīs are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Jyesthā, Mūla, Asādhās, Asā(jhās, Abhijit, śronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadās, Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanīs. Abhijit, which occurs also in an earlier part of the Brāhmana, is perhaps interpolated. But Weber’s argument that Abhijit is out of place in this list because Brāhmana is here mentioned as the 28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown to him) that the list in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā contains 28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brāhmana at the end as another. In another passage the Taittirīya Brāhmana divides the Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit) respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third book of the Brāhmana60 where the days of the light half of the month and those of the dark half are equated with the Naksatras. The Brāhmana treats the former series as south, the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, and can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity. The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names here (masc.), Viśākhe, Anurādhā, Jyesthā, Mūla, Pūrvā Asādhās, Uttarā Asādhās, Abhijit, śravana, śravisthās, śatabhisaj, Dvayā Prosthapadā, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras.—There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney in his notes on the Sūrya Siddhānta. 1.Krttikās are unquestionably η Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts, include three --------abhrayantī, forming clouds meghayantī, ‘making cloudy’; varsayantī, ‘causing rain’—which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttikā possibly means ‘web/ from the root krt, spin.’ 2. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy,’ is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, <* θ y 8 e Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajāpati in the Aitareya Brāhmana. He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikāndā, ‘ the belt of Orion ’) by the huntsman ’ (Mrgavyādha, Sirius ’). Prajāpati is clearly Orion (Mrgaśiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion’s head). 3.Mrgaśīrsa or Mrgaśiras, also called Invakā or Invagā, seems to be the faint stars λ, φ,1 φ2 Orionis. They are called Andhakā, * blind,’ in the śāntikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness. 4.Ardrā, ‘ moist,’ is the name of the brilliant star, α Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Árdrās in the śāñkhāyana Grhya Sūtra and the Naksatrakalpa, and in the dual as Bāhú, in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,’ denotes the two stars, a and β Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Aśvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri. 6.Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, δ, and θ Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent. 7. Aśresās or Aślesās, which in some texts is certainly to be read Aśresās or Aślesas, denotes δ, e, η, p, σ, and perhaps also ζ, Hydrse. The word means ‘embracer,’ a name which admirably fits the constellation. 8. Maghās, the ‘bounties,’ are the Sickle, or α, γ, ζ, μ, e Leonis. The variants Anaghā, the ‘ sinless one,’ etc.,clearly refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation. 9. 10. Phālgunī, Phalgunyau, Phalgū, Phalg-unīs, Phal- gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Pūrve, ‘ former,’ and Uttare, ‘latter.’ The former is δ and θ Leonis, the latter β and Leonis. According to Weber, the word denotes, like Arjunī, the variant of the Rigveda, a ‘ bright- coloured ’ constellation. 11. Hasta, ‘hand,’ is made up of the five conspicuous stars (δ> Ί, e, a, β) in Corvus, a number which the word itself suggests. According to Geldner, the ‘ five bulls ’ of the Rigveda are this constellation. 12. Citrā, ‘bright,’ is the beautiful star, a Virginis. It is mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and in that of the ‘ two divine dogs ’ (divyau śvānau) in the śatapatha Brāhmana. 13. Svāti or Nistyā is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice in the śāntikalpa, where it is said to be ‘ ever traversing the northern way ’ (nityam uttara-mārgagam). The Taittirīya Brāhmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajāpati, giving him Citrā (α Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for hand, the Viśākhe (α and β Librae) for thighs, and the Anurādhās (β, δ, and 7r Scorpionis) for standing place, with Nistyā for heart. But Arcturus, being 30° out, spoils this figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, Virginis and κ Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajāpati figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber’s, Whitney is not certain that Nistyā here must mean a star in Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistyā, ‘outcast,’ suggests the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question. 14.Viśākhe is the couple of stars a and β Librae. This mansion is later called Rādhā according to the Amarakośa, and it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rādho Viśākhe, the Viśākhe are prosperity,’ should occur. But probably Rādhā is merely an invention due to the name of the next Naksatra, Anurādhā, wrongly conceived as meaning that which is after or follows Rādhā.’ 15. Anūrādhās or Anurādhā, propitious,’ is β, δ, and tγ (perhaps also p) Scorpionis. 16. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy ’; Jyesthaghnī, * slaying the eldest ’; or Jyesthā, ‘eldest,’ is the name of the constellation σ, α, and τ Scorpionis, of which the central star, a, is the brilliant reddish Antares (or Cor Scorpionis). 17.Vicrtau, ‘ the two releasers ’; Mūla, ‘ root or Mūla- barhanī, ‘ uprooting,’ denote primarily λ and v at the extremity of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine or eleven stars from e to v. 18.19. Asādhās (‘ unconquered ’), distinguished as Pūrvās, ‘ former,’ and Uttarās, ‘ latter,’ are really two constellations, of which the former is composed of γ, δ, e, and η Sagittarii, or of 8 and e only, and the latter of θ, σ, t, and ξ Sagittarii, or of two, σ and ζ, only. It is probable that originally only four stars forming a square were meant as included in the whole constellation —viz., σ and f, with 8 and e. 20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two companions e and ζ. Its location in 6o° north latitude is completely discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian and Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg to support the view that it was a later addition to the system; its occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is said to be ‘over Asādhās, under śronā,’ which Weber held to refer to its position in space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded to that of the Arab Manāzil and the Chinese Sieou—viz., a, β Capricorni. But Whitney argues effectively that the words ‘ over ’ and ‘ under ’ really refer to the place of Abhijit in the list, ‘ after ’ Asādhās and ‘ before ’ Sronā. 21. Sronā, ‘lame,’ or Sravana, ‘ ear,’ denotes the bright star a Aquilai with β below and 7 above it. Weber very need- lessly thinks that the name Sravana suggested two ears and the head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the Manāzil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention. 22. śravisthās, ‘ most famous,’ or later Dhanisthās, ‘most wealthy,’ is the diamond-shaped group, α, β, δ, and 7, in the Dolphin, perhaps also ζ in the same constellation. Like the preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manāzil and Sieou. 23. Satabhisaj or śatabhisa, ‘having a hundred physicians,’ seems to be λ Aquarii with the others around it vaguely conceived as numbering a hundred. 24. 25. Prostha-padās (fem. plur.), ‘ feet of a stool,’ or later Bhadra-padās,100 ‘auspicious feet,’ a double asterism forming a square, the former (pūrva) consisting of a and β Pegasi, the latter (uttara) of γ Pegasi and a Andromedse. 26. Revatī, ‘ wealthy,’ denotes a large number of stars (later 32), of which ζ Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where it was crossed by the equator of about 570 a.d., is given as the southernmost. 27. Aśva-yujau, ‘the two horse-harnessers,’ denotes the stars β and ζ Arietis. Aśvinyau101 and Aśvinī102 are later names. 28. Apabharanīs, Bharanīs, or Bharanyas, ‘ the bearers,’ is the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis. The Naksatras and the Months.—In the Brāhmanas the Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may be turned into a feminine and compounded with pūrna-māsa, ‘the full moon,’ as in Tisyā-pūrnamāsa, ‘the full moon in the Naksatra Tisya.’103 Much more often, however, it is turned into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamāsī, ‘the full moon (night)/ or with amāvāsyā, ‘the new moon (night)/ as in Phālgunī paurnamāsl, ‘the full-moon night in the Naksatra Phālgunī’;104 or, as is usual in the Sūtras, the Naksatra adjective alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month itself is called by a name derived105 from that of a Naksatra, but only Phālguna,106 Caitra,107 Vaiśākha,108 Taisya,109 Māgha110 occur in the Brāhmanas, the complete list later being Phālguna, Caitra, Vaiśākha, Jyaistha, Asādha, Srāvana, Prausthapada, Aśvayuja, Kārttika, Mārgaśīrsa, Taisya, Māgha. Strictly speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar year was clearly very restricted: we have seen that as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmana there was a tendency to equate lunar months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up the solar year (see Māsa). The Naksatras and Chronology.—(i) An endeavour has been made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at which the systematic employment of those names was intro¬duced. Sir William Jones111 refers to this possibility, and Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that śrāvana always marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the months did not date before b.c. Ii8I. Weber112 considered that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but Whitney113 has convincingly shown that it is an impossible feat, and Thibaut114 concurs in this view. Twelve became fixed as the number of the months because of the desire, evident in the Brāhmanas, somehow or other to harmonize lunar with solar time; but the selection of twelve Naksatras out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon can have no chronological significance, because full moon at no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly recurrent intervals. (2) All the lists of the Naksatras begin with Krttikās. It is only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Aśvinī, and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star ζ Piscium on the border of Revatī and Aśvinī, say in the course of the sixth century A.D. Weber has therefore accepted the view that the Krttikās were chosen for a similar reason, and the date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with the Naksatras; and both Thibaut and Oldenberg have pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the equinox with the Krttikās. Jacobi has contended that in the Rigveda the commencement of the rains and the summer solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the old, and that further the new year began with the summer solstice in Phālgunī.121 He has also referred to the distinction of the two sets of Deva and Yama Naksatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as supporting his view of the connexion of the sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory: the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except by translating the word dvādaśa123 as 4 the twelfth (month) * instead of consisting of twelve parts,’ that is, ‘year/ the accepted interpretation; and the division of the Naksatras is not at all satisfactorily explained by a supposed connexion with the sun. It may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikās be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with the vernal equinox, both Whitney and Thibaut are pre¬pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Māgha. (3) The winter solstice in Māgha is assured by a Brāhmana text, for the Kausītaki Brāhmana12® expressly places it in the new moon of Māgha (māghasyāmāυāsyāyām). It is not very important whether we take this with the commentators as the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in Māgha. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch in the following way. If the end of Revatī marked the vernal equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha, when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of Sravisthās. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third quarter of Bharanī, 6f asterisms removed from Sravisthās, and the difference between that and the beginning of Aśvinī = if asterisms = 23 (27 asterisms being = 360°). Taking, the starting-point at 499 a.d., the assured period of Varāha Mihira, Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha—that is, on the basis of ι° = 72 years as the precession. Pratt arrived at precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas of the junction star of Maghā, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis and Colebrooke arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citrā, which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as 30 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation in the Jyotisa, it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J0 extent each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon; and the result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether out of their asterisms. Nor can we say that the star ζ Piscium early formed the eastern boundary of Revatī; it may possibly not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revatī. Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point— 582 a.d., 560 a.d., or 491 a.d. being variants —is the fact that the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin¬able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate observers, since they made no precise determination of the number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even the Sūrya Siddhānta136 does not know the precession of the equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years for possible errors,137 and the only probable conclusion to be drawn from the datum of the Kausītaki Brāhmana is that it was recording an observation which must have been made some centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the probable date of the Brāhmana literature,138 say B.C. 800-600. (4) Another chronological argument has been derived from the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for Phālguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year, since the full moon in Phālgunī is often described as the ‘ mouth (mukham) of the year.’139 Jacobi140 considers that this was due to the fact that the year was reckoned from the winter solstice, which would coincide with the month of Phālguna about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg and Thibaut, on the other hand, maintain that the choice of Phālguna as the ‘ mouth ’ of the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence of the correspondence of Phālguna and the beginning of spring : as we have seen above in the Kausītaki Brāhmana, the new moon in Māgha is placed at the winter solstice, which puts the full moon of Phālgunī at a month and a half after the winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar. This fact accords with the only natural division of the year into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see Cāturmāsya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the winter solstice coincided with Māghī full moon at the time of the Taittirīya Samhitā (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phālgunī and Caitrī in early periods—viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000¬4000. (5) The passages of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, which treat the full moon in Phālguna as the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another alternative is the Ekāstakā, interpreted by the commentators as the eighth day after the full moon in Maghās, a time which might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old year, well be considered as representing the end of the year. A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon; the full moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Álekhana quoted by Ápastamba held, not of Māgha, as Asmarathya, Laugāksi and the Mīmāmsists believed, and as Tilak believes. (6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the year with the month Mārgaśīrsa, as is shown by its other name Agrahāyana (‘ belonging to the commencement of the year ’). Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn equinox in Mrgaśiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in Phālgunī. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra instead of Phālguna. (7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Buhler, from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the Grhya Sūtras, on the principle that study commenced with the rains (as in the Buddhist vassā) which mark the summer solstice. He concludes that if Bhādrapada appears as the date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus because at one time Prosthapadās (the early name of Bhadra- padās) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the case when the winter solstice was in Phālguna. But Whitney155 has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate; we cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the rains and learning—a month like Srāvana might be preferred because of its connexion with the word Sravana, 4 ear ’—and in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that Bhādrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so to coincide. the other astronomical phenomena; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not very complicated ; it consists merely in selecting a star or a star group with which the moon is in conjunction. It is thus impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in China, the Manāzil and the Sieou. The use of the Manāzil in Arabia is consistent and effective ; the calendar is regulated by them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the Manāzil is long posterior to that for the existence of the Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old Testament may really be the lunar mansions. That the Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess held, is, on the other hand, not at all probable. Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers published by him between. 1839 and 1861, attempted to prove the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The latter he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all. He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars observed in the neighbourhood can be referred; they were, as regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were added in B.C. IIOO in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with Mao (= Krttikās), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357. Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory, and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct, but his objections against the basis of Biot’s theory were rein¬forced by Whitney, who insisted that Biot’s supposition of the Sieou’s not having been ultimately derived from a system of lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Lśopold de Saussure, , but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, who has also pointed out that the series does not begin with Mao ( = Krttikās). There remains only the possibility that a common source for all the three sets—Naksatra, Manāzil, and Sieou—may be found in Babylonia. Hommel has endeavoured to show that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the Pleiades ( = Krttikās); but Thibaut’s researches are not favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber, Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the view that in Babylonia is to be found the origin of the system, and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the Adityas, and possibly the word Manā.
nakha Denotes either the nail ’ of a man, or the * claw ’ of a wild beast, such as a tiger. The trimming (ηikrηtaηa) of the nails was a regular part of the toilet of the Vedic Indian, especially on occasions of special sanctity, when it accompanied the cleansing of the teeth.
nagarin jānaśruteya (‘Descendant of Janaśruti’) is men­tioned as a priest in the Aitareya Brāhmana, and as Nagarin Jānaśruteya Kāndviya in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana (iii. 40, 2).
napāt In Vedic literature apparently has both the wider sense of * descendant,’ and the narrower one of ‘grandson’ in the Samhitās. In the Brāhmanas the word seems hardly to have the sense of descendant ’ at all, while it denotes not only ‘grandson,’ but also ‘ great-grandson ’ in the sequence ‘ sons, grandsons, great-grandsons ’ (putrān, pautrān, napifn). ‘Grandson ’ is also expressed by Pautra (‘ son’s son ’) in the Atharvaveda and later, while the sense of ‘ great-grandson ’ is accurately conveyed as early as the Rigveda6 by Pra-napāt, used beside Napāt, ‘grandson.’ Naptī, the feminine, is practi­cally limited to the Samhitās, and denotes ‘ daughter.’ The use in the Veda throws no light on the original use of the word.
naptrī As feminine of Napāt, is found in the Sāmaveda, Aranya.
nalada ‘Nard’ (N ardastachys Jatamansi) is a plant mentioned in the Atharvaveda, in the Aitareya and the śāñkhāyana Aranyakas (where it is mentioned as used for a garland), as well as in the Sūtras. In the Atharvaveda the feminine form of the word, Naladī, occurs as the name of an Apsaras, or celestial nymph.
navaka Is mentioned as having wished for a wife at the Sattra of the Vibhindukīyas in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana.
nāka Denotes the * firmament ’ in the Rigveda and later. It is often used with the epithet highest ’ {uttama) or ‘ third ’ (trtīya)* referring to the threefold division of heaven, parallel to the threefold division of earth, atmosphere, and sky (Div). The Nāka is said to be on the third ridge (pγstha), above the luminous space (rocaηa) of the sky. Elsewhere the series earth, atmosphere, sky, and the firmament (nāka), heaven (svar), the celestial light (jyotis), occurs. The word nāka is explained in the Brāhmanas as derived from na, ‘not,’ and aka, ‘pain,’ because those who go there are free from sorrow.
nāka Is the name of a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.1 Presumably he is identical with Nāka Maudgalya (‘descendant of Mudgala’), who is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmana,2 the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad,3 and the Taittirīya Upanisad.[1]
nābhānediṣṭha (‘Nearest in descent ’) Mānava (‘ descendant of Manu ’) is famous in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas for the way in which he was treated when his father Manu divided his property among his sons, or they divided it: Nābhānedistha was left out, but was solaced by obtaining, through his father’s advice, cows from the Añgirases, a feat which is regarded in the Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra as on a level with the exploits of other seers who celebrated their patrons in hymns, and as giving rise to the hymn, Rigveda Nābhānedistha’s hymn is repeatedly mentioned in the Brāh­manas, but beyond its authorship nothing is recorded of him. In the Samhitā itself he seems to be spoken of as a poet in one passage, which is, however, of quite uncertain meaning. Nābhānedistha is etymologically connected in all probability with Nabānazdista in the Avesta, which refers to the Fravasi of the paoiryδ-tkaesha and the Fravasi of the Nabānazdista. Lassen saw in the legend a reminiscence of an Indo-Iranian split; but Roth showed conclusively that this was impossible, and that Nābhānedistha meant simply ‘nearest in birth,’and Weber admits that the connexion of the words is not one of borrowing on either side, but that in the Avesta it has kept its original sense of ‘ nearest relation,’ while in the Rigveda it has become a proper name.
narmiṇī Is found in the Rigveda as an epithet of Pur, ‘fort’: it must apparently either be a proper name of the fort, or mean ‘ belonging to Narmin or Narmina,’ some prince.
nītha (‘Leading’), neut., means musical ‘mode’ and then ‘hymn of praise.’ The feminine form Nīthā occurs once in the Rigveda meaning ‘ artifice.’
nṛtū Occurs once in the Rigveda denoting a female ‘ dancer.’ In another passage Nrti is found coupled with hāsa, ‘laughter,’ in the description of the funeral ritual; but though it is clear that a joyful celebration is meant (like the Irish ‘ wake ’ or the old-fashioned feasting in Scotland after a funeral), it is difficult to be certain that actual dancing is here meant. Dancing is, however, often referred to in the Rigveda and later. Nrtta- gīta, ‘ dance and song,’ are mentioned in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana as found in the sixth world. See also Sailūsa.
naimiśi Is the epithet of Sitibāhu Aisakrta in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana. It is probably to be taken as an indication that Sitibāhu came from the Naimiśa forest.
nau Is the regular word in the Rigveda and later for a 4 boat ’ or 4 ship.’ In the great majority of cases the ship was merely a boat for crossing rivers, though no doubt a large boat was needed for crossing many of the broad rivers of the Panjab as well as the Yamunā and Gañgā. Often no doubt the Nau was a mere dug-out canoe (
pañcanada Having five streams is not found until the epic period as the name of the Panjāb, which has no desig­nation in the earlier literature. The importance of the Panjāb as the home of the Rigveda has been greatly diminished by recent research, Hopkins, Pischel, and Geldner having on different grounds shown reason for believing that the Rigveda, at least in great part, was composed farther east, in the Madhyadeśa, which admittedly was the home of the later Vedic culture. Hillebrandt considers that the Rigveda belongs in part to the Panjāb, or rather to Arachosia, and in part to the Middle· Country. See also Kuru, Trtsu.
pañcāla Is the later name of the people called Krivi in the Rigveda. The Pañcālas are rarely referred to except in con­nexion with the Kurus, and the kings of the Kuru-Pañcālas are mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana. In the Kāthaka Samhitā the Pañcālas appear as the people of Keśin Dālbhya. In the Upanisads and later the Brahmins of the Pañcālas figure as taking part in philosophical and philological discussions. The Samhitopanisad Brāhmana makes mention of the Prācya-Pāñcālas. The Pañcālas, no doubt, included other tribes besides the Krivis. The name seems to refer to five tribes, and it has been suggested that the Pañcālas represent the five tribes of the Rigveda, but the suggestion is not very probable. There is no trace in Vedic literature of the Epic division of the Pañcālas into northern (uttara) and southern (daksina). The Satapatha Brāhmana mentions their town Paricakrā; other towns to which allusion seems to be made were Kāmpīla and Kauśāmbī. Of their kings and chiefs, as distinguished from kings of the Kuru-Pañcālas, we hear of Kraivya, Durmukha, Pravāhana Jaivali, and Sona.
pataṅga prājāpatya (‘Descendant of Prajāpati ’) is credited by the Anukramanī (Index) with the authorship of a hymn of the Rigveda in which Patañga means the ‘sun-bird.’ He is also mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
patañcala kāpya Is the name of a sage mentioned twice in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad. According to Weber, his name is reminiscent of Kapila and Patañjali of the śāñkhya- Yoga system, but this suggestion may be regarded as quite improbable.
pati Under these words denoting primarily, as the evidence collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary shows, ‘ lord ’ and ‘ lady,’ and so * husband ’ and * wife,’ it is convenient to consider the marital relations of the Vedic community. Child Marriage.—Marriage in the early Vedic texts appears essentially as a union of two persons of full development. This is shown by the numerous references to unmarried girls who grow old in the house of their fathers (amā-jur), and who adorn themselves in desire of marriage, as well as to the paraphernalia of spells and potions used in the Atharvavedic tradition to compel the love of man or woman respectively, while even the Rigveda itself seems to present us with a spell by which a lover seeks to send all the household to sleep when he visits his beloved. Child wives first occur regularly in the Sūtra period, though it is still uncertain to what extent the rule of marriage before puberty there obtained. The marriage ritual also quite clearly presumes that the marriage is a real and not a nominal one: an essential feature is the taking of the bride to her husband’s home, and the ensuing cohabitation. Limitations on Marriage.—It is difficult to say with certainty within what limits marriage was allowed. The dialogue of Yama and Yam! in the Rigveda seems clearly to point to a prohibition of the marriage of brother and sister. It can hardly be said, as Weber thinks, to point to a practice that was once in use and later became antiquated. In the Gobhila Grhya Sūtra and the Dharma Sūtras are found prohibitions against marriage in the Gotra (‘ family ’) or within six degrees on the mother’s or father’s side, but in the śatapatha Brāh-mana marriage is allowed in the third or fourth generation, the former being allowed, according to Harisvamin, by the Kanvas, and the second by the Saurāstras, while the Dāksi- nātyas allowed marriage with the daughter of the mother’s brother or the son of the father’s sister, but presumably not with the daughter of the mother’s sister or the son of the father’s brother. The prohibition of marriage within the Gotra cannot then have existed, though naturally marriages outside the Gotra were frequent. Similarity of caste was also not an essential to marriage, as hypergamy was permitted even by the Dharma Sūtras, so that a Brāhmana could marry wives of any lower caste, a Ksatriya wives of the two lowest castes as well as of his own caste, a Vaiśya a Sūdrā as well as a Vaiśyā, although the Sūdrā marriages were later disapproved in toto. Instances of such intermarriage are common in the Epic, and are viewed as normal in the Brhaddevatā. It was considered proper that the younger brothers and sisters should not anticipate their elders by marrying before them. The later Samhitās and Brāhmanas present a series of names expressive of such anticipation, censuring as sinful those who bear them. These terms are the pari-vividāna, or perhaps agre-dadhus, the man who, though a younger brother, marries before his elder brother, the latter being then called the parivitta; the agre-didhisu, the man who weds a younger daughter while her elder sister is still unmarried; and the Didhisū-pati, who is the husband of the latter. The passages do not explicitly say that the exact order of birth must always be followed, but the mention of the terms shows that the order was often broken. Widow Remarriage. The remarriage of a widow was apparently permitted. This seems originally to have taken the form of the marriage of the widow to the brother or other nearest kinsman of the dead man in order to produce children. At any rate, the ceremony is apparently alluded to in a funeral hymn of the Rigveda ; for the alternative explanation, which sees in the verse a reference to the ritual of the Purusamedha (‘human sacrifice’), although accepted by Hillebrandt and Delbruck, is not at all probable, while the ordinary view is supported by the Sūtra evidence. Moreover, another passage of the Rigveda clearly refers to the marriage of the widow and the husband’s brother {devr), which constitutes what the Indians later knew as Niyoga. This custom was probably not followed except in cases where no son was already born. This custom was hardly remarriage in the strict sense, since the brother might—so far as appears—be already married himself. In the Atharvaveda, a verse refers to a charm which would secure the reunion, in the next world, of a wife and her second husband. Though, as Delbruck thinks, this very possibly refers to a case in which the first husband was still alive, but was impotent or had lost caste (patita), still it is certain that the later Dharma Sūtras began to recognize ordinary remarriage in case of the death of the first husband Pischel finds some evidence in the Rigveda to the effect that a woman could remarry if her husband disappeared and could not be found or heard of. Polygamy. A Vedic Indian could have more than one wife. This is proved clearly by many passages in the Rigveda; Manu, according to the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, had ten wives ; and the Satapatha Brāhmana explains polygamy by a characteristic legend. Moreover, the king regularly has four wives attributed to him, the Mahisī, the Parivrktī, the Vāvātā, and the Pālāgalī. The Mahisī appears to be the chief wife, being the first, one married according to the śata¬patha Brāhmana. The Parivrktī, ‘ the neglected,’ is explained by Weber and Pischel as one that has had no son. The Vāvātā is ‘the favourite,’ while the Pālāgalī is, according to Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. The names are curious, and not very intelligible, but the evidence points to the wife first wedded alone being a wife in the fullest sense. This view is supported by the fact emphasized by Delbruck, that in the sacrifice the Patnī is usually mentioned in the singular, apparent exceptions being due to some mythological reason. Zimmer is of opinion that polygamy is dying out in the Rigvedic period, monogamy being developed from pologamy; Weber, however, thinks that polygamy is secondary, a view that is supported by more recent anthropology. Polyandry.—On the other hand, polyandry is not Vedic. There is no passage containing any clear reference to such a custom. The most that can be said is that in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda verses are occasionally found in which husbands are mentioned in relation to a single wife. It is difficult to be certain of the correct explanation of each separate instance of this mode of expression; but even if Weber’s view, that the plural is here used majestatis causa, is not accepted, Delbruck’s explanation by mythology is probably right. In other passages the plural is simply generic. Marital Relations.—Despite polygamy, however, there is ample evidence that the marriage tie was not, as Weber has suggested, lightly regarded as far as the fidelity of the wife was concerned. There is, however, little trace of the husband’s being expected to be faithful as a matter of morality. Several passages, indeed, forbid, with reference to ritual abstinence, intercourse with the strī of another. This may imply that adultery on the husband’s part was otherwise regarded as venial. But as the word strī includes all the ‘womenfolk,’ daughters and slaves, as well as wife, the conclusion can hardly be drawn that intercourse with another man’s ‘wife’ was normally regarded with indifference. The curious ritual of the Varunapraghāsās, in which the wife of the sacrificer is questioned as to her lovers, is shown by Delbruck to be a part of a rite meant to expiate unchastity on the part of a wife, not as a normal question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife. Again, Yājñavalkya’s doctrine in the Satapatha Brāhmana, which seems to assert that no one cares if a wife is unchaste (parah-pumsā) or not, really means that no one cares if the wife is away from the men who are sacrificing, as the wives of the gods are apart from them during the particular rite in question. Monogamy is also evidently approved, so that some higher idea of morality was in course of formation. On the other hand, no Vedic text gives us the rule well known to other Indo-Germanic peoples that the adulterer taken in the act can be killed with impunity, though the later legal literature has traces of this rule. There is also abundant evidence that the standard of ordinary sexual morality was not high. Hetairai. In the Rigveda there are many references to illegitimate love and to the abandonment of the offspring of such unions,ββ especially in the case of a protege of Indra, often mentioned as the parāvrkta or parāvrj. The ‘son of a maiden ’ (kumārī-putra) is already spoken of in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. Such a person appears with a metronymic in the Upanisad period: this custom may be the origin of metro- nymics such as those which make up a great part of the lists of teachers (Vamśas) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad. The Vājasaneyi Samhitā refers to illicit unions of śūdra and Arya, both male and female, besides giving in its list of victims at the Purusamedha, or ‘human sacrifice,’ several whose designations apparently mean ‘ courtesan (atītvarī) and ‘ procuress of abortion ’ (
para āṭṇāra (‘Descendant of Atnāra ’) appears in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas as one of the ancient great kings who won sons by performing a particular sacrifice. In the śatapatha Brāhmana he is styled Hairanyanābha, de­scendant of Hiranyanābha,’ and in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra he is called Para Ahlāra Vaideha, a fact testifying to the close connexion of Kosala and Videha. A Yajña-gāthā, or ‘sacrificial verse,’ there cited mentions Hiraçyanābha Kausalya in connexion with Para.
pariveṣṭṛ In the Atharvaveda and later denotes an attendant,’ more especially one who serves up food, a * waiter.’ The feminine form Parivestrī signifies a ‘ female attendant ’ or ‘ handmaid.’
pariṣad (lit., ‘sitting around ’) denotes in the Upanisads an ‘assemblage’ of advisers in questions of philosophy, and the Gobhila Grhya Sūtra refers to a teacher with his Parisad or ‘council.’ In the later literature the word denotes a body of advisers on religious topics, but also the assessors of a judge, or the council of ministers of a prince. But in none of these senses is the word found in the early literature, though the institutions indicated by it must have existed at least in embryo.
parvata In the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda is con­joined with giri in the sense of ‘hill’ or ‘mountain.’ From the Rigveda onwards it is common in this sense as connected with the waters of rivers which flow in the hills. The legend of the mountains having wings is already found in the Samhitās. In the Kausītaki Upanisad are mentioned the southern (daksiηa) and the northern (uttara) mountains, evidently in allusion to the Himālaya and the Vindhya ranges. The plants (osadhi) and aromatic products (añjaηa) of the mountains are referred to in the Atharvaveda, and their mineral treasures in the Rigveda.
palāla Is found with Anu-palāla in the Atharvaveda as the name of a demon. The meaning of the word is ‘straw,’ in which sense it occurs in the Kauśika Sūtra, while the feminine form, Palālī, is found in the Atharvaveda itself as the straw of barley (Yava).
palāva Is found in the Atharvaveda and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana in the sense of * chaff/
palligupta lauhitya ('Descendant of Lohita’) is mentioned in a Vamśa (‘list of teachers’) in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of śyāmajayanta Lauhitya. The name is obviously a late one, for Palli is not found in the early literature, and the name of the Lauhitya family is otherwise known in post-Vedic works only.
pāñcāla Means a ‘ king of the Pañcāla people,’ and is applied to Durmukha in the Aitareya Brāhmana and to śona in the śatapatha Brāhmana. The term is also found in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana. See also Pañcāla.
pātra Primarily a * drinking vessel ’ (from pā, * to drink') denotes a vessel generally both in the Rigveda and later. It was made either of wood or clay. In some passages the word is, according to Roth, used to indicate a measure. The feminine Pātrī occasionally occurs in the sense of ‘vessel.’
pārāvata Occurs in several passages of the Rigveda. Roth thinks that in most places it means ‘coming from a distance,’ but in two passages he regards it as the proper name of a people on the Yamunā (Jumna). It is certain that in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana the Pārāvatas are a people on that river (cf. Turaśravas). Hillebrandt sees in all the passages5 the name of a people, comparing the ΙΙαρνήται of Ptolemy, who apparently were settled on the northern border of Gedrosia, or the īlapoυτat, who were found in Apeιa. He suggests that they were originally mountaineers ’ (cf. Parvata). Ludwig holds a similar view, and Geldner recognizes a people as meant. The mention of the Sarasvatī in connexion with the Pārāvatas in the Rigveda accords generally with their position on the Yamuna in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana.
pārikṣita ‘Descendant of Pariksit,’ is the patronymic of Janamejaya in the Aitareya Brāhmana and the śatapatha Brāhmana. The Pāriksitīyas appear in the śatapatha Brāh­mana and the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra as performers of the horse sacrifice. In a Gāthā there cited they are called Pāri- ksitas. Apparently they were the brothers of Janamejaya, named Ugrasena, Bhīmasena, and Srutasena. In the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad the question whither they have gone is made the subject of a philosophical discussion. It is clear that the family had passed away before the time of the Upanisad, and it is also clear that there had been some serious scandal mingled with their greatness which they had, in the opinion of the Brahmins, atoned for by their horse sacrifice with its boundless gifts to the priests. Weber sees in this the germ of the Epic stories which are recorded in the Mahābhārata. The verses relating to Pariksit in the Atharvaveda are called Pāriksityah in the Brāhmanas.
pārthaśravasa ‘Descendant of Prthu-śravas,’ is found as the name of a demon in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
pārṣṇa śailana Is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana.
pitṛ Common from the Rigveda onwards, denotes ‘father, not so much as the ‘begetter’ (janitr) but rather as the pro­tector of the child, this being probably also the etymological sense of the word. The father in the Rigveda stands for all that is good and kind. Hence Agni is compared with a father, while Indra is even dearer than a father. The father carries his son in his arms, and places him on his lap, while the child pulls his garment to attract attention. In later years the son depends on his father for help in trouble, and greets him with joy. It is difficult to ascertain precisely how far the son was subject to parental control, and how long such control continued. Reference is made in the Rigveda to a father’s chastising his son for gambling, and Rjrāśva is said to have been blinded by his father. From the latter statement Zimmer infers the existence of a developed patria potestas, but to lay stress on this isolated and semi-mythical incident would be unwise. It is, however, quite likely that the patria potestas was originally strong, for we have other support for the thesis in the Roman patria potestas. If there is no proof that a father legally controlled his son’s wedding, and not much that he controlled his daughter’s, the fact is in itself not improbable. There is again no evidence to show whether a son, when grown up, normally continued to stay with his father, his wife becoming a member of the father’s household, or whether he set up a house of his own : probably the custom varied. Nor do we know whether the son was granted a special plot of land on marriage or otherwise, or whether he only came into such property after his father’s death. But any excessive estimate of the father’s powers over a son who was no longer a minor and naturally under his control, must be qualified by the fact that in his old age the sons might divide their father’s property, or he might divide it amongst them, and that when the father-in-law became aged he fell under the control of his son’s wife. There are also obscure traces that in old age a father might be exposed, though there is no reason to suppose that this was usual in Vedic India. Normally the son was bound to give his father full obedience. The later Sūtras show in detail the acts of courtesy which he owed his father, and they allow him to eat the remnants of his father’s food. On the other hand, the father was expected to be kind. The story of Sunahśepa in the Aitareya Brāh-mana emphasizes the horror with which the father’s heartless treatment of his son was viewed. The Upanisads insist on the spiritual succession from father to son. The kissing of a son was a frequent and usual token of affection, even in mature years. On the failure of natural children, adoption was possible. It was even resorted to when natural children existed, but when it was desired to secure the presence in the family of a person of specially high qualifications, as in Visvamitra’s adoption of Sunahśepa. It is not clear that adoption from one caste into another was possible, for there is no good evidence that Viśvāmitra was, as Weber holds, a Ksatriya who adopted a Brāhmana. Adoption was also not always in high favour: it may be accidental or not that a hymn of the Vasistha book of the Rigveda condemns the usage. It was also possible for the father who had a daughter, but no sons, to appoint her to bear a son for him. At any rate the practice appears to be referred to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda as interpreted by Yāska. Moreover, it is possible that the difficulty of a brotherless maiden finding a husband may have been due in part to the possibility of her father desiring to make her a Putrikā, the later technical name for a daughter whose son is to belong to her father’s family. There can be no doubt that in a family the father took precedence of the mother. Delbruck explains away the apparent cases to the contrary. There is no trace of the family as a land-owning corporation. The dual form Pitarau regularly means ‘father and mother,’ ‘parents.
pipīlikā In the Atharvaveda and later denotes an ‘ant/ the form of the word referring doubtless not so much to the small species of ant, as it is taken in the later lexicons, but rather to the insect’s tiny size, which would naturally be expressed by a diminutive formation of the name. The form Pipīlaka is found in the Chāndogya Upanisad.
pippala Is found in two passages of the Rigveda meaning ‘ berry,’ used with a mystic signification, and in neither case with any certain reference to the berry of the fig-tree. In the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad the general sense of ‘berry’ is not necessary, and the special sense of ‘berry’ of the Peepal is quite possible: the latter meaning is perhaps intended in the śatapatha Brāhmana. In the Atharvaveda the feminine form of the word, Pippalī, appears denoting berries used as a remedy for wounds, like Arundhatī.
puṃsavana (‘Male-production’ ceremony) is found in the Atharvaveda in a hymn which is obviously intended to accom­pany a rite aiming at securing the birth of a male child, and which is so applied in the ritual.
puruṣanti Is a name that occurs twice in the Rigveda, in the first passage denoting a protágá of the Aśvins, in the second a patron who gave presents to one of the Vedic singers. In both cases the name is joined with that of Dhvasanti or Dhvasra. The presumption from the manner in which these three names are mentioned is that they designate men, but the grammatical form of the words might equally well be feminine. Females must be meant, if the evidence of the Paficavimśa Brāhmaṇa is to be taken as decisive, for the form of the first of the two names there occurring, Dhvasre Purusantī, ‘ Dhvasrā and Puruṣanti,’ is exclusively feminine, though here as well as elsewhere Sāyaṇa interprets the names as masculines. See also Taranta and Purumīlha.
purohita (‘Placed in front,’ ‘appointed’) is the name of a priest in the Rigveda and later. The office of Purohita is called Purohiti and Purodhā. It is clear that the primary function of the Purohita was that of ‘ domestic priest ’ of a king, or perhaps a great noble; his quite exceptional position is shown by the fact that only one Purohita seems ever to be mentioned in Vedic literature. Examples of Purohitas in the Rigveda are Viśvāmitra or Vasiçtha in the service of the Bharata king,.Sudās. of the Trtsu family; the Purohita of Kuruśravana ; and Devāpi, the Purohita of Santanu. The Purohita was in all religious matters the alter ego of the king. In the ritual it is laid down that a king must have a Purohita, else the gods will not accept his offerings. He ensures the king's safety and victory in battle by his prayers ; he procures the fall of rain for the crops j he is the flaming fire that guards the kingdom. Divodāsa in trouble is rescued by Bharadvāja; and King Tryaruna Traidhātva Aikçvāka reproaches his Purohita, Vj?śa Jāna, when his car runs over a Brahmin boy and kills him. The close relation of king and Purohita is illustrated by the case of Klltsa Aurava, who slew his Purohita, UpagfU Sauśravasa, for disloyalty in serving Indra, to whom Kutsa was hostile. Other disputes between kings and priests who officiated for them are those of Janam- ejaya and the Kaśyapas, and of Viśvantara and the śyā- parnas ;lβ and between Asamāti and the Gaupāyanas. In some cases one Purohita served more than one king; for example, Devabhāg a Srautarṣa was the Purohita of the Xufus and the Sfñjayas at the same time, and Jala Jātū- karnya was the Purohita of the kings of Kāśi, Videha, and Kosala. There is no certain proof that the office of Purohita was hereditary in a family, though it probably was so. At any rate, it seems clear from the relations of the Purohita with King Kuruśravana, and with his son Upamaśravas, that a king would keep on the Purohita of his father. Zimmer thinks that the king might act as his own Purohita, as shown by the case of King Viśvantara, who sacrificed without the help of the śyāparṇas, and that a Purohita need not be a priest, as shown by the case of Devāpi and śantanu. But neither opinion seems to be justified. It is not said that Viśvantara sacrificed without priests, while Devāpi is not regarded as a king until the Nirukta, and there is no reason to suppose that Yāska's view expressed in that work is correct. According to Geldner, the Purohita from the beginning acted as the Brahman priest in the sacrificial ritual, being there the general superintendent of the sacrifice. In favour of this view, he cites the fact that Vasiṣtha is mentioned both as Purohita and as Brahman: at the sacrifice of Sunahśepa he served as Brahman, but he was the Purohita of Sudās; Bṛhaspati is called the Purohita and the Brahman of the gods; and the Vasisthas who are Purohitas are also the Brahmans at the sacrifice. It is thus clear that the Brahman was often the Purohita; and it was natural that this should be the case when once the Brahman’s place became, as it did in the later ritual, the most important position at the sacrifice. But the Brahman can hardly be said to have held this place in the earlier ritual; Oldenberg seems to be right in holding that the Purohita was originally the Hotr priest, the singer par excellence, when he took any part at all in the ritual of the great sacrifices with the Rtvijs. So Devāpi seems clearly to have been a Hotr; Agni is at once Purohita and Hotr; and the two divine Hotṛs ’ referred to in the Apr! litanies are also called the ‘two Purohitas.’ Later, no doubt, when the priestly activity ceased to centre in the song, the Purohita, with his skill in magic, became the Brahman, who also required magic to undo the errors of the sacrifice. There is little doubt that in the original growth of the priest¬hood the Purohita played a considerable part. In historical times he represented the real power of the kingship, and may safely be deemed to have exercised great influence in all public affairs, such as the administration of justice and the king’s conduct of business. But it is not at all probable that the Purohita represents, as Roth and Zimmer thought, the source which gave rise to caste. The priestly clcss is already in existence in the Rigveda (see Varṣa).
puluṣa prācīnayogya (‘Descendant of Prācīnayoga’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Dpti Aindroti śaunaka, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. He taught Pauluçi Satyayajña.
pṛkṣayāma Occurs once in the plural in the Rigveda. Roth suggests the sense of ‘faring with swift steeds,’ and thinks a proper name is meant. Pischel holds that the word is an epithet of the Pajras, and that it means ‘ performing splendid sacrifices.’
petva Is found twice in the Atharvaveda. In the first passage reference is made to its vāja, which Zimmer argues can only mean ‘strength,’ ‘swiftness,’ though naturally the sense of ‘ male power ’ would seem more appropriate in a spell intended to remove lack of virility. In the second passage the Petva is mentioned as overcoming the horse (see Ubhayādant), a miracle which has a parallel in the Rigveda, where the Petva overcomes the female lion. The animal also occurs in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) in the Yajurveda Samhitās, and occasionally elsewhere. It appears to be the ‘ram’ or the ‘wether,’ the latter being the sense given to it by the commentator on the Taittirīya Samhitā. But there is no conclusive evidence in favour of this meaning, while on the whole the passage of the Atharvaveda, in which vāja is found, accords best with the sense of ‘ ram.’ Hopkins, however, renders the word as ‘ goat,’ though for what reason is not clear. Whether it is connected in any way with Pitva or Pidva is quite uncertain.
pautakrata ‘Descendant of Pūtakratā,’ is the metronymic of a man, apparently Dasyave Vrka, in the Rigveda. Schefte- lowitz proposes to read Pūtakratu with the Kashmir MS. of the Rigveda, arguing that in the same hymn Pūtakratāyī, the wife of Pūtakratu, is referred to, and that therefore Pūtakratu is appropriate, Pūtakratāyī being the feminine, like Manāyī, for Manāvī. But the ordinary reading in the sense of descendant is perfectly legitimate, as Oldenberg has pointed out.
pauluṣi ‘Descendant of Puluṣa,’ is the patronymic of Sat- yayajña in the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Chān- dogya Upanisad. In the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāh­mana the form is Paulusita, which is perhaps merely an error.
pauṣpiṇḍya Is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Jaimini, in the Vamśa (list of teachers) at the end of the Sāmavidhāna Brāhmana.
pratardana Is the name in the Kāthaka Samhitā of a king who had a Bharadvāja for his Purohita. In the Kauṣītaki Brāhmana he appears as arriving at the sacrifice of the Rṣis in the Naimiṣa forest, and asking them how errors in the sacrifice, could be remedied; and as finding Alīkayu Vācaspata, the Brahman priest at the sacrifice, unable to say what was to be done. In the Kauṣītaki Upanisad3 it is said that Pratardana Daivodāsi went to Indra’s world through his death in battle. The patronymic connects him with Divodāsa, the ancestor or father of Sudās, and the mention of Bharadvāja (probably a Bharadvāja is meant) as his priest supports the patronymic, for Divodāsa is a special favourite of the singers of the Bharadvāja family. The name, moreover, is reminiscent of the Tṛtsus (the root tard appears in both) and of the Pratrdah. (see Pratpd). But he is not in Vedic literature a king of Kāśi. Geldner regards him as Divodāsa's son, but this is not likely. Cf Prātardani.
pratidhi Is mentioned in the Sūryā hymn of the Rigveda as part of the chariot on which the bride is taken home. It is impossible to determine with certainty exactly what is meant; Roth understands it to mean a cross-piece of wood fastened to the pole.
pratīdarśa śvaikna Is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāh­mana as sacrificing with the Dākṣāyana offering, and as teaching Suplan Sārñjaya, who thence became Sahadeva Sārñjaya. In a second passage he is called Pratīdarśa Aibhāvata, and again brought into connexion with Suplan Sārñjaya. According to Eggeling, he is to be deemed a king of the śviknas ; apparently, too, he was a descendant of Ibhāvant. A Pratīdarśa is also mentioned in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmana.
pratoda denotes in the Atharvaveda and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaria the ‘goad’ of the Vrātya, the non-Brahminical Aryan or aborigine. Later the word is regularly used for ‘ goad ’ in general.
pravāhaṇa jaivali (‘Descendant of Jīvala ’) is the name of a prince, contemporary with Uddālaka, who appears in the Upaniṣads as engaged in philosophical discussions. He is probably identical with the Jaivali of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana.
prācīnayogya ‘Descendant of Prācmayoga,’ is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Pārāśarya, in the first Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upanisad. A Prācīnayogya is mentioned also in the Chāndogya and the Taittirlya Upaniṣads, and the same patronymic is found in the śatapatha Brāhmana and in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana (see Puluça, Satyayajña, Somaśuçma).
prācīnaśāla aupamanyava (‘Descendant of Upamanyu’) is the name of a householder and theologian in the Chāndogya Upanisad. A Prācīnaśāli appears as an Udgātṛ priest in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaria, and the Prācīnaśālas are mentioned in the same Upanisad.
prāṇa Properly denoting ‘breath,’ is a term of wide and vague significance in Vedic literature. It is frequently men­tioned from the Rigveda onwards; in the Áranyakas and Upanisads it is one of the commonest symbols of the unity of the universe. In the narrow sense Prāṇa denotes one of the vital airs, of which five are usually enumerated—Prāna, Apāna, Vyāna, Udāna, and Samāna; but often only two, Prāna and Apāna, or Prāna and Vyāna, or Prāṇa and Udāna; or three, Prāṇa, Apāna, and Vyāna, or Prāṇa, Udāna, and Vyāna, or Prāṇa, Udāna, and Samāna; or four, Prāṇa, Apāna, Vyāna, and Samāna, or Prāṇa, Apāna, Udāna, Vyāna. The exact sense of each of these breaths when all are mentioned cannot be determined. Prāṇa is also used in a wider sense to denote the organs of sense, or as Sāyana puts it, the ‘orifices of the head,’ etc. These are given as six in one passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana, presumably the eyes, ears, and nostrils. More frequently there are stated to be seven in the head, the mouth being then included. Sometimes again they are mentioned as nine, or as seven in the head and two below. Ten are counted in the śatapatha Brāhmaria and the Jaiminiya Brāhmana, while even eleven are mentioned in the Kāthaka Upanisad, and twelve in the Kāthaka Samhitā, where the two breasts are added. Exactly what organs are taken to make up the numbers beyond seven is not certain. The tenth is the navel (nābhi) in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā j when eleven are named the Brahma-randhra (suture in the crown) may be included; in the Atharvaveda, as interpreted by the Brhad- āraṇyaka Upaniṣad, the seventh and eighth are the organs of taste and speech respectively. But usually these make one only, and the eighth and ninth are either in the breast or below (the organs of evacuation). The word Prāṇa has sometimes merely the general sense of breath, even when opposed to Apāna. But its proper sense is beyond question ‘ breathing forth,’ ‘ expiration,’ and not as the St. Petersburg Dictionary explains it, ‘ the breath inspired,’ a version due to the desire to interpret Apāna as ‘expiration,’ a meaning suggested by the preposition apa, ‘away.’ This being clearly shown both by the native scholiasts and by other evidence, Bǒhtlingk later accepted the new view.
prātṛda Descendant of Pratpd,’ is the patronymic of a teacher called Bhālla in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa and of another teacher in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upanisad.
proṣṭhapāda vārakya Is mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa as a pupil of Kamsa Vāraki.
plakṣa prāsravaṇa Is the name of a locality, forty-four days’ journey from the spot where the Sarasvatī disappears. It is mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa. In the latter text it is said that the middle of the earth is only a span (Prādeśa) to the north of it. In the Rigveda Sūtras3 the locality is called Plākṣa Prasravaṇa, and is apparently meant to designate the source of the Sarasvatī rather than the place of its reappearance.
baka dālbhya ('Descendant of Dalbha’) is the name of a person mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa as constraining Indra for the Ájakeśins, and as a Kuru- Pañcāla. fι.
bamba ajadviṣa (‘Descendant of Aja-dviṣ’) is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa. Bimba is a various reading.
bahuvacana Denotes in grammatical terminology the ‘ plural ’ in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Nirukta. So dυiυat, bahuvat, in the Nirukta means ‘ in the dual and the plural.’
bābhravya Descendant of Babhru,’ is the patronymic of Girija in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, and of śañkha in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
bimba Appears in one passage of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa to denote the plant Momordica monadelpha.
bīja Denotes ‘seed, the operation of sowing seed (vap) being several times referred to in the Rigveda and later. In a metaphorical sense the term is used in the Upaniṣads of the classes of beings according to origin, of which the Chāndogya Upaniṣad enumerates three, the Aitareya four. The former list includes anda-ja, ‘egg-born,’ jīva-ja, ‘born alive, and udbhij-ja, ‘produced from sprouts,’ ‘germinating, while the latter adds sveda-ja, ‘sweat-born —that is, ‘generated by hot moisture,’ an expression which is glossed to comprise flies, worms, etc. Cf. Kpçi.
bekanāṭa Occurs only once in the Rigveda, when Indra is said to overcome all the Bekanātas and the Paṇis. The natural sense, therefore, seems to be ‘ usurer,’ the explanation given by Yāska. The word has a foreign appearance, but its provenance can hardly be determined: it might just as well be aboriginal as Babylonian. Hillebrandt thinks Brunnhofer is right in identifying Bekanāta with Bikanir.
brahmacarya Denotes the condition of life of the Brahma-cārin or religious student. The technical sense is first found in the last Maṇdala of the Rigveda. The practice of-studentship doubtless developed, and was more strictly regulated by custom as time went on, but it is regularly assumed and discussed in the later Vedic literature, being obviously a necessary part of Vedic society. The Atharvaveda has in honour of the Brahmacārin a hymn which already gives all the characteristic features of religious studentship. The youth is initiated (iipa-nī) by the teacher into a new life; he wears an antelope skin, and lets his hair grow long ;δ he collects fuel, and begs, learns, and practises penance. All these characteristics appear in the later literature. The student lives in the house of his teacher (ācārya-kala-vāsin ; ante-vāsin); he begs, looks after the sacrificial fires, and tends the house. His term of studentship might be long extended: it was normally fixed at twelve years, but much longer periods, such as thirty-two years, are mentioned. The age at which studentship began varied: śvetaketu commenced at twelve and studied for twelve years. It is assumed in the Grhya Sūtras that the three Aryan castes were all required to pass through a period of studentship. But that this is much more than priestly schematism is uncertain. No doubt individuals of the Kçatriya or Vaiśya caste might go through part of the period of studentship, just as Burmese boys of all classes now pass some time in a monastery as students. This is borne out by the reference in the Atharvaveda to the king guarding his country by Brahmacarya—though that is susceptible of a different interpretation—and more clearly by the reference in the Kāthaka Samhitā to a rite intended to benefit one who, although not a Brahmin, had studied (vidyūm anūcya), but had not gained renown, and by references in the Upaniṣads to kings who like Janaka studied the Vedas and the Upaniṣads. Normally, however, the Kṣatriya studied the art of war. One of the duties of the Brahmacārin was chastity. But reference is in several places made to the possibility of misconduct between a student and the wife of his preceptor, nor is any very severe penance imposed in early times later it is different for such a sin. In certain cases the ritual required a breach of chastity, no doubt as a magic spell to secure fertility. Even an old man might on occasion become a pupil, as the story of Árurii shows.
brahmajya Oppressor of a Brahmin and Brahma-jyeya, ‘oppression of a Brahmin/ are terms mentioned several times in the Atharvaveda as expressing a heinous crime which involves its perpetrator in ruin. See Brāhmaṇa.
brahmadatta caikitāneya (Descendant of Cekitāna’) is the name of a teacher in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upanisad, He is mentioned also in the Jaiminiya Upanisad as patronized by Abhipratārin, the Kuru king.
brahmahatyā The ‘murder of a Brahmin/ is mentioned in the Yajurveda Saiphitās and the Brāhmaṇas as a heinous crime. The murderer is called Brahma-han.
brāmaṇa Descendant of a Brahman' (i.e., of a priest), is found only a few times in the Rigveda, and mostly in its latest parts. In the Atharvaveda and later it is a very common word denoting ‘priest,’ and it appears in the quadruple division of the castes in the Purusa-sūkta (‘hymn of man’) of the Rigveda. It seems certain that in the Rigveda this Brāhmaṇa, or Brahmin, is already a separate caste, differing from the warrior and agricultural castes. The texts regularly claim for them a superiority to the Kṣatriya caste, and the Brahmin is able by his spells or manipulation of the rite to embroil the people and the warriors or the different sections of the warriors. If it is necessary to. recognize, as is sometimes done, that the Brahmin does pay homage to the king at the Rājasūya, nevertheless the unusual fact is carefully explained away so as to leave the priority of the Brahmin unaffected. But it is expressly recognized that the union of the Ksatriya and the Brāhmaṇa is essential for complete prosperity. It is admitted that the king or the nobles might at times oppress the Brahmins, but it is indicated that ruin is then certain swiftly to follow. The Brahmins are gods on earth, like the gods in heaven, but this claim is hardly found in the Rigveda. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Brahmin is said to be the ‘ recipient of gifts * (ādāyt) and the * drinker of the offering ’ (āpāyT). The other two epithets applied, āvasāyī and yathā- kāma-prayāpya, are more obscure; the former denotes either ‘ dwelling everywhere ’ or ‘ seeking food ’; the latter is usually taken as * moving at pleasure,’ but it must rather allude to the power of the king to assign a place of residence to the Brahmin. In the śatapatha Brāhmana the prerogatives of the Brah¬min are summed up as Arcā, ‘honour’; Dāna, ‘gifts’; Aj'yeyatā,‘ freedom from oppression ’; and Avadhyatā, ‘ freedom from being killed.’ On the other hand, his duties are summed up as Brāhmanya, ‘ purity of descent’; Pratirūpa-caryā, ‘devotion of the duties of his caste’; and Loka-pakti, ‘the perfecting of people ’ (by teaching). ī. Respect paid to Brahmins. The texts are full of references to the civilities to be paid to the Brahmin. He is styled bhagavant, and is provided with good food and entertain¬ment wherever he goes. Indeed, his sanctity exempts him from any close inquiry into his real claim to Brahminhood according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. Gifts to Brahmins. The Dānastuti (‘Praise of gifts’) is a recognized feature of the Rigveda, and the greed of the poets for Dakṣiṇās, or sacrificial fees, is notorious. Vedic texts themselves recognize that the literature thence resulting (Nārā- śamsī) was often false to please the donors. It was, however, a rule that Brahmins should not accept what had been refused by others; this indicates a keen sense of the danger of cheapening their wares. So exclusively theirs was the right to receive gifts that the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa has to explain how Taranta and Purumīlha became able to accept gifts by composing a Rigvedic hymn. The exaggerations in the celebration of the gifts bestowed on the priests has the curious result of giving us a series of numerals of some interest (Daśan). In some passages certain gifts those of a horse or sheep are forbidden, but this rule was not, it is clear, generally observed. Immunities of Brahmins. The Brahmin claimed to be exempt from the ordinary exercise of the royal power. When a king gives all his land and what is on it to the priests, the gift does not cover the property of the Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. The king censures all, but not the Brahmin, nor can he safely oppress any Brahmin other than an ignorant priest. An arbitrator (or a witness) must decide (or speak) for a Brahmin against a non-Brahmin in a legal dispute. The Brahmin’s proper food is the Soma, not Surā or Parisrut, and he is forbidden to eat certain forms of flesh. On the other hand, he alone is allowed to eat the remains of the sacrifice, for no one else is sufficiently holy to consume food which the gods have eaten. Moreover, though he cannot be a physician, he helps the physician by being beside him while he exercises his art. His wife and his cow are both sacred. 4.Legal Position of. Brahmins.—The Taittirīya Samhitā lays down a penalty of a hundred (the unit meant is unknown) for an insult to a Brahmin, and of a thousand for a blow ; but if his blood is drawn, the penalty is a spiritual one. The only real murder is the slaying of a Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmana. The crime of slaying a Brahmin ranks above the sin of killing any other man, but below that of killing an embryo (bhrūna) in the Yajurveda ; the crime of slaying an embryo whose sex is uncertain is on a level with that of slaying a Brahmin. The murder of a Brahmin can be expiated only by the horse sacrifice, or by a lesser rite in the late Taittirīya Araṇyaka.The ritual slaying of a Brahmin is allowed in the later ceremonial, and hinted at in the curious legend of śunahśepa ; and a Purohita might be punished with death for treachery to his master. 5.Purity of Birth. The importance of pure descent is seeη in the stress laid on being a descendant of a Rṣi (ārseya). But, on the other hand, there are clear traces of another doctrine, which requires learning, and not physical descent, as the true criterion of Rsihood. In agreement with this is the fact that Satyakāma Jābāla was received as a pupil, though his parentage was unknown, his mother being a slave girl who had been connected with several men, and that in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the ceremony on acceptance as a pupil required merely the name of the pupil. So Kavasa is taunted in the Rigveda Brāhmaṇas as being the son of a female slave (Dāsī), and Vatsa cleared himself of a similar imputation by a fire ordeal. Moreover, a very simple rite was adequate to remove doubts as to origin. In these circumstances it is doubtful whether much value attaches to the Pravara lists in which the ancestors of the priest were invoked at the beginning of the sacrifice by the Hotṛ and the Adhvaryu priests.66 Still, in many parts of the ritual the knowledge of two or more genera¬tions was needed, and in one ceremony ten ancestors who have drunk the Soma are required, but a literal performance of the rite is excused. Moreover, there are clear traces of ritual variations in schools, like those of the Vasisthas and the Viśvāmitras. 6. The Conduct of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required to maintain a fair standard of excellence. He was to be kind to all and gentle, offering sacrifice and receiving gifts. Especial stress was laid on purity of speech ; thus Viśvan- tara’s excuse for excluding the Syaparnas from his retinue was their impure (apūtā) speech. Theirs was the craving for knowledge and the life of begging. False Brahmins are those who do not fulfil their duties (cf, Brahmabandhu). But the penances for breach of duty are, in the Sūtras, of a very light and unimportant character. 7. Brahminical Studies. The aim of the priest is to obtain pre-eminence in sacred knowledge (brahma-varcasam), as is stated in numerous passages of Vedic literature. Such distinction is not indeed confined to the Brahmin: the king has it also, but it is not really in a special manner appropriate to the Kṣatriya. Many ritual acts are specified as leading to Brahmavarcasa, but more stress is laid on the study of the sacred texts : the importance of such study is repeatedly insisted upon. The technical name for study is Svādhyāya : the śatapatha Brāhmana is eloquent upon its advantages, and it is asserted that the joy of the learned śrotriya, or ‘student,’ is equal to the highest joy possible. Nāka Maudgfalya held that study and the teaching of others were the true penance (tapas).7δ The object was the ‘ threefold knowledge’ (trayī vidyā), that of the Rc, Yajus, and Sāman, a student of all three Vedas being called tri-śukriya or tn-sukra, ‘thrice pure.’ Other objects of study are enumerated in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, in the Taittirīya Aranyaka, the Chāndogya Upanisad, etc. (See Itihāsa, Purāna; Gāthā, Nārāśamsī; Brahmodya; Anuśās- ana, Anuvyākhyāna, Anvākhyāna, Kalpa, Brāhmaria; Vidyā, Ksatravidyā, Devajanavidyā, Nakçatravidyā, Bhūta- vidyā, Sarpavidyā; Atharvāñgirasah, Daiva, Nidhi, Pitrya, Rāśi; Sūtra, etc.) Directions as to the exact place and time of study are given in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka and in the Sūtras. If study is carried on in the village, it is to be done silently (manasā); if outside, aloud (vācā). Learning is expected even from persons not normally competent as teachers, such as the Carakas, who are recognized in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as possible sources of information. Here, too, may be mentioned the cases of Brahmins learning from princes, though their absolute value is doubtful, for the priests would naturally represent their patrons as interested in their sacred science: it is thus not necessary to see in these notices any real and independent study on the part of the Kṣatriyas. Yājñavalkya learnt from Janaka, Uddālaka Aruni and two other Brahmins from Pravāhaṇa Jaivali, Drptabālāki Gārgya from Ajātaśatru, and five Brahmins under the lead of Aruṇa from Aśvapati Kaikeya. A few notices show the real educators of thought: wandering scholars went through the country and engaged in disputes and discussions in which a prize was staked by the disputants. Moreover, kings like Janaka offered rewards to the most learned of the Brahmins; Ajātaśatru was jealous of his renown, and imitated his generosity. Again, learned women are several times mentioned in the Brāhmaṇas. A special form of disputation was the Brahmodya, for which there was a regular place at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and at the Daśarātra (‘ ten-day festival,). The reward of learning was the gaining of the title of Kavi or Vipra, ‘ sage.’ 8. The Functions of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required not merely to practise individual culture, but also to give others the advantage of his skill, either as a teacher or as a sacrificial priest, or as a Purohita. As a teacher the Brahmin has, of course, the special duty of instructing his own son in both study and sacrificial ritual. The texts give examples of this, such as Áruṇi and Svetaketu, or mythically Varuṇa and Bhṛgu. This fact also appears from some of the names in the Vamśa Brāhmana" of the Sāmaveda and the Vamśa (list of teachers) of the śāñkhāyana Áraṇyaka. On the other hand, these Vamśas and the Vamśas of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa show that a father often preferred to let his son study under a famous teacher. The relation of pupil and teacher is described under Brahmacarya. A teacher might take several pupils, and he was bound to teach them with all his heart and soul. He was bound to reveal everything to his pupil, at any rate to one who was staying with him for a year (saηivatsara-vāsin), an expression which shows, as was natural, that a pupil might easily change teachers. But, nevertheless, certain cases of learning kept secret and only revealed to special persons are enumerated. The exact times and modes of teaching are elaborately laid down in the Sūtras, but not in the earlier texts. As priest the Brahmin operated in all the greater sacrifices; the simple domestic {grhya) rites could normally be performed without his help, but not the more important rites {śrauta). The number varied : the ritual literature requires sixteen priests to be employed at the greatest sacrifices (see Rtvij), but other rites could be accomplished with four, five, six, seven, or ten priests. Again, the Kauçītakins had a seventeenth priest beside the usual sixteen, the Sadasya, so called because he watched the performance from the Sadas, seat.’ In one rite, the Sattra (‘sacrificial session') of the serpents, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, adds three more to the sixteen, a second Unnetṛ, an Abhigara, and an Apagara. The later ritual places the Brahman at the head of all the priests, but this is probably not the early view (see Brahman). The sacrifice ensured, if properly performed, primarily the advantages of the sacrificer (yajamāna), but the priest shared in the profit, besides securing the Daksiṇās. Disputes between sacrificers and the priests were not rare, as in the case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas, or Janamejaya and the Asitamrgras and the Aiçāvīras are referred to as undesirable priests. Moreover, Viśvāmitra once held the post of Purohita to Sudās, but gave place to Vasiṣtha. The position of Purohita differed considerably from that of the ordinary priest, for the Purohita not merely might officiate at the sacrifice, but was the officiator in all the private sacrifices of his king. Hence he could, and undoubtedly sometimes did, obtain great influence over his master in matters of secular importance; and the power of the priesthood in political as opposed to domestic and religious matters, no doubt rested on the Purohita. There is no recognition in Vedic literature of the rule later prevailing by which, after spending part of his life as a Brahma- cārin, and part as a householder, the Brahmin became an ascetic (later divided into the two stages of Vānaprastha, ‘forest-dweller,’ and Samnyāsin, ‘mystic ’). Yājñavalkya's case shows that study of the Absolute might empty life of all its content for the sage, and drive him to abandon wife and family. In Buddhist times the same phenomenon is seen applying to other than Brahmins. The Buddhist texts are here confirmed in some degree by the Greek authorities. The practice bears a certain resemblance to the habit of kings, in the Epic tradition,of retiring to the forest when active life is over. From the Greek authorities it also appears what is certainly the case in the Buddhist literature that Brahmins practised the most diverse occupations. It is difficult to say how far this was true for the Vedic period. The analogy of the Druids in some respects very close suggests that the Brahmins may have been mainly confined to their professional tasks, including all the learned professions such as astronomy and so forth. This is not contradicted by any Vedic evidence ; for instance, the poet of a hymn of the Rigveda says he is a poet, his father a physician (Bhiṣaj), and his mother a grinder of corn (Upala-prakṣiṇī). This would seem to show that a Brahmin could be a doctor, while his wife would perform the ordinary household duties. So a Purohita could perhaps take the field to assist the king by prayer, as Viśvāmitra, and later on Vasiṣtha do, but this does not show that priests normally fought. Nor do they seem normally to have been agriculturists or merchants. On the other hand, they kept cattle: a Brahmacarin’s duty was to watch his master’s cattle.129 It is therefore needless to suppose that they could not, and did not, on occasion turn to agricultural or mercan¬tile pursuits, as they certainly did later. But it must be remembered that in all probability there was more purity of blood, and less pressure of life, among the Brahmins of the Vedic age than later in Buddhist times, when the Vedic sacrificial apparatus was falling into grave disrepute. It is clear that the Brahmins, whatever their defects, represented the intellectual side of Vedic life, and that the Kṣatriyas, if they played a part in that life, did so only in a secondary degree, and to a minor extent. It is natural to suppose that the Brahmins also composed ballads, the precursors of the epic; for though none such have survived, a few stanzas of this character, celebrating the generosity of patrons, have been preserved by being embedded in priestly compositions. A legend in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa shows clearly that the Brahmins regarded civilization as being spread by them only: Kosala and Videha, no doubt settled by Aryan tribes, are only rendered civilized and habitable by the influence of pious Brahmins. We need not doubt that the non-Brahminical tribes (see Vrātya) had attained intellectual as well as material civilization, but it is reasonable to assume that their civilization was inferior to that of the Brahmins, for the history of Hinduism is the conquest by the Brahmins not by arms, but by mind of the tribes Aryan and non-Aryan originally beyond the pale.
bhagīratha aikṣvāka (Descendant of Ikṣvāku’) is the name of a king in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa. It is important to note that he is regarded as being on friendly terms with the Kuru-Pañcālas, which points to the Ikṣvākus being allied to that people, and not belonging (as is the case in the Buddhist books) to the east of India.
bhayada ásamātya (‘Descendant of Asamāti ’) is the name of a king in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. Oertel, however, seems to take the name as Abhayada, but this is not probable, for Bhayada is a name in the Purāṇas.
bharata Is the name of a people of great importance in the Rigveda and the later literature. In the Rigveda they appear prominently in the third and seventh Maṇdalas in connexion with Sudās and the Tftsus, while in the sixth Maṇdala they are associated with Divodāsa. In one passage the Bharatas are, like the Tṛtsus, enemies of the Pūrus: there can be little doubt that Ludwig’s view of the identity of the Bharatas and and Tṛtsus is practically correct. More precisely Oldenberg considers that the Tṛtsus are the Vasiṣhas, the family singers of the Bharatas; while Geldner recognizes, with perhaps more probability, in the Tṛtsus the royal family of the Bharatas. That the Tṛtsus and Bharatas were enemies, as Zimmer holds, is most improbable even on geographical grounds, for the Tṛtsus in Zimmer’s view occupied the country to the east of the Paruçṇī (Ravi), and the Bharatas must therefore be regarded as coming against the Tṛtsus from the west, whereas the Rigveda recognizes two Bharata chiefs on the Sarasvatī, Ápayā, and Dpçadvatī that is, in the holy land of India, the Madhyadeśa. Hillebrandt sees in the connexion of the Tṛtsus and the Bharatas a fusion of two tribes; but this is not supported by any evidence beyond the fact that in his opinion some such theory is needed to explain Divodāsa's appearing in connexion with the Bharadvāja family, while Sudās, his son, or perhaps grandson {cf. Pijavana), is connected with the Vasiṣthas and the Viśvāmitras. In the later literature the Bharatas appear as especially famous. The śatapatha Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as a king, sacrificer of the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and śatānīka Sātrājita, as another Bharata who offered that sacrifice. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as receiving the kingly coronation from Dlrghatamas Māmateya, and śatānīka as being consecrated by Somaśuçman Vājaratnāyana, a priest whose name is of quite late origin. The geographical position of the Bharata people is clearly shown by the fact that the Bharata kings win victories over the Kāśis, and make offerings on the Yamunā (Jumna) and Gañgfā (Ganges). Moreover, in the formula of the king’s proclamation for the people, the variants recorded include Kuravah, Pañcālāh, Kuru-Pañcālāh,, and Bharatāh ; and the Mahābhārata consistently recognizes the royal family of the Kurus as a Bharata family. It is therefore extremely probable that Oldenberg is right in holding that the Bharatas in the times of the Brāhmaṇas were merging in the Kuru-Pañcāla people. The ritual practices of the Bharatas are repeatedly mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, and the Taittirīya Aranyaka. Already in the Rigveda there is mention made of Agni Bhārata (‘of the Bharatas’). In the Apr! hymns occurs a goddess Bhāratī, the personified divine protective power of the Bharatas : her association in the hymns with Sarasvatī reflects the connexion 'of the Bharatas with the Sarasvatī in the Rigveda. Again, in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Agni is referred to as brāhmana Bhārata, ‘priest of the Bharatas,’ and is invited to dispose of the offering Manusvat Bharatavat, ‘like Manu,’ ‘like Bharata.’ In one or two passages Sudās or Divodāsa and, on the other hand, Purukutsa or Trasadasyu appear in a friendly relation. Possibly this points, as Oldenberg suggests, to the union of Bharatas and Pūrus with the Kurus. A Bharata is referred to in the fifth Mandala of the Rigveda who he was is uncertain.
bhālla Is the name or patronymic of a teacher who bears the patronymic Prātṛda in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana
bhāllavin ‘Pupil of Bhallavin,’ is the name of a school of teachers mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana.
bhikṣu ‘Beggar is a term not found in Vedic literature. The begging of the Brahmacārin is quite a different thing from the duties of the Bhikṣu in the later system of the Áśramas (religious stages of life), when the Brahmin in the last stage of his life, after leaving his home and family, lives on alms alone. See i. Brāhmaṇa.
magadha Is the name of a people who appear throughout Vedic literature as of little repute. Though the name is not actually found in the Rigveda, it occurs in the Atharvaveda, where fever is wished away to the Gandhāris and Mūjavants, northern peoples, and to the Añgfas and Magadhas, peoples of the east. Again, in the list of victims at the Purusamedha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Yajurveda,3 the Māgadha, or man of Magadha, is included as dedicated to ati-krusta, ‘ loud noise ’ (?), while in the Vrātya hymn of the Atharvaveda[1] the Māgadha is said to be connected with the Vrātya as his Mitra, his Mantra, his laughter, and his thunder in the four quarters. In the śrauta Sūtras6 the equipment characteristic of the Vrātya is said to be given, when the latter is admitted into the Aryan Brahminical community, to a bad Brahmin living in Magadha ·(brahma-bandhu Māgadha-deśīya), but this point does not occur in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa. On the other hand, respectable Brahmins sometimes lived there, for the Kausītaki Araṇyaka mentions Madhyama, Prātībodhī-putra, as Magadha-vāsin, ‘living in Magadha.’ Oldenberg, however, seems clearly right in regarding this as unusual. The Magadhas are evidently a people in the Baudhāyana and other Sūtras, possibly also in the Aitareya Araṇyaka. It is therefore most improbable that Zimmer can be right in thinking that in the Yajurveda and the Atharvaveda the λlāgadha is not a man of Magadha, but a member of the mixed caste produced by a Vaiśya marrying a Kṣatriya woman. But the theory of mixed castes, in any case open to some doubt, cannot be accepted when used to explain such obviously tribal names as Māgadha. The fact that the Māgadha is often in later times a minstrel is easily accounted for by the assumption that the country was the home of minstrelsy, and that wandering bards from Magadha were apt to visit the more western lands. This class the later texts recognize as a caste, inventing an origin by intermarriage of the old-established castes. The dislike of the Magadhas, which may be Rigvedic, since the Kīkatas were perhaps the prototype of the Magadhas, was in all probability due, as Oldenberg13 thinks, to the fact that the Magadhas were not really Brahminized. This is entirely in accord with the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa14 that neither Kosala nor Videha were fully Brahminized at an early date, much less Magadha. Weber15 suggests two other grounds that may have influeṇced the position—the persistence of aboriginal blood and the growth of Buddhism. The latter consideration is hardly applicable to the Yajurveda or the Atharvaveda; but the imperfect Brahminization of the land, if substituted for it in accordance with Oldenberg’s suggestion, would have some force. The former motive, despite Olden- berg’s doubt, seems fully justified. Pargiter18 has gone so far as to suggest that in Magadha the Aryans met and mingled with a body of invaders from the east by sea. Though there is no evidence for this view in the Vedic texts, it is reason¬able to suppose that the farther east the Aryans penetrated, the less did they impress themselves upon the aborigines. Modern ethnology confirms this a priori supposition in so far as it shows Aryan types growing less and less marked as the eastern part of India is reached, although such evidence is not decisive in view of the great intermixture of peoples in India.
maṇḍūka Is the name of ‘frog’ in the Rigveda and later, the feminine Maṇdūkī also occurring. The famous frog hymn of the Rigveda compares with Brahmins the frogs croaking as they awake to activity at the beginning of the rains. It has been explained by Max Mūller as a satire on the Brahmins. Geldner, agreeing with this view, thinks that it is directed by its Vasiçtha composer against rival Brahmins, probably the Viśvāmitras. The view, however, which interprets the hymn as a rain charm seems on the whole more likely. The frog, from its connexion with water, was considered to have cooling properties. Thus after the burning of the dead body the frog is invited to come to the spot where the cremation has taken place in order to cool it down. Similarly the frog is invoked in the Atharvaveda against the fire of fever.
matsya Appears to be the name of a people in one passage of the Rigveda, where they are ranged with the other enemies of Sudās, although it is possible to see merely the sense of fish ’ in that passage. In the list of Aśvamedhins, offerers of the horse sacrifice,’ in the śatapatha Brāhmana, Dhvasan Dvaitavana is mentioned as a Matsya king (Mātsya). The Matsyas as a people occur also in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad in connexion with the Vaáas, and in the Gopatha Brāhmana5 in connexion with śālvas. In Manu the Kurukçetra, the Matsyas, the Pancālas, and the śūrasβnakas comprise the land of the Brahmin "Rsis (brahmarsi-deśa). There is no reason to doubt that the Matsyas occupied much the same territory as in Epic times, say Ahvar, Jaipur, Bharatpur.
madhyadeśa The ‘Middle Country,’ is, according to the Mānava Dharma śāstra, the land between the Himālaya in the north, the Vindhya in the south, Vinaáana in the west, and Prayāga (now Allahabad) in the east that is, between the place where the Sarasvatī disappears in the desert, and the point of the confluence of the Yamunā (Jumna) and the Gañgā (Ganges). The same authority defines Brahmarsi-deśa as denoting the land of Kuruksetra, the Matsyas, Pañcālas, and śūrasenakas, and Brahmāvarta as meaning the particularly holy land between the Sarasvatī and the Drṣadvatī. The Baudhāyana Dharma Sūtra4 defines Áryāvarta as the land east of Vinaśana; west of the Kālaka-vana, ‘ Black Forest,’ or rather Kanakhala, near Hardvār; south of the Himālaya; and north of the Pāriyātra or the Pāripātra Mountains; adding that, in the opinion of others, it was confined to the country between the Yamunā and the Gañgā, while the Bhāllavins took it as the country between the boundary-river (or perhaps the Saras-vatī) and the region where the sun rises. The Mānava Dharma śāstra, in accord with the Vasiṣṭha Dharma Sūtra, defines Áryāvarta as the region between the Vindhya and the Himālaya, the two ranges which seem to be the boundaries of the Aryan world in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad also. The term Madhyadeśa is not Vedic, but it is represented in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa by the expression madhyamā pratisthā diś, ‘ the middle fixed region,’ the inhabitants of which are stated to be the Kurus, the Pañcālas, the Vaśas, and the Uśīnaras. The latter two peoples practically disappear later on, the Madhyadeśa being the country of the Kuru-Pañcālas, the land where the Brāhmaṇas and the later Samhitās were produced, bounded on the east by the Kosala-Videhas, and on the west by the desert. The western tribes are mentioned with disapproval both in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, while the tradition of the Brahminization of the Kosalas and the Videhas from the Kuru-Pañcāla country is preserved in the former Brāhmaṇa.
manā Is found in one passage of the Rigveda in an enumera­tion of gifts, where it is described as ‘ golden’ (sacā manā hiranyayā). It therefore seems to designate some ornament, or possibly a weight, and has accordingly been compared with the Greek μva (Herodotus has μvia), the Latin mina. All three words have been considered Semitic in origin, as borrowed from the Phoenicians in the case of Greece, from Carthage by way of Etruria or Sicily in the case of Rome, and from Babylon in the case of India. The identification as regards Manā is very conjectural, depending merely on the probabilities of Babylonian borrowing seen—e.g., in the legend of the flood, and in the system of the Nakṣatras. On the other hand, Manā may very well be identical with the word manā which occurs several times in the Rigveda in the sense of ‘ desire ’ (from the root man, ‘think’), and which may have in this one passage the concrete sense of‘desirable object.’ It is to be noted that in Bohtlingk’s Dictionary a single word Manā appears, to which the only senses assigned are ‘wish,’ ‘ desire,’ ‘jealousy.’
mahānagnī In the Atharvaveda denotes a ‘ courtesan.’ The masculine, Mahā-nagna, ‘paramour,’ is probably secondarily derived from the feminine Mahānagnī.
mahābrāhmaria A ‘great Brahmin,’ is found in the Brhad­āraṇyaka Upanisad denoting a Brahmin of great consequence. Cf. Maharsi.
mahāvṛṣa Is the name of a tribe mentioned along with the ! Mμjavants in the Atharvaveda as a locality to which fever is to be relegated. It is reasonable to suppose that they were northerners, though Bloomfield suggests that the name may be chosen more for its sound and sense (as ‘of mighty strength’ to resist the disease) than for its geographical position. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad3 the place Raikvaparṇa is said to be in the Mahāvrṣa country. The king of the Mahāvrṣas in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa is said to be Hrtsvāśaya. The Mahāvṛṣas are also known from a Mantra in the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra.
mahāśāla (lit., ‘having a great house’), a ‘great house­holder,’ is an expression applied in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad to the Brahmins who were instructed by Aśvapati, no doubt to emphasize their importance. C/. Mahābrāhmaṇa.
mahāśāla jābāla Is the name of a teacher twice men­tioned in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, once as instructing Dhīra — śātaparṇeya, and once as one of the Brahmins who received instruction from Aśvapati. In the parallel passage of the Chāndogya Upaniṣad the name is Prācīnaśāla Aupaman- yava. The word must be considered a proper name rather than an adjective (Mahāáāla), as it is taken in the St. Petersburg Dictionary.
mahidāsa aitareya (‘Descendant of Itara or Itarā’) is the name of the sage from whom the Aitareya Brāhmana and Aranyaka take their names. He is several times referred to in the Aitareya Araṇyaka, but not as its author. He is credited with a life of 116 years in the Chāndogya Upanisad and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana.
mahiṣa the ‘strong,’ with or without Mpga, ‘wild beast,’ denotes the ‘ buffalo ’ in the Rigveda and the later texts. The feminine, Mahiṣī, is found in the later Samhitās.
māṃsa ‘Flesh.’ The eating of flesh appears as something quite regular in the Vedic texts, which show no trace of the doctrine of Ahimsā, or abstaining from injury to animals. For example, the ritual offerings of flesh contemplate that the gods will eat it, and again the Brahmins ate the offerings.1 Again, the slaying of a ‘ great ox ’ (mahoksa) or a ‘ great goat ’ (mahāja) for a guest was regularly prescribed ; and the name Atithigva probably means ‘slaying cows for guests.’The great sage Yājñavalkya was wont to eat the meat of milch cows and bullocks (dhenv-anaduha) if only it was amsala (‘ firm ’ or ‘ tender ’).The slaughter of a hundred bulls (uksan) was credited to one sacrificer, Agastya. The marriage ceremony was accompanied by the slaying of oxen, clearly for food. That there was any general objection to the eating of flesh is most improbable. Sometimes it is forbidden, as when a man is performing a vow, or its use is disapproved, as in a passage of the Atharvaveda, where meat is classed with Surā, or intoxicating liquor, as a bad thing. Again, in the Rigveda® the slaying of the cows is said to take place in the Aghās, a deliberate variation for Maghās; but this may be the outcome merely of a natural association of death with gloom, even when cows alone are the victims in question. The Brāhmaṇas also contain the doctrine of the eater in this world being eaten in the next, but this is not to be regarded as a moral or religious disapproval of eating flesh, though it no doubt contains the germ of such a view, which is also in harmony with the persuasion of the unity of existence, which becomes marked in the Brāhmaṇas. But Ahimsā as a developed and articulate doctrine would seem to have arisen from the acceptance of the doctrine of transmigration, which in its fundamentals is later than the Brāhmaṇa period. On the other hand, it is to be noted that the cow was on the road to acquire special sanctity in the Rigveda, as is shown by the name aghnyā, ‘not to be slain,’ applied to it in several passages. But this fact cannot be regarded as showing that meat eating generally was condemned. Apart from mythical considerations, such as the identification of the cow with earth or Aditi (which are, of course, much more than an effort of priestly ingenuity), the value of the cow for other purposes than eating was so great as to account adequately for its sanctity, the beginnings of which can in fact be traced back to Indo-Iranian times. Moreover, the ritual of the cremation of the dead required the slaughter of a cow as an essential part, the flesh being used to envelope the dead body. The usual food of the Vedic Indian, as far as flesh was concerned, can be gathered from the list of sacrificial victims: what man ate he presented to the gods—that is, the sheep, the goat, and the ox. The horse sacrifice was an infrequent exception: it is probably not to be regarded as a trace of the use of horseflesh as food, though the possibility of such being the case cannot be overlooked in view of the widespread use of horseflesh as food in different countries and times. It is, however, more likely that the aim of this sacrifice was to impart magic strength, the speed and vigour of the horse, to the god and his worshippers, as Oldenberg argues.
māgadhadeáīya ‘Belonging to the district of Magadha,’ is the description in the Sūtras of a Brahmin of Magadha.
mācala Mentioned in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, apparently denotes some sort of dog found in Vidarbha.
māturbhrātra Is a curiously formed compound, occurring once in the Maitrāyani Samhitā as a designation of the maternal uncle,’ who in the Sūtra period bears the name of Mātula. Thus little is heard of the maternal uncle in the Vedic period: it is not till the Epic that traces appear of his prominence as compared with the paternal uncle (pitrvya). This fact is significant for the ‘patriarchal’ character of the early Indian family organization.
māsa Denotes a 'month' a period of time repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda and lateṛ The Characteristic days (or rather nights) of the month were those of new moon, Amā-vasya, 'home-staying (night),' and 'of the full moon,' Paurṇa-māsi. Two hymns of the Atharvveda celebrate these days respectively. A personification of the phases of the moon is seen in the four names Sinīvālī the day before new moon; Kuhū also called Guṅgū, the new moon day;Anumati, the day before full moon; and Rākā, the day of new mooṇ The importance of the new and full moon days respectively. One special day in the month, the Ekāṣṭakā, or eighth day after full moon, was importanṭ In the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa there stated to be in the year twelve such, mentioned between the twelve days of full moon and twelve days of new moon. But one Ekāṣṭakā is referred to in the Yajurveda Saṃhitas and elsewhere as of quite special importance. This was, in the accordant opinion of most comentators, the eighth day after the full moon of Magha. It marked the end of the year, or the begining of the new year. Though the Kauṣītaki Brāmaṇa places places the winter solstice in the new moon of Māgha, the latter date probably means the new moon preceding full moon in Māgha, not the new moon following full moon; but it is perhaps possible to account adequately for the importance of the Ekāstakā as being the first Aṣṭakā after the beginning of the new year. It is not certain exactly how the month was reckoned, whether from the day after new moon to new moon—the system known as amānta, or from the day after full moon to full moon—the pūr- nimānta system, which later, at any rate, was followed in North India, while the other system prevailed in the south. Jacobi argues that the year began in the full moon of Phālguna, and that only by the full moon’s conjunction with the Nakṣatra could the month be known. Oldenberg12 points to the fact that the new moon is far more distinctively an epoch than the full moon; that the Greek, Roman, and Jewish years began with the new moon; and that the Vedic evidence is the division of the month into the former (j>ūrva) and latter (apara) halves, the first being the bright (śukla), the second the dark (krsna) period. Thibaut considers that to assume the existence of the pīirnimānta system for the Veda is unnecessary, though possible. Weber assumes that it occurs in the Kausītaki Brāhmaṇa as held by the scholiasts. But it would probably be a mistake to press that passage, or to assume that the amānta system was rigidly accepted in the Veda: it seems at least as probable that the month was vaguely regarded as beginning with the new moon day, so that new moon preceded full moon, which was in the middle, not the end or. the beginning of the month. That a month regularly had 30 days is established by the conclusive evidence of numerous passages in which the year is given 12 months and 360 days. This month is known from the earliest records, being both referred to directly and alluded to. It is the regular month of the Brāhmaṇas, and must be regarded as the month which the Vedic Indian recognized. No other month is mentioned as such in• the Brāhmaṇa literature ; it is only in the Sūtras that months of different length occur. The Sāmaveda Sūtras10 refer to (i) years with 324 days—i.e., periodic years with 12 months of 27 days each; (2) years with 351 days—i.e., periodic years with 12 months of 27 days each, plus another month of 27 days; (3) years with 354 days—i.e., 6 months of 30 days, and 6 with 29 days, in other words, lunar synodic years; (4) years with 360 days, or ordinary civil (sāvana) years; (5) years with 378 days, which, as Thibaut clearly shows, are third years, in which, after two years of 360 days each, 18 days were added to bring about correspondence between the civil year and the solar year of 366 days. But even the Sāmasūtras do not mention the year of 366 days, which is first known to the Jyotiṣa and to Garga. That the Vedic period was acquainted with the year of 354 days cannot be affirmed with certainty. Zimmer, indeed, thinks that it is proved by the fact that pregnancy is estimated at ten months, or sometimes a year. But Weber may be right in holding that the month is the periodic month of 27 days, for the period is otherwise too long if a year is taken. On the other hand, the period of ten months quite well suits the period of gestation, if birth takes place in the tenth month, so that in this sense the month of 30 days may well be meant. The year of 12 months of 30 days each being admittedly quite unscientific, Zimmer23 is strongly of opinion that it was only used with a recognition of the fact that intercalation took place, and that the year formed part of a greater complex, normally the five year Yuga or cycle. This system is well known from the Jyotiṣa: it consists of 62 months of 29£4 days each = 1,830 days (two of these months being intercalary, one in the middle and one at the end), or 61 months of 30 days, or 60 months of 30^ days, the unit being clearly a solar year of 366 days. It is not an ideal system, since the year is too long; but it is one which cannot be claimed even for the Brāhmaṇa period, during which no decision as to the true length of the year seems to have been arrived at. The references to it seen by Zimmer in the Rigveda are not even reasonably plausible, while the pañcaka yuga, cited by him from the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, occurs only in a quotation in a commentary, and has no authority for the text itself. On the other hand, there was undoubtedly some attempt to bring the year of 360 days—a synodic lunar year—roughly into connexion with reality. A Sāmasūtra27 treats it as a solar year, stating that the sun perambulates each Naxatra in days, while others again evidently interpolated 18 days every third year, in order to arrive at some equality. But Vedic literature, from the Rigveda downwards,29 teems with the assertion of the difficulty of ascertaining the month. The length is variously given as 30 days, 35 days,31 or 36 days. The last number possibly indicates an intercalation after six years (6x6 = 36, or for ritual purposes 35), but for this we have no special evidence. There are many references to the year having 12 or 13 months. The names of the months are, curiously enough, not at all ancient. The sacrificial texts of the Yajurveda give them in their clearest form where the Agnicayana, ‘building of the fire-altar,’ is described. These names are the following: (1) Madhu, (2) Mādhava (spring months, vāsantikāv rtū); (3) Sukra, (4) Suci (summer months, graismāv rtū); (5) Nabha (or Nabhas), (6) Nabhasya (rainy months, vārsikāv rtū); (7) Iṣa, (8) ūrja (autumn months, śāradāυ rtū); (9) Saha (or Sahas),35 (10) Sahasya (winter months, haimantikāυ rtū); (II) Tapa (or Tapas),35 (12) Tapasya (cool months, śaiśirāv rtū). There are similar lists in the descriptions of the Soma sacrifice and of the horse sacrifice, all of them agreeing in essentials. There are other lists of still more fanciful names, but these have no claim at all to represent actual divisions in popular use. It is doubtful if the list given above is more than a matter of priestly invention. Weber points out that Madhu and Mādhava later appear as names of spring, and that these two are mentioned in the Taittirīya Aranyaka as if actually employed; but the evidence is very inadequate to show that the other names of the months given in the list were in ordinary use. In some of these lists the intercalary month is mentioned. The name given to it in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā is Amhasas- pati, while that given in the Taittirīya and Maitrāyaṇī Sarphitās is Sarpsarpa. The Kāthaka Sarphitā gives it the name of Malimluca, which also occurs elsewhere, along with Samsarpa, in one of the lists of fanciful names. The Atharvaveda describes it as sanisrasa, ‘slipping,’ owing no doubt to its unstable condition. The other method of naming the months is from the Nakçatras. It is only beginning to be used in the Brāhmaṇas, but is found regularly in the Epic and later. The Jyotisa mentions that Māgha and Tapa were identical: this is the fair interpretation of the passage, which also involves the identifica¬tion of Madhu with Caitra, a result corresponding with the view frequently found in the Brāhmanas, that the full moon in Citrā, and not that in Phalgunī, is the beginning of the year. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa are found two curious expressions, yava and ayava, for the light and dark halves of the month, which is clearly considered to begin with the light half. Possibly the words are derived, as Eggling thinks, from yu, ‘ ward off,’ with reference to evil spirits. The word Parvan (‘ joint ’ = division of time) probably denotes a half of the month, perhaps already in the Rigveda. More precisely the first half, the time of the waxing light, is called pūrva-paksa, the second, that of the waning light, apara-paka. Either of these might be called a half-month (ardha-ināsa).
mitrabhūti lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is mentioned in the Vaṃśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa as a pupil of Krçṇadatta Lauhitya.
muñja sāmaśravasa (‘Descendant of Sāmaśravas’) is the name of a man, possibly a king, mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmana and the Sadvimśa Brāhmana.
muhūrta Denotes a division of time, one-thirtieth of a day, or an hour of forty-eight minutes, in the Brāhmaṇas. In the Rigveda the sense of ‘moment' only is found. Cf. Ahan.
mūjavant Is the name of a people who, along with the Mahāvṛṣas, the Gandhāris, and the Balhikas, are mentioned in the Atharvaveda as dwelling far away, and to whom fever is to be banished. Similarly in the Yajurveda Samhitās the Mūjavants are chosen as a type of distant folk, beyond which Rudra with his bow is entreated to depart. In the Rigveda Soma is described as Maujavata, coming from the Mūjavants,’ or, as Yāska takes it, ‘ from Mount Mūjavant.’ The Indian commentators agree with Yāska in taking Mūjavant as the name of a mountain, and though Hillebrandt is justified in saying that the identification of Mūjavant by Zimmer with one of the lower hills on the south-west of Kaśmīr lacks evidence, it is not reasonable to deny that Mūjavant was a hill from which the people took their name. Yāska suggests that Mūjavant is equivalent to Muñjavant, which actually occurs later, in the Epic, as the name of a mountain in the Himālaya.
mūtiba Appears in the Aitareya Brāhmana as the name of one of the barbarous peoples enumerated as nominally Viśvā- mitra’s outcast offspring. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra gives the name as Mūcīpa or Mūvīpa.
mṛga hastin The ‘animal with a hand,’ is mentioned in the elephant is meant, but concludes that the compound name is a proof of the newness of the elephant to the Vedic Indians. Later the adjective Hastin alone became the regular name of the animal (like Mahiça of the ‘buffalo’)• The elephant is also denoted in the Rigveda by the descriptive term Mrga Vārana, the wild or dangerous animal,’ the adjective vārana similarly becoming one of the names for ‘elephant’ in the later language. Pischel’s view that the catching of elephants by the use of tame female elephants is already alluded to in the Rigveda seems very doubtful. In the Aitareya Brāhmana elephants are described as black, white-toothed, adorned with gold.’
methi Is found in the Atharvaveda denoting ‘post.’ The word is also found in the marriage ritual, when the sense is, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, a post to support the pole of a chariot. In one perhaps used of posts forming a passage of the Rigveda it is palisade. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa it appears in the form of Methī to denote the post to which the sacrificial cow is tied. The word is very variously spelt, Medhi and Methī also being found.
maināla Occurs in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Yaj'urveda. It seems clearly to mean ‘fisherman’ from Mina, ‘fish,’ as Sāyana and Mahī- dhara explain it.
mleccha Occurs in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa in the sense of a barbarian in speech. The Brahmin is there forbidden to use barbarian speech. The example given of such speech is he Ίανο, explained by Sāyana as he ’rayah, ‘ ho, foes.’ If this is correct—the Kāṇva recension has a different reading—the barbarians referred to were Aryan speakers, though not speakers of Sanskrit, but of a Prākṛta form of speech. Cf Vāc.
yajñopavīta Denotes the ‘ wearing of the Brahminical thread over the left shoulder at the sacrifice,’ and is mentioned as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa. Tilak, however, urges that it was not originally a thread that was worn, but a garment of cloth (Vāsas) or of deerskin (Ajina). This seems quite probable.
yajñopavīta Denotes the ‘ wearing of the Brahminical thread over the left shoulder at the sacrifice,’ and is mentioned as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa. Tilak, however, urges that it was not originally a thread that was worn, but a garment of cloth (Vāsas) or of deerskin (Ajina). This seems quite probable.
yaśasvin jayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Kṛṣṇarāta Triveda Lauhitya in the Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāh­mana.
yātudhāna In the Rigveda and later denotes a ‘sorcerer,’ ‘wizard,'or ‘magician.’ The sense of the Rigveda is clearly unfavourable to sorcery. The feminine, Yātudhānl, is also found in the Rigveda and later.
raji Occurs in the Rigveda seemingly as the name of a king, or perhaps demon, slain by Indra for Pithīnas.
ratnin Receiving gifts,’ is the term applied to those people of the royal entourage in whose houses the Ratna-havis, a special rite, was performed in the course of the Rājasūya or ‘ royal consecration.’ The list given in the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa consists of the Brahman (i.e., the Purohita), the Rājanya, the Mahiṣī (the first wife of the king), the Vāvāta (the favourite wife of the king), the Parivṛktī (the discarded wife), the Senānī, ‘ commander of the army ’; the Sūta, ‘ charioteer ’; the Grāmaṇī, ‘ village headman ’;. the Kṣattṛ, ‘ chamberlain ’; the Samgrahītṛ, ‘ charioteer ’ or ‘ treasurer ’; the Bhāgadugha, ‘ collector of taxes ’ or ‘ divider of food ’; and the Akṣāvāpa, ‘ superintender of dicing ’ or ‘ thrower of dice.’ In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the order is Senānī; Purohita; Mahiṣī; Sūta; Grāmaṇī; Kṣattṛ; Sam- grahitṛ; Bhāgadugha; Akṣāvāpa; Go-nikartana, ‘ slayer of cows’ or ‘huntsman’; and Pālāgala, ‘courier’; the ‘discarded wife’ being mentioned as forbidden to stay at‘home on the day of the ceremony of offering a pap for Nirṛti in her house. In the Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā the list is Brahman (i.e., Puro¬hita) ; Rājan; Mahiṣī; Parivṛktī; Senānī; Saṃgrahītṛ; Kṣattṛ; Sūta; Vaiśyagrāmaṇī; Bhāgadugha; Takṣa-Rathakārau, ‘ carpenter and chariot-máker ’; Akṣāvāpa; and Go-vikarta. The Kāthaka Samhitā substitutes Go-vyacha for Govikarta, and omits Takṣa-Rathakārau. It will be seen that the list is essentially that of the royal household, and of the king’s servants in the administration of the country, though the exact sense of SamgTahītf, Bhāga- dug'ha, Sūta, Grāmaṇī, Kçattp, is open to reasonable doubt, mainly as to whether public officers or private servants are meant, for the names are of uncertain significance. A briefer list of eight Vīras, ‘ heroes,’ as among the friends of the king, is given in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana : brother, son, Purohita, Mahisī, Sūta, Grāmaṇī, Kṣattṛ, and Samgrahītṛ.
ratha in the Rigveda and later denotes ‘chariot’ as opposed to Anas, ‘cart,’ though the distinction is not absolute. Of differences in the structure of the two we have no information, except that the Kha, or nave hole, in the wheel of the chariot was greater than in that of the cart. The chariot has, as a rule, two wheels (Cakra), to which reference is frequently made. The wheel consisted of a rim (Pavi), a felly (Pradhi), spokes (Ara), and a nave (Nabhya). The rim and the felly together constitute the Nemi. The hole in the nave is called Kha: into it the end of the axle was inserted; but there is some uncertainty whether Ani denotes the extremity of the axle that was inserted in the nave, or the lynch-pin used to keep that extremity in the wheel. Sometimes a solid wheel was used. The axle (Akṣa) was, in some cases, made of Araψu. wood; round its ends the wheels revolved. To the axle was attached the body of the chariot (Kośa). This part is also denoted by the word Vandhura, which more precisely means the ‘ seat ’ of the chariot. The epithet tri-vandhura is used of the chariot of the Aśvins, seemingly to correspond with another of its epithets, tri-cakra: perhaps, as Weber thinks, a chariot with three seats and three wheels was a real form of vehicle; but Zimmer considers that the vehicle was purely mythical. Garta also denotes the seat of the warrior. At right angles to the axle was the pole of the chariot (īçā, Praiiga). Normally there was, it seems, one pole, on either side of which the horses were harnessed, a yoke (Yuga) being laid across their necks; the pole was passed through the hole in the yoke (called Kha or Tardman ), the yoke and the pole then being tied together. The horses were tied by the neck (grīva), where the yoke was placed, and also at the shoulder, presumably by traces fastened to a bar of wood at right angles to the pole, or fastened to the ends of the pole, if that is to be regarded, as it probably should, as of triangular shape, wide at the foot and coming to a point at the tip. The traces seem to be denoted by Raśmi and Raśanā. These words also denote the ‘ reins,’ which were fastened to the bit (perhaps śiprū) in the horse’s mouth. The driver controlled the horses by reins, and urged them on with a whip (Kaśā). The girths of the horse were called Kakṣyā. The normal number of horses seems to have been two, but three or four10 were often used. It is uncertain whether, in these cases, the extra horse was attached in front or at the side; possibly both modes were in use. Even five steeds could be employed. Horses were normally used for chariots, but the ass (gardabha) or mule (aśvatarī) are also mentioned. The ox was employed for drawing carts, and in fact derived its name, Anadvāh, from this use. Sometimes a poor man had to be content with a single steed, which then ran between two shafts. In the chariot the driver stood on the right, while the warrior was on the left, as indicated by his name, Savyeṣtha or Savyaṣhā. He could also sit when he wanted, for the chariot had seats, and an archer would naturally prefer to sit while shooting his arrows. The dimensions of the chariot are given in the śulba Sūtra of Apastamba at Angulis (finger-breadths) for the pole, for the axle, and 86 for the yoke. The material used in its construction was wood, except for the rim of the wheel. Many other parts of the chariot are mentioned, their names being often obscure in meaning: see Añka, Nyanka, Uddhi, Paksas, Pātalya, Bhurij, Rathopastha, Rathavāhana.
rathakāra ‘Chariot-maker,’ is mentioned in the Atharva­veda as one of those who are to be subject to the king, seeming to stand generally as an example of the industrial population. He is also referred to in the Yajurveda Samhitās and in the Brāhmaṇas: in all these passages, as well as probably in the Atharvaveda also, the Rathakāra already forms a caste. The later system4 regards the Rathakāra as the offspring of a Māhiṣya (the son of a Kṣatriya husband and a Vaiśya wife) and a Karanī (the daughter of a Vaiśya husband and a śūdra wife), but it is unreasonable^to suppose that such an origin is historically accurate. The Rathakāras must rather be deemed to have been a functional caste. Hillebrandt6 suggests that ♦.he Anu tribe formed the basis of the Rathakāra caste, referring to their worship of the Rbhus, who are, of course, the chariot- makers par excellence. But there is little ground for this view.
rājakula A ‘kingly family, is mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa, where, it is to be noted, such a family is ranked after, not before, a Brāhmaṇa Kula, a ‘Brah­min family.’
rājan King,' is a term repeatedly occuring in the rigveda and the later literature. It is quite clear that the normal, though not universal form of government, in early India was that by kings, as might be expected in view of the fact that the Āryan Indian were invaders in a hostile territory : a situation which, as in the case of Ārayan invaders of Greece and German invaders of England, resulted almost necessarily in strengthening the monarchic element of the constitution. The mere patriarchal organization of society is not sufficient, as Zimmer assumes, to explain the Vedic kingship. Tenure of Monarchy.—Zimmer is of opinion that while the Vedic monarchy was sometimes hereditary, as is indeed shown by several cases where the descent can be traced,® yet in others the monarchy was elective, though it is not clear whether the selection by the people was between the members of the royal family only or extended to members of all the noble clans. It must, however, be admitted that the evidence for the elective monarchy is not strong. As Geldner argues, all the passages cited can be regarded not as choice by the cantons (Viś), but as acceptance by the subjects (viś): this seems the more prob¬able sense. Of course this is no proof that the monarchy was not sometimes elective: the practice of selecting one member of the family to the exclusion of another less well qualified is exemplified by the legend in Yāska of the Kuru brothers, Devāpi and śantanu, the value of which, as evidence of contemporary views, is not seriously affected by the legend itself being of dubious character and validity. Royal power was clearly insecure: there are several references to kings being expelled from their realms, and their efforts to recover their sovereignty, and the Atharvaveda contains spells in the interest of royalty. The King in War.—Naturally the Vedic texts, after the Rigveda, contain few notices of the warlike adventures that no doubt formed a very considerable proportion of the royal functions. But the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa contains the statement that the Kuru-Pañcāla kings, who, like the Brahmins of those tribes, stand as representatives of good form, used to make their raids in the dewy season. The word Udāja, too, with its variant Nirāja, records that kings took a share of the booty of war. The Rigveda13 has many references to Vedic wars: it is clear that the Kṣatriyas were at least as intent on fulfilling their duty of war as the Brahmins on sacrificing and their other functions. Moreover, beside offensive war, defence was a chief duty of the king: he is emphatically the ‘ protector of the tribe* (gopā janasya), or, as is said in the Rājasūya (‘royal consecration’), ‘protector of the Brahmin.’14 His Purohita was expected to use his spells and charms to secure the success of his king’s arms. The king no doubt fought in person: so Pratardana met death in war according to the Kausītaki Upanisad;16 and in the Rājasūya the king is invoked as ‘sacker of cities’ (purāψ bhettā). The King in Peace.—In return for his warlike services the king received the obedience—sometimes forced—of the people, and in particular their contributions for the maintenance of royalty. The king is regularly regarded as ‘ devouring the people,’ but this phrase must not be explained as meaning that he necessarily oppressed them. It obviously has its origin in a custom by which the king and his retinue were fed by the people’s contributions, a plan with many parallels. It is also probable that the king could assign the royal right of mainten¬ance to a Ksatriya, thus developing a nobility supported by the people. Taxation would not normally fall on Kṣatriya or Brahmin; the texts contain emphatic assertions of the exemption of the goods of the latter from the royal bounty. In the people, however, lay the strength of the king. See also Bali. In return the king performed the duties of judge. Himself immune from punishment (a-daiidya), he wields the rod of punishment (Daṇda). It is probable that criminal justice remained largely in his actual administration, for the Sūtras preserve clear traces of the personal exercise of royal criminal jurisdiction. Possibly the jurisdiction could be exercised by a royal officer, or even by a delegate, for a Rājanya is mentioned as an overseer (adhyaksa) of the punishment of a śūdra in the Kāthaka Samhitā. In civil justice it may be that the king played a much less prominent part, save as a court of final appeal, but evidence is lacking on this head. The Madhyamaśi of the Rigveda was probably not a royal, but a private judge or arbitrator. A wide criminal jurisdiction is, however, to some extent supported by the frequent mention of Varuna’s spies, for Varuṇa is the divine counterpart of the human king. Possibly such spies could be used in' war also. There is no reference in early Vedic literature to the exercise of legislative activity by the king, though later it is an essential part of his duties. Nor can we say exactly what executive functions devolved on the king. In all his acts the king was regularly advised by his Purohita ; he also had the advantage of the advice of the royal ministers and attendants (see Ratnin). The local administration was entrusted to the Grāmartī, or village chief, who may have been selected or appointed by the'king. The outward signs of the king’s rank were his palace and his brilliant dress. The King as Landowner.—The position of the king with regard to the land is somewhat obscure. The Greek notices,30 in which, unhappily, it would be dangerous to put much trust, since they were collected by observers who were probably little used to accurate investigations of such matters, and whose statements wore based on inadequate information, vary in their statements. In part they speak of rent being paid, and declare that only the king and no private person could own land, while in part they refer to the taxation of land. Hopkins is strongly of opinion that the payments made were paid for protection —i.e., in modern terminology as a tax, but that the king was recognized as the owner of all the land, while yet the individual or the joint family also owned the land. As against Baden- Powell, who asserted that the idea of the king as a landowner was later, he urges for the Vedic period that the king, as we have seen, is described as devouring the people, and that, according to the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Vaiśya can be devoured at will and maltreated (but, unlike the śūdra, not killed); and for the period of the legal Sūtras and śāstras he cites Bṛhaspati and Nārada as clearly recognizing the king’s overlordship, besides a passage of the Mānava Dharma Sāstra which describes the king as ‘lord of all a phrase which Būhler35 was inclined to interpret as a proof of landowning. The evidence is, however, inadequate to prove what is sought. It is not denied that gradually the king came to be vaguely con¬ceived—as the English king still is—as lord of all the land in a proprietorial sense, but it is far more probable that such an idea was only a gradual development than that it was primitive. The power of devouring the people is a political power, not a right of ownership; precisely the same feature can be traced in South Africa,3® where the chief can deprive a man arbitrarily of his land, though the land is really owned by the native. The matter is ultimately to some extent one of terminology, but the parallel cases are in favour of distinguishing between the political rights of the crown, which can be transferred by way of a grant, and the rights of ownership. Hopkins37 thinks that the gifts of land to priests, which seems to be the first sign of land transactions in the Brāhmaṇas, was an actual gift of land; it may have been so in many cases, but it may easily also have been the grant of a superiority : the Epic grants are hardly decisive one way or the other. For the relations of the king with the assembly, see Sabhā ; for his consecration, see Rājasūya. A rāja-tā, lack of a king,’ means‘anarchy.’
rājanya Is the regular term in Vedic literature for a man of the royal family, probably including also those who were not actually members of that family, but were nobles, though it may have been originally restricted to members of the royal family. This, however, does not appear clearly from any passage; the term may originally have applied to all the nobles irrespective of kingly power. In the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa the Rājanya is different from the Rājaputra, who is literally a son of the king. The functions and place of the Rājanya are described under Kçatriya, which expression later normally takes the place of Rājanya as a designation for the ruling class. His high place is shown by the fact that in the Taittirlya Samhitā he is ranked with the learned Brahmin and the Grāmaṇī (who was a Vaiśya) as having reached the height of prosperity (gata-śrī).
rājanyabandhu Denotes a Rājanya, but usually with a depreciating sense. Thus in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Janaka is called by the Brahmins, whom he defeated in disputation, ‘ a fellow of a Rājanya’; the same description is applied to Pravāh- aṇa Jaivali in the Brhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad for a similar reason. On the other hand, in one passage where reference is made to men eating apart from women, princes are said to do so most of all: the term Rājanyabandhu cannot here be deemed to be contemptuous, unless, indeed, it is the expression of Brahmin contempt for princes, such as clearly appears in the treatment of Nagnajit in another passage. Again, in a passage in which the four castes are mentioned, the Vaiśya precedes the Rājanyabandhu, a curious inversion of the order of the second and third castes.
rājasūya Is the name in the Atharvaveda and the later literature of the ceremony of the ‘royal consecration.’ The rite is described at great length in the Sūtras, but its main features are clearly outlined in the Brāhmaṇas, while the verses used in the ceremony are preserved in the Samhitās of the Yaj'urveda. Besides much mere priestly elaboration, the ritual contains traces of popular ceremonial. For example, the king is clothed in the ceremonial garments of his rank, and provided with bow and arrow as emblems of sovereignty. He is formally anointed; he performs a mimic cow raid against a relative of his; or engages in a sham fight with a Rājanya. A game of dice is played in which he is made to be the victim; he symbolically ascends the quarters of the sky as an indication of his universal rule; and steps on a tiger skin, thus gaining the strength and the pre-eminence of the tiger. A list of the consecrated kings is given in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, where the royal inauguration is called the ‘great unctioni (vtahābhiseka) connected with Indra. It corresponds generally with a list of Aśvamedhins, ‘ performers of the horse sacrifice,’ given in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra.
rājya In the Atharvaveda and later regularly denotes ‘sovereign power,’ from which, as the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa notes, the Brahmin is excluded. In addition to Rājya, the texts give other expressions of sovereign power. Thus the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa4 contends that the Rājasūya sacrifice is that of a king, the Vājapeya that of a Samrāj or emperor, the status of the latter (Sāmrājya) being superior to that of the former (Rājya). The sitting on a throne (Ásandī) is given in the same text6 as one of the characteristics of the Samrāj. Elsewhere® Svārājya, ‘ uncon¬trolled dominion,’ is opposed to Rājya. In the ritual of the Rājasūya the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa7 gives a whole series of terms: Rājya, Sāmrājya, Bhaujya, Svārājya, Vairājya, Pāra- meṣṭhya, and Māhārājya, while Adhipatya, ‘ supreme power,’ is found elsewhere.8 But there is no reason to believe that these terms refer to essentially different forms of authority. A king might be called a Mahārāja or a Samrāj, without really being an overlord of kings; he would be so termed if he were an important sovereign, or by his own entourage out of compliment,' as was Janaka of Videha. That a really great monarchy of the Aśoka or Gupta type ever existed in the Vedic period seems highly improbable.
rāma krātujāteya (‘Descendant of Kratu-jāta’) Vaiyā- ghra-padya (descendant of Vyāghrapad’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of śañga śātyāyani Átreya, who is mentioned in two Vamśas (lists of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa.
lopāmudrā Appears in one hymn of the Rigveda, where she is seemingly the wife of Agastya, whose embraces she solicits.
lohāyasa ‘Red metal is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāh­mana, where it is distinguished from Ayas and gold. In the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmana the contrast is with Kārṣṇā-yasa, ‘iron,’ and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa with Krṣnāyasa, ‘iron.’ ‘Copper’ seems to be meant.
lauhitya ‘Descendant of Lohita,’ is the patronymic of a large number of teachers in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, which clearly must have been the special object of study of the Lauhitya family. See Kpçṇadatta, Kpçṇarāta, Jayaka, Tri- veda Kyçṇarāta, Dakṣa Jayanta, Palligupta, Mitrabhūti, Yaśasvin Jayanta, Vipaácit Dpdhajayanta, Vaipaścita Dārdhajayanti, Vaipaścita Dārdhajayanti Dpdhajayanta, śyā- majayanta, śyāmasujayanta, Satyaáravas. A Lauhitya or Lauhikya is also mentioned as a teacher in the śāñkhāyana Araṇyaka. The form of name (Jayanta) affected by the family, and the silence of the older texts, proves that they were modern.
varṇa ‘Colour,’ is a common word in the Rigveda and later. A large number of colours are enumerated in Vedic literature, but it is not possible to deduce any clear information as to the accuracy with which the Vedic Indian distinguished colours, or as to the principle on which his distinctions werebased. The Rigveda seems to show that red or yellow colours were the most noticed, but this may be accidental. 'Black' or ‘dark’ is denoted by krsna, 'white' or ‘light-coloured’ by śukla or śveta. 'Black' seems to be meant in one passage of the Rigveda by śyenī also. 'Dark-grey' or 'dusky' is expressed by śyāma. The sense of nīla is doubtful, perhaps ‘dark-blue,’ bluish-black.’ The series of words hart, harina, harit, harita, seems, on the whole, to denote 'yellow,' but 'green' is also a possible rendering, since the epithet is used of the frog. ‘Brown’ is certainly the meaning of babhru, which is used of the Vibhītaka nut (see Akça). ‘Reddish-brown’ seems to be the tinge implied by kapila ('monkey-coloured'), while piūgala appears to denote a shade of brown in which yellow pre-dominates, ‘tawny.’ ‘Yellow ’ is expressed by pita as well as pāiidu. A garment of saffron (māhārajana) is mentioned in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad. Rudhira and lohita are red, while aruna is ‘ruddy.’ Kalmāsa means ‘spotted,’ and śilpa dappled,’ while mingled shades like aruna-piśañga, ‘reddish brown,’ also occur.
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
vasiṣṭha Is the name of one of the most prominent priestly figures of Vedic tradition. The seventh Maṇdala of the Rigveda is ascribed to him ; this ascription is borne out by the fact that the Vasisthas and Vasistha are frequently mentioned in that Maṇdala, besides being sometimes referred to elsewhere. That by the name Vasiṣçha a definite individual is always meant is most improbable, as Oldenberg shows; Vasiṣtha must normally mean simply ‘ a Vasiṣtfia.’ But it is not necessary to deny that a real Vasiṣtha existed, for one hymn seems to show clear traces of his authorship, and of his assist­ance to Sudās against the ten kings. The most important feature of Vasiṣtha’s life was apparently his hostility to Viśvāmitra. The latter was certainly at one time the Purohita (‘ domestic priest ’) of Sudās, but he seems to have been deposed from that post, to have joined Sudās’ enemies, and to have taken part in the onslaught of the kings against him, for the hymn of Sudās’ triumph has clear references to the ruin Viśvāmitra brought on his allies. Oldenberg, however, holds that the strife of Viśvāmitra and Vasistha is not to be found in the Rigveda. On the other hand, Geldner is hardly right in finding in the Rigveda a compressed account indicating the rivalry of śakti, Vasiṣṭha’s son, with Viśvāmitra, the acquisition by Viśvāmitra of special skill in speech, and the revenge of Viśvāmitra, who secured the death of śakti by Sudās’ servants, an account which is more fully related by Sadguruśiṣya, which appeared in the śātyāya- naka, and to which reference seems to be made in the brief notices of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa regarding Vasiṣtha's sons having been slain, and his overcoming the Saudāsas. But it is important to note that no mention is made in these authorities of Sudās himself being actually opposed to Vasistha, while in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa Vasiṣtha appears as the Purohita and consecrator of Sudās Paijavana. Yāska recognizes Viśvāmitra as the Purohita of Sudās; this accords with what seems to have been the fact that Viśvāmitra originally held the post. Probably, however, with the disappearance of Sudās, Viśvāmitra recovered his position, whereupon Vasiṣtha in revenge for the murder of his sons secured in some way unspecified the defeat of the Saudāsas. At any rate it is hardly necessary to suppose that the enmity of the Saudāsas and Vasiṣthas was permanent. There is evidence that the Bharatas had the Vasisthas as Purohitas, while other versions regard them as Purohitas for people (prajāh) generally. It seems that the Vasiṣthas were pioneers in adopting the rule that Purohitas should act as Brahman priest at the sacrifice: the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa states that the Vasiṣthas were once the only priests to act as Brahmans, but that later any priest could serve as such. A rivalry with Jamadgni and Viśvāmitra is reported in the Taittirīya Samhitā. Parāśara and śatayātu are associated with Vasiṣtha in the Rigveda, being apparently, as Geldner thinks, the grandson and a son of Vasiṣtha. According to Pischel, in another hymn, Vasiṣtha appears as attempting to steal the goods of his father Varuṇa; Geldner also shows that the Rigveda contains a clear reference to Vasistha’s being a son of Varuṇa and the nymph Urvaśī. Perhaps this explains the fact that the Vasiṣthas are called the Tptsus in one passage of the Rigveda; for being of miraculous parentage, Vasistha would need adoption into a Gotra, that of the princes whom he served, and to whom Agastya seems to have introduced him. There are numerous other references to Vasistha as a Ṛṣi in Vedic literature, in the Sūtras, and in the Epic, where he and Viśvāmitra fight out their rivalry.
vāc ‘Speech,’ plays a great part in Vedic speculation, but only a few points are of other than mythological significance. Speech is in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa divided into four kinds —that of men, of animals, of birds (vayāψsi), and of small creeping things (ksudram sañsrpam). The discrimination or making articulate of speech is ascribed to Indra by the Saiphitās. The speech ’ of the following musical instruments — Tūṇava, Vīṇā, Dundubhi — is mentioned, and in one Samhitā also that of the axle of a chariot. The speech of the Kuru-Pañcālas was especially renowned, as well as that of the northern country, according to the Kausītaki Brāhmaṇa, so that men went there to study the language. On the other hand, barbarisms in speech were known, and were to be avoided. One division of speech referred to* is that of the divine (daivī) and the human (mānusī), of which some specimens are given, such as om, the divine counterpart of tathā, and so forth. The Brahmin is said to know both ; it seems best to regard the distinction not as between Sanskrit and Apabhramśa, as Sāyaṇa suggests, but as between the Sanskrit of the ritual and the hymns and that of ordinary life. Reference is also made to Aryan11 and to Brahmin12 speech, by which Sanskrit, as opposed to non-Aryan tongues, seems to be meant. The Vrātyas are described as speaking the language of the initiated (dlksita-vāc), though not themselves initiated (a-dīksita), but as calling that which is easy to utter (a-durukta), difficult to utter. This may mean that the non-Brahminical Indians were advancing more rapidly than the Brahminical tribes to Prākrit speech, especially if it is legitimate to connect the Vrātyas with the barbarians in speech alluded to in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.
vājapeya Is the name of a ceremony which, according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and later authorities, is only per­formed by a Brahmin or a Kṣatriya. The same Brāhmaṇa insists that this sacrifice is superior to the Rājasūya, but the consensus of other authorities assigns to it merely the place of a preliminary to the Bphaspatisava in the case of a priest, and to the Rājasūya in the case of a king, while the śatapatha is compelled to identify the Bṛhaspatisava with the Vājapeya. The essential ceremony is a chariot race in which the sacrificer is victorious. There is evidence in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra® showing that once the festival was one which any Aryan could perform. Hillebrandt, indeed, goes so far as to compare it with the Olympic games; but there is hardly much real ground for this: the rite seems to have been developed round a primitive habit of chariot racing, transformed into a ceremony which by sympathetic magic secures the success of the sacrificer. In fact Eggeling seems correct in holding that the Vājapeya was a preliminary rite performed by a Brahmin prior to his formal installation as a Purohita, or by a king prior to his consecration. The Kuru Vājapeya was specially well known.
vājasaneya Is the patronymic of Yājfiavalkya in the Brhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad and the Jaiminlya Brāhmaṇa. His school, the Vājasaneyins, are mentioned in the Sūtras.
vādhūya Denotes the garment of the bride worn at the marriage ceremony and afterwards given to a Brahmin.
vāraki Descendant of Varaka/ is the patronymic of Kaipsa in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vārakya descendant of Varaka,’ is the patronymic, in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, of Kamsa, Kubera, Janaśruta* Jayanta, and Proçthapad.
vāraṇa In two passages of the Rigveda is taken by Roth as an adjective with Mpgfa, meaning ‘wild beast.’ But the sense intended must have been 'elephant,' the usual sense of Vāraṇa in the classical literature. Probably the feminine Vāraṇl in the Atharvaveda likewise denotes a ‘female elephant.’
vāsas Is the most usual word in the Rigveda and later for ‘clothing.’ Clothes were often woven of sheep’s wool (cf. Orṇā); the god Pūṣan is called a ‘ weaver of garments ’ (vāso- vāya) because of his connexion with the fashioning of forms. The garments worn were often embroidered (cf. Peśas), and the Maruts are described as wearing mantles adorned with gold. When the ‘giver of garments’ (vāso-dā)δ is mentioned along with the giver of horses and gold, ornamental garments are probably meant. There are several references in the Rigveda to the Indians’ love of ornament, which is attested by Megas-thenes for his day. The Rigveda also presents epithets like suvasana and stt-rabhi implying that garments were becoming or well-fitting. The Vedic Indian seems often to have worn three garments —an undergarment (cf. Nīvi), a garment, and an over¬garment (cf. Adhīvāsa), which was presumably a mantle, and for which the names Atka and Drāpi also seem to be used. This accords with the description of the sacrificial garments given in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, which comprise a Tārpya, perhaps a silken undergarment secondly, a garment of undyed wool, and then a mantle, while the ends of the turban, after being tied behind the neck, are brought forward and tucked away in front. The last point would hardly accord with the usual practice in ordinary life, but seems to be a special sacrificial ritual act. A similar sort of garments in the case of women appears to be alluded to in the Atharvaveda and the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. There is nothing to show exactly what differences there were between male and female costume, nor what was exactly the nature of the clothes in either case. It is important to note that the Vedic Indian evidently assumed that all civilized persons other than inspired Munis would wear clothing of some sort. See also Vasana, Vastra, Otu, Tantu. For the use of skin garments, see Mala.
vāsiṣtha ‘Descendant of Vasiṣtha,’ is the patronymic of Sātyahavya, a teacher mentioned several times in the later Samhitās, of Rauhlna in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka, and of Caikitāneya. Moreover, reference is made to the claim of the Vāsiṣṭhas to be Brahman priest at the sacrifice. A Vāsistha is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa and the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vāstupaśya According to Bohtlingk a name of a Brāh­maṇa, is a mere error for Vāstupasya in the Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa.
vidagdha śākalya Is the name of a teacher, a contemporary and rival of Yājñavalkya at the court of Janaka of Videha in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana, and the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.
vidatha Is a word of obscure sense, confined mainly to the Rigveda. According to Roth, the sense is primarily ‘order,’ then the concrete body which gives orders, then ‘assembly’ for secular or religious ends, or for war. Oldenberg once thought that the main idea is ‘ordinance’ (from υi-dhā, ‘ dispose,’ ‘ordain’), and thence ‘sacrifice.’ Ludwig thinks that the root idea is an ‘ assembly,’ especially of the Mag’havans and the Brahmins. Geldner considers that the word primarily means ‘ knowledge,’ ‘wisdom,’ ‘priestly lore,’ then ‘sacrifice’ and ‘spiritual authority.’ Bloomfield, on the other hand, insists that Vidatha refers to the ‘house’ in the first place (from vid, ‘acquire’), and then to the ‘sacrifice,’ as connected with the house; this interpretation, at any rate, appears to suit all the passages. The term vidathya, once applied to the king (samrāt), might seem to be against this view, but it may refer to his being ‘rich in homesteads and the connexion of the woman with the Vidatha, as opposed to the Sabhā, tells in favour of Bloomfield’s explanation. That the word ever denotes an asylum, like the house of the brahmin, as Ludwig suggests, is doubtful.
vidanvant bhārgava (‘Descendant of Bhṛgu ’) is mentioned as the seer of a Sāman or chant in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa and in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vidarbha Occurs in the earlier Vedic literature as the name of a place only in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, where its Mācalas (perhaps a species of dog) are said to kill tigers.
videha Is the name of a people who are not mentioned before the Brāhmaṇa period. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the legend of Videgha Māthava preserves clearly a tradition that in Videha culture came from the Brahmins of the West, and that Kosala was brahminized before Videha. The Videhas, however, derived some fame later from the culture of their king Janaka,who figures in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad as one of the leading patrons of the Brahman doctrine. In the Kausītaki Upaniṣad the Videhas are joined with the Kāśis ; in the list of peoples in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa the Videhas are passed over, probably because, with Kosala and Kāśi, they are included in the term Prāeyas, easterners.’ Again, in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra it is recorded that the Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha kingdoms had each the one Purohita, Jala Jātūkarṇya; and in another passage of the same text the connexion between the Videha king, Para Átṇāra, and the Kosala king, Hiraṇya- nābha, is explained, while the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa speaks of Para Atṇāra as the Kosala king, descendant of Hiranyanābha. Another king of Videha was Namī Sāpya, mentioned in the Pañcavirpśa Brāhmaṇa. In the Samhitās of the Yajurveda ‘cows of Videha’ seem to be alluded to, though the com¬mentator on the Taittirīya Samhitā merely takes the adjective vaidehī as ‘having a splendid body’ (viśista-deha-sambandhinī), and the point of a place name in the expression is not very obvious. The Videhas also occur in the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra in Brāhmana-like passages. The boundary of Kosala and Videha was the Sadānīrā, probably the modern Gandak (the Kondochates of the Greek geographers), which, rising in Nepal, flows into the Ganges opposite Patna. Videha itself corresponds roughly to the modern Tirhut.
vidhavā Denotes ‘widow’ as the ‘desolate one,’ from the root vidh, ‘be bereft.’ The masculine vidltava is conjectured by Roth in a difficult passage of the Rigveda, where the received text presents the apparent false concord vidhantam vidhavām, in which he sees a metrical lengthening for vidhavam, ‘the sacrificing widower.’ Ludwig in his version takes vidhantam as equivalent to a feminine, while DelbrUck prefers ‘ the worshipper and the widow.’ Possibly * the widower and the widow ’ may be meant; but we know nothing of the mythological allusion in question, the feat being one of those attributed to the Aśvins, and the natural reference to Ghoṣā. as ‘ husbandless ’ being rendered unlikely because their feat in regard to her has already been mentioned a few verses before in the same hymn. The word Vidhavā is not of common occurrence.
vinaśana ‘Disappearance,’ is the name of the place where the Sarasvatī is lost in the sands of the desert. It is mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa1 and the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. The locality is the Patiala district of the Panjab. Cf. Plakça Prāsravaṇa.
vipaścit dṛḍhajayanta lauhitya ('Descendant of Lohita') is mentioned in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa as the pupil of Dakṣa Jayanta Lauhitya.
vipaścit śakunimitra pārāśarya (‘Descendant of Parā- śara ’) is the name of a teacher, pupil of Açādha Uttara Pārā- śapya, in a Vamśa (lisl of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vipra Seems to mean * inspired singer * (from vip, ‘quiver’) in the Rigveda and later. More especially in the later texts it denotes a ‘learned Brahmin.’ In the epic style it comes to mean no more than Brahmin.’
vibhindukīya Is the name of a group of priests whose Sattra is mentioned in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vibhītaka The latter being the old form, denote a large tree, the Terminalia bellerica, the nut of which was used in dicing. The wood was also used for making the sacrificial fire burn.·
viśvāmitra (‘Friend of all ’) is the name of a Rṣi who is mentioned in the Rigveda, and to whom the third Maṇdala is attributed by tradition. In one hymn which appears to be his own composition, he praises the rivers Vipāś (Beas) and śutudrī (Sutlej'). There he calls himself the son of Kuśika, and seems unquestionably to be the helper of the Bharatas, whom he mentions. The tribe, engaged in a raid, apparently came to the rivers from the east. Anxious to cross them, they The Viśvāmitras are mentioned in several other passages of the Rigveda, and are also designated as a family by the term Kuśikas. In the Epic Viśvāmitra is represented as a king, who becomes a Brahmin. There is no trace of his kingship in the Rigveda, but the Nirukta calls his father, Kuśika, a king; the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa10 refers to śunahśepa as succeeding to the lordship of the Jahnus, as well as the ‘divine lore’ (daiva vedd) of the Gāthinsj^and the Pañcavirçiśa Brāhmana17 mentions Viśvāmitra as a king. But there is no real trace of this kingship of Viśvāmitra: it may probably be dismissed as a mere legend, with no more foundation at most than that Viśvā¬mitra was of a family which once had been royal. But even this is doubtful.
vṛddhadyumna ábhipratāriṇa (‘Descendant of Abhipra- tārin ’) is the name of a prince (rājanya) in the Aitareya Brāh­maṇa, where his priest, śucivrksa Gaupalāyana, is praised. In the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra, on the contrary, he is said to have erred in the sacrifice, when a Brahmin prophesied that the result would be the expulsion of the Kurus from Kurukṣetra, an event which actually came to pass.
vṛṣaṇaśva Is the name of a man referred to in the Rigveda, where Indra is called Menā, perhaps his ‘wife’ or ‘daughter.’ The same legend is alluded to in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, the Sadvimśa Brāhmana, and the Taittirīya Araṇyaka, but it is clear that all of these texts had no real tradition of what was referred to.
vaikarṇa Occurs but once in the Rigveda in the description of the Dāśarājña, where Sudās is stated to have overthrown the twenty-one tribes (jattān) of the kings or folk of the two Vaikarṇas. Zimmer conjectures that they were a joint people, the Kuru-Krivis: this is quite possible, and even probable. Vikarṇa as the name of a people is found in the Mahābhārata, and a lexicographer places the Vikarṇas in Kaśmīr, a reminiscence probably of a real settlement of the Kurus in that country. Cf. Uttara Kuru.
vaitahavya ‘Descendant of Vītahavya,’ is the name of a family who are said in the Atharvaveda to have come to ruin because they devoured a Brahmin’s cow. They are said to be Spñjayas, but as the exact form of the legend here referred to does not occur elsewhere, its authenticity is open to some doubt. According to Zimmer, Vaitahavya is a mere epithet of the Sṛñjayas, but this is not probable in view of the existence of a Vītahavya.
vaidadaśvi ‘Descendant of Vidadaśva,’ is the patronymic of Taranta in the Rigveda. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa and the Jaiminlya Brāhmaṇa the Vaidadaśvis are Taranta and Purumflha. The latter is not a Vaidadaśvi in the Rigveda, a clear sign of the worthlessness of the legends relative to these two men in the Brāhmanas.
vaipaścita ('Descendant of Vipaścit') Dārdha-jayanti ('descendant of Dr Hιajayanta') Gupta Lauhitya (‘ descendant of Lohita ’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Vaipaácita Dārdhajayanti Drdhajayanta Lauhitya, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa (iii. 42, 1).
vaipaścita (‘Descendant of Vipaścit ’) Dārdhajayanti (‘descendant of Drdhajayanta’) Drdhajayanta Lauhitya (‘descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Vipaścit Drdhajayanta Lauhitya, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vaiyāghrapadya ‘Descendant of Vyāghrapad,’ is the patro­nymic of Indradyumna Bhāllaveya in the śatapatha Brāh­maṇa and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad, of Budila Áśvatarāśvi in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad, and of Gośruti in that Upaniṣad and in the śāñkhāyana Araṇyaka. In the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa the patronymic is applied to Rāma Krātiyāteya.
vaira Seem to have in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmaṇas the definite and technical sense of ‘wergeld,’ the money to be paid for killing a man as a compensation to his relatives. This view is borne out by the Sūtras of Apa­stamba and Baudhāyana. Both prescribe the scale of 1,000 cows for a Kṣatriya, 100 for a Vaiśya, 10 for a śūdra, and a bull over and above in each case. Apastamba leaves the destination of the payment vague, but Baudhāyana assigns it to the king. It is reasonable to suppose that the cows were intended for the relations, and the bull was a present to the king for his intervention to induce the injured relatives to abandon the demand for the life of the offender. The Apa­stamba Sūtra allows the same scale of wergeld for women, but the Gautama Sūtra puts them on a level with men of the śūdra caste only, except in one special case. The payment is made for the purpose of vaira-yātana or vaira-niryātana, 'requital of enmity,' 'expiation' he Rigveda preserves, also, the important notice that a man’s wergeld was a hundred (cows), for it contains the epithet śata-dāya, ‘one whose wergeld is a hundred/ No doubt the values varied, but in the case of śunaháepa the amount is a hundred (cows) in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. In the Yajurveda Samhitās śata-dāya again appears. The fixing of the price shows that already public opinion, and perhaps the royal authority, was in Rigvedic times diminishing the sphere of private revenge; on the other hand, the existence of the system shows how weak was the criminal authority of the king (cf. Dharma).
vaiśya Denotes a man, not so much of the people, as of the subject class, distinct from the ruling noble (Kṣatriya) and the Brāhmaṇa, the higher strata of the Aryan community on the one side, and from the aboriginal śūdra on the other. The name is first found in the Puruṣa-sūkta (‘ hymn of man ’) in the Rigveda, and then frequently from the Atharvaveda onwards, sometimes in the form of Viśya. The Vaiśya plays singularly little part in Vedic literature, which has much to say of Kṣatriya and Brahmin. His characteristics are admirably summed up in the Aitareya Brāh¬maṇa in the adjectives anyasya bali-krt, ‘tributary to another’; anyasyādya, ‘to be lived upon by another’; and yathakāma- jyeyafr, ‘to be oppressed at will.’ He was unquestionably taxed by the king (Rājan), who no doubt assigned to his retinue the right of support by the people, so that the Kṣatriyas grew more and more to depend on the services rendered to them by the Vaiśyas. But the Vaiśya was not a slave: he could not be killed by the king or anyone else without the slayer incurring risk and the payment of a wergeld (Vaira), which even in the Brahmin books extends to 100 cows for a Vaiśya. Moreover, though the Vaiśya could be expelled by the king at pleasure, he cannot be said to have been without property in his land. Hopkins® thinks it is absurd to suppose that he could really be a landowner when he was subject to removal at will, but this is to ignore the fact that normally the king could not remove the landowner, and that kings were ultimately dependent on the people, as the tales of exiled kings show. On the other hand, Hopkins is clearly right in holding that the Vaiśya was really an agriculturist, and that Vedic society was not merely a landholding aristocracy, superimposed upon an agricultural aboriginal stock, as Baden Powell8 urged. Without ignoring the possibility that the Dravidians were agriculturists, there is no reason to deny that the Aryans were so likewise, and the goad of the plougher was the mark of a Vaiśya in life and in death. It would be absurd to suppose that the Aryan Vaiśyas 'did not engage in industry and com¬merce (cf. Paṇi, Vaṇij), but pastoral pursuits and agriculture must have been their normal occupations. In war the Vaiśyas must have formed the bulk of the force under the Kṣatriya leaders (see Kçatriya). But like the Homeric commoners, the Vaiśyas may well have done little of the serious fighting, being probably ill-provided with either body armour or offensive weapons. That the Vaiśyas were engaged in the intellectual life of the day is unlikely; nor is there any tradition, corresponding to that regarding the Kṣatriyas, of their having taken part in the evolution of the doctrine of Brahman, the great philosophic achievement of the age. The aim of the Vaiśya's ambition was, according to the Taittirīya Samhitā, to become a Grāmariī, or village headman, a post probably conferred by the king on wealthy Vaiśyas, of whom no doubt there were many. It is impossible to say if in Vedic times a Vaiśya could attain to nobility or become a Brahmin. No instance can safely be quoted in support of such a view, though such changes of status may have taken place (see Kṣatriya and Varṇa). It is denied by Fick that the Vaiśyas were ever a caste, and the denial is certainly based on good grounds if it is held that a caste means a body within which marriage is essential, and which follows a hereditary occupation (cf. Varṇa). But it would be wrong to suppose that the term Vaiśya was merely applied by theorists to the people who were not nobles or priests. It must have been an early appellation of a definite class which was separate from the other classes, and properly to be compared with them. Moreover, though there were differences among Vaiśyas, there were equally differences among Kṣatriyas and Brāhmaṇas, and it is impossible to deny the Vaiśyas’ claim to be reckoned a class or caste if the other two are such, though at the present day things are different.
vyādhi Disease,' occurs several times in Vedic literature. The specific diseases are dealt with under the separate names, but the Vedic texts also mention innumerable bodily defects. The list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) includes a ‘dwarf’ (vāmana, kubja), a ‘bald ’ person (khalati), a ‘blind’ man (andha), a ‘deaf’ man (badhira),δ a ‘dumb’ man (;mūka),θ a ‘fat’ man (plvan), a ‘leper’ (sidhmala, kilāsa), a ‘yellow-eyed’ man (hary-aksa), a ‘tawny-eyed’ man [ping- āksa), a ‘cripple’ (pitha-sarpin), a ‘lame’ man (srāma), a ‘sleepless’ man (jāgarana), a ‘sleepy’ man (svapana), one ‘too tall’ (ati-dīrgha), one ‘too short’ (ati-hrasva), one ‘too stout’ (ati-sthūla or aty-aηisala), one ‘too thin’ (ati-krśa), one ‘too white’ (ati-śukla), one ‘too dark’ (ati-kγṣna), one ‘too bald’ (ati-kulva), and one 'too hairy' (ati-lomaśa). In the Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā the man with bad nails and the man with brown teeth are mentioned along with sinners like the Didhiçūpati. The śatapatha Brāhmana mentions a white-spotted (śtikla), bald-headed man, with projecting teeth (yiklidha) and reddish-brown eyes.’ Interesting is Zimmer’s suggestion that kirmira found in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā means ‘spotty’ as an intermixture of races, but it is only a conjecture, apparently based on a supposed connexion of the word with kr, ‘mix.’ In the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa various epithets are applied to women, some of which seem to denote disease, and in the Atharvaveda16 the feminine adjectives, ‘ antelope-footed ’ (rśya-padī) and ‘ bulltoothed’ (vrsa-datl), probably refer to bodily defects.
vra According to Roth, means ‘troop’ in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda. Zimmer sees in the word (in the feminine form of vrā) a designation in one passage of the village host which formed part of the Viś, and was composed of relations (su-bandhu). On the other hand, Pischel thinks that in all the passages Vrā means ‘female,’ used either of animals or of women who go to the feast (Samana), or courtezans (■υiśyā, ‘of the people’)» or, metaphorically, the hymns compared with courtezans: these senses are perhaps adequate.
vrātya Is included in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda, where, however, no further explanation of the name is given. Fuller information is furnished by the Atharvaveda, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, and the Sūtras, which describe at length a certain rite intended for the use of Vrātyas. According to the Pañcavimśa Brāh­maṇa, there are four different kinds of ‘outcasts’—viz., the hīna, who are merely described as ‘depressed’; those who have become outcasts for some sin (nindita); those who become out­casts at an early age, apparently by living among outcasts; and those old men who, being impotent (śama-nīcamedhra), have gone to live with outcasts. The last three categories are by no means of the same importance as the first. The motive of the fourth is hard to understand: according to Rājārām Rām- krishṇa Bhāgavat,5 they were men who had enfeebled their constitutions by undue intercourse with women in the lands of the outcasts, and returned home in a debilitated state. But this is not stated in the text. It seems probable that the really important Vrātyas were those referred to as Itlna, and that the other classes were only subsidiary. According to Rāj'ārām,® there were two categories of the first class: (a) The depressed (hīna), who were non- Aryan ; and (6) degraded Aryans (gara-gir). This, however, is a mere guess, and devoid of probability. There seems to have been but one class of Vrātyas. That they were non-Aryan is not probable, for it is expressly said7 that, though unconse¬crated, they spoke the tongue of the consecrated: they were thus apparently Aryans. This view is confirmed by the state-ment that ‘they call what is easy of utterance, difficult to utter’: probable they had already a somewhat Prakritic form of speech (cf. Vāc). The Sūtras mention their Arhants (‘saints’) and Yaudhas (‘warriors’), corresponding to the Brahminical Brāhmana and Kṣatriya. Other particulars accord with the view that they were Aryans outside the sphere of Brahmin culture. Thus they are said not to practise agriculture or commerce (an allusion to a nomadic life), nor to observe the rules of Brahmacarya—i.e., the principle regulating the Brahminic order of life. They were also allowed to become members of the Brahminical community by performance of the ritual prescribed, which would hardly be so natural in the case of non-Aryans. Some details are given of the life and dress of the Vrātyas. Their principles were opposed to those of the Brahmins: they beat those unworthy of correction. Their leader (Gṛhapati) or householder wore a turban (Uçṇīçε), carried a whip (Pratoda), a kind of bow (Jyāhroda), was :lothed in a black (krçnaśa) garment and two skins (Ajina), blxk and white (krsna-valaksa), and owned a rough wagon (Vijatha) covered with planks (phalakāstīrna). The others, subordinate to the leader, had garments with fringes of red (valūkāntāni dāmatūsām), two fringes on each, skins folded double (dvisamhitāny ajinūni), and sandals (Upānah). The leader wore also an ornament (Niçka) of silver, which Rājārām converts into a silver coinage. The Vrātyas, on becoming consecrated, were expected to hand over their goods to the priest. Many other details are given in the Sūtras (e.g., that the shoes or sandals were of variegated black hue and pointed), but these are not authenticated by the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa. The locality in which the Vrāiyas lived cannot be stated with certainty, but their nomad life suggests the western tribes beyond the Sarasvatī. But they may equally well have been in the east: this possibility is so far supported by the fact that the Sūtras make the Brahmin receiving the gift of the Vrātya's outfit an inhabitant of Mag’adha. The Atharvaveda does not help, for it treats the Vrātya in so mystical a way that he is represented as being in all the quarters. Indeed, Roth believed that it was here not a case of the Vrātya of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa at all, but of a glorification of the Vrātya as the type of the pious vagrant or wandering religious mendicant (Parivrājaka). This view is clearly wrong, as the occurrence of the words usnīsa, vipatha, and pratoda shows. It is probable that the 15th Book of the Atharvaveda, which deals with the Vrātya, and is of a mystical character, exalts the converted Vrātya as a type of the perfect Brahmacārin, and, in so far, of the divinity.
śakunimitra Is one of the names of Vipaścit Pārāśarya in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
śakuntaka Are diminutives, meaning ‘little bird’ in the Samhitās.
śakti Is said in the Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa to have been the son of Vasiṣtha, and to have been cast into the fire by the Viśvāmitras. According to Sadguruśiṣya, who appears to follow the śātyāyanaka, the story of śakti is as follows : Viśvāmitra, being defeated in a contest by śakti, had recourse to Jamadagni, who taught him the Sasarparī; later he revenged himself on śakti by having him burnt in the forest. The Bṛhaddevatā relates the first part of the tale only. Geldner sees in the Rigveda a description of the death struggle of śakti, but this interpretation is more than doubtful.
śaṅkha bābhravya (‘Descendant of Babhru’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Rāma, in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāh­maṇa.
śaṅga śāṭyāyani (‘Descendant of śātyāyana’) Átreya (‘ descendant of Atri ’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Nagarin, in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
śarīra ‘Body,’ is a word of frequent occurrence in Vedic literature. The interest of the Vedic Indians seems early to have been attracted to the consideration of questions connected with the anatomy of the body. Thus a hymn of the Atharva­veda enumerates many parts of the body with some approach to accuracy and orderly arrangement. It mentions the heels (pārsnf), the flesh (māmsa), the ankle-bones (gulphau), the fingers (angulīh), the apertures (kha), the two metatarsi (uchlakau), the tarsus (pratisthā), the two knee-caps (astliī- vantau), the two legs {janghe), the two knee-joints (jānunoh sandhī). Then comes above the two knees (jānū) the four­sided (catuçtaya), pliant (śithira) trunk (kabandha). The two hips (śronī) and the two thighs (ūrū) are the props of the frame (ktisindha). Next come the breast-bone (uras), the cervical cartilages (grīvāh), the two breast pieces (stanau), the two shoulder-blades (/kaphodau), the neck-bones (skandhau), and the backbones (prstīh), the collar-bones (amsau), the arms (bāhu), the seven apertures in the head (sapta khāni śīrsani), the ears (karnau), the nostrils (nāsike), the eyes (caksanī), the mouth (mukha), the jaws (hanū), the tongue (jihvā), the brain (mas- tiska), the forehead (lalāta), the facial bone (kakātikā), the cranium (kapāla), and the structure of the jaws (cityā hanvoh). This system presents marked similarities with the later system of Caraka and Suśruta,4 which render certain the names ascribed to the several terms by Hoernle. Kaphodau, which is variously read in the manuscripts,5 is rendered ‘ collar-bone ’ by Whitney, but ‘ elbow ’ in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Skandha in the plural regularly denotes 'neck-bones,’ or, more precisely, ‘cervical vertebrae,’ a part denoted also by usnihā in the plural. Prsii denotes not * rib,’ which is parśu, but a transverse process of a vertebra, and so the vertebra itself, there being in the truncal portion of the spinal column seventeen vertebrae and thirty-four transverse processes. The vertebrae are also denoted by kīkasā in the plural, which sometimes is limited to the upper portion of the vertebral column, sometimes to the thoracic portion of the spine. Anūka also denotes the vertebral column, or more specially the lumbar or thoracic portion of the spine; it is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa that there are twenty transverse processes in the lumbar spine (udara) and thirty-two in the thoracic, which gives twenty-six vertebrae, the true number (but the modern division is seven cervical, twelve thoracic, five lumbar, and two false—the sacrum and the coccyx). The vertebral column is also denoted by karūkara, which, however, is usually found in the plural denoting the transverse processes of the vertebrae, a sense expressed also by kuntāpa. Grīvā, in the plural, denotes cervical vertebrae, the number seven being given by the Satapatha Brāhmana, but usually the word simply means windpipe, or, more accurately, the cartilaginous rings under the skin. Jatru, also in the plural, denotes the cervical cartilages, or possibly the costal cartilages, which are certainly so called in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, where their number is given as eight. Bhamsas, which occurs thrice in the Atharvaveda, seems to denote the pubic bone or arch rather than the ‘buttocks’ or ‘fundament,’ as Whitney takes it. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the number of bones in the the human body is given as 360. The number of the bones of the head and trunk are given in another passage as follows: The head is threefold, consisting of skin (tvac), bone (1asthi), brain (matiska); the neck has 15 bones : 14 transverse processes (karūkara) and the strength (vīrya)—i.e., the bone of the centre regarded as one—as the 15th ; the breast has 17: 16 cervical cartilages (Jatru), and the sternum (uras) as the 17th ; the abdominal portion of the spine has 21 : 20 transverse processes (kimtāpa), and the abdominal portion (udara) as the 21st; the two sides have 27: 26 ribs (parśu), and the two sides as the 27th; the thoracic portion of the spine (anūka) has 33: 32 transverse processes, and the thoracic portion as 33rd. There are several enumerations of the parts of the body, not merely of the skeleton, in the Yajurveda Samhitās. They include the hair (lomāni), skin (tvac), flesh (māinsá), bone (1asthi), marrow (majjan), liver (yakrt), lungs (kloman), kidneys (matasne), gall (pitta), entrails (āntrāni), bowels (gudāh), spleen (ptīhan), navel (nābht), belly (udara), rectum (vanisthu), womb (yoni), penis (plāśi and śepa), face (mukha), head (śiras), tongue (jihvā), mouth (āsan), rump (pāyu), leech (vāla), eye (caksus), eyelashes (paksmāni), eyebrows (utāni), nose (was), breath (iiyāna), nose-hairs (nasyāni), ears (karnau), brows (bhrū), body or trunk (ātman), waist (upastha), hair on the face (śmaśrūni), and on the head (keśāh). Another enumeration gives śiras, mukha, keśāh, śmaśrūni, prāna (breath), caksus, śrotra (ear), jihvā, vāc (speech), manas (mind), arigulik, añgāni (limbs), bāhū, hastau (hands), karnau, ātmā, uras (sternum), prstllj, (vertebrae), udara, amsau, grīvāh, śronī, ūrū, aratnī (elbows), jānūni, nūbhi, pāyu, bhasat (fundament), āndau (testicles), pasas (membrum virile), jañghā, pad (foot), lomāni, tvac, māmsa, asthi, majjan. Another set of names includes vanisthu, purītat (pericardium), lomāni, tvac, lohita (blood), medas (fat), māmsāni, snāvāni (sinews), asthīni, majjānah, ret as (semen), pāyu, kośya (flesh near the heart), pārśvya (intercostal flesh), etc. The bones of the skeleton of the horse are enumerated in the Yajurveda Samhitās. In the Aitareya Araṇyaka the human body is regarded as made up of one hundred and one items ; there are four parts, each of twenty-five members, with the trunk as one hundred and first. In the two upper parts there are five four-jointed fingers, two kakçasī (of uncertain meaning), the arm (dos), the collar-bone (akça), and the shoulder-blade (artisa-phalaka). In the two lower portions there are five four-jointed toes, the thigh, the leg, and three articulations, according to Sāyaṇa’s commentary. The śānkhāyana Araṇyaka enumerates three bones in the head, three joints (parvāni) in the neck, the collar-bone {akṣa), three joints in the fingers, and twenty-one transverse processes in the spine (anūka).sg The Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā enumerates four constituents in the head {prāna, caksns, śrotra, vāc), but there are many variations, the number going up to twelve on one calculation. In the Taittirīya Upaniṣad an enumeration is given consisting of carma (skin), māinsa, snāvan, asthi, and majjan; the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has lomāni, mānμa, tvac, asthi, majjan, and the Aitareya Araṇyaka couples majjānah, snāvāni, and asthīni. Other terms relating to the body are kañkūsa, perhaps a part of the ear, yoni (female organ), kaksa (armpit), Danta (tooth), nakha (nail), prapada (forepart of the foot), hallks'tia (gall).
śaryaṇāvant Occurs in several passages of the Rigveda, in all of which Sāyaṇa sees a local name. According to his account, Saryaṇāh (masc. plur.) is a district in Kurukçetpa, śaryanāvant being a lake not far from it in the back part (jaghanārdhe) of Kurukṣetra. The unusual consistency of his statements on this point is in favour of the word being a place name; it is also to be noted that Kurukṣetra contained the lake Anyatahplakçā. Roth, however, thought that in two passages the word denoted merely a ‘lake,’ literally ‘ (water) covered with a thicket of reeds ’ (śaryana), and in the others a Soma vessel. Zimmer inclines to this rendering. On the other hand, Pischel accepts Sāyaṇa's view. Hillebrandt also sees in the word a place name, but he is inclined to locate it among the ‘five tribes,’ which is not quite inconsistent with its being in Kurukṣetra, for the connexion of the PūPUS with the later Kupus is known; or perhaps, he suggests, śaryaṇāvant is an old name for the Wular sea of Kaśmīr, which was only a reminiscence in Vedic times. This is not probable; still less so is Ludwig’s hypothesis that the śaryanāvant is the later eastern Sapasvatī. Bergaigne regards the name as that of a celestial preparer of Soma.
śaryāta Is mentioned once in the Rigveda as a protágá of the Aśvins. Of him in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Jaiminiya Brāhmana is told a story how Cyavana was annoyed by the śāryātas, and appeased by the gift of Sukanyā, Saryāta's daughter, as a wife, and how Cyavana was then restored to youth by the Aśvins. He is there called Mānava (‘ descendant of Manu ’). He appears also as śaryāta Mānava, a sacrificer, in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.4
śāṭyāyana ‘Descendant of śāṭya,’ is the patronymic of a teacher mentioned twice in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa1 and often in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.2 In a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the latter work3 he is called a pupil of Jvālāyana, while in the Vamśa at the end of the Sāmavidhāna Brāhmaṇa he appears as a pupil of Bādarāyaṇa. The śātyā- yanins, his followers, are frequently mentioned in the Sūtras,4 the śātyāyani Brāhmaṇa5 and the śātyāyanaka® being also referred to in them. It has been shown by Oertel[1] that this Brāhmaṇa bore a close resemblance to, and probably belonged to the same period as, the Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa.
śāṇdilyāyana ‘Descendant of śāṇdilya,’ is the patronymic of a teacher in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Apparently he is identical with Celaka, also mentioned in that text; it is thus reasonable to suppose that Cailaki Jīvala was his son. It is much more doubtful whether he was the grandfather of Pravāhaṇa Jaivala, who was a prince rather than a Brahmin.
śāmūla In the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa seems to have much the same sense as śāmulya, ‘a woollen shirt,’ generally. Roth emends to śamīla, ‘pieces of śamī wood.’
śāryāta Perhaps 'descendant of śaryāta,’ is the name of a singer in the Rigveda. A śāryāta appears also in the Aitareya Brāhmana with the patronymic Mānava as the seer of a Rigvedic hymn, and as having been anointed by Cyavana. The same man is evidently meant by śaryāta in the story of Cyavana in the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Jaiminlya Brāh­maṇa. In both these passages the śāryātas are mentioned as his descendants, and his daughter is called śāryātī.
śālāvatya ‘Descendant of śalāvant,’ is the patronymic of śilaka in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad, and of Galūnasa Árkçākāyaṇa in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
śitibāhu aiṣakṛta naimiśi Is mentioned as a sacrificer in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, where it is recorded that a monkey ran off with his sacrificial cake.
śimida Occurring in the Rigveda in the compound a-śimida, perhaps denotes a disease. The feminine form, śimidā, is found as the name of a demoness in the Atharvaveda and the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Cf. śipada.
śukra jābāla (‘Descendant of Jabālā’) is the name of a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
śuśulūka Is found in the Rigveda in the compound śuśulūka- yātu, the name of a demon. According to Sāyana, the word means a ‘ small owl.’ It appears in the feminine form, śuśu- lūkā, in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) in the Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā.
śūdra Is the designation of the fourth caste in the Vedic state (see Varṇa). It is quite unknown in the Rigveda except in the Purusasūkta (‘hymn of man’) in the tenth Maṇdala, where in the earliest version of the origin of the castes the śūdra for the first time appears. The Rigveda, on the other hand, knows Dasyu and Dāsa, both as aborigines independent of Aryan control and as subjugated slaves: it is reasonable to reckon the śūdra of the later texts as belonging to the aborigines who had been reduced to subjection by the Aryans. Strictly speaking, the defeated aborigines must have been regarded as slaves, but it is obvious that, except on occasions when most of the men were slain, which may have occurred quite often, there must have remained too many of them to be used as slaves of individual owners. The villages of the aborigines must have continued to subsist, but under Aryan lordship and control: there may be this amount of truth in Baden Powell’s theory, which practically traced all the early cultivating villages in India to Dravidian origin. On the other hand, the term śūdra would also cover the wild hill tribes which lived by hunting and fishing, and many of which would acknowledge the superiority of their Aryan neighbours: it could, in fact, be applied to all beyond the pale of the Aryan state. This view of the śūdra suits adequately the Vedic references to his condition, which would not apply adequately to domestic slaves only. The śūdra is continually opposed to the Aryan, and the colour of the śūdra is compared with that of the Aryan, just as his ways are so contrasted. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, in its account of the castes, declares that the śūdra is anyasya presya, ‘the servant of another’; kāmotthāpya, ‘to be expelled at will’; andyathākāmaυadhya, ‘to be slain at will.’ All these terms well enough describe the position of the serf as the result of a conquest: the epithets might have been applied to the English serf after the Norman Conquest with but slight inaccuracy, especially if his master had received a grant of jurisdiction from the Crown. The Pañcavimśa Brāh- mapa explains that even if prosperous (bahu-paśu, having many cows’) a śūdra could not be other than a servant: his business was pādāvanejya, ‘ the washing of the feet ’ of his superiors. The Mahābhārata says out and out that a śūdra has no property (a hi svam asti śūdrasya, ‘ the śūdra has nothing he can call his own’). On the other hand, just as in England the royal justice would protect the serf in life and limb,8 so it appears that the slaying of a śūdra involved a wergeld of ten cows according to both Baudhāyana and Ápastamba. It may, indeed, be held that this wergeld was only due in case of murder by another than the master, but such limitation is nowhere stated. In sacred matters the distinction between Aryan and śūdra was, of course, specially marked. The texts do not hesitate to declare that the upper castes were ‘all,’ ignoring the śūdras; the śūdra is prohibited from milking the cow for the milk required at the Agnihotra (‘oblation to Agni ’); and the śatapatha Brāhmana forbids a man who has been consecrated (1dlksita) for a sacrifice to speak to a śūdra at all for the time, though the śāṭyāyanaka seems to have relaxed this rule by confining it to cases in which the śūdra was guilty of some sin. At the sacrifice itself the śūdra could not be present in the śālā, ‘hall’; he is definitely classed in the śatapatha Brāh¬mana and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana10 as unfit for ‘ sacrifice ’ (ayajñtya); and declared in the Kāçhaka Samhitā not to be admitted to drink Soma. At the Pravargya (introductory Soma) rite the performer is not allowed to come in contact with a śūdra, who here, as in the Kāthaka Samhitā,17 is reckoned as excluded from a share in the Soma-draught. On the other hand, the śūdra is one of the victims at the Puruṣa- medha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Yaj’urveda, and a fight between an Aryan and a śūdra, in which, of course, the former wins, forms a part of the Mahāvrata rite, being perhaps a precursor of the Indian drama. Other indications, however, exist, showing that it would be undesirable to ignore the real importance of the śūdra, which again reminds us of the condition of the serf, who, though legally restrained, still gradually won his way to the rank of a free man. Rich śūdras are mentioned in the early texts, just as śūdra gahapatis, ‘householders,’ occur in the Buddhist texts, and śūdra kings in the legal literature. Sin against śūdra and Aryan is mentioned; prayers for glory on behalf of śūdras, as well as of the other castes occur; and the desire to be dear to śūdra as well as to Aryan is expressed. The Sūtras also, while they emphasize as general rules points earlier not insisted on, such as their inferiority in sitting, etc., their exclusion from the study of the Vedas, the danger of contact with them or their food, still recognize that śūdras can be merchants, or even exercise any trade.Moreover, the Sūtras permit the marriage of a śūdrā woman with members of all castes. Though it was a reproach to Vatsa and to Kavaṣa that they were the sons of a śūdrā and a Dāsī respectively, still the possibility of such a reproach shows that marriages of this kind did take place. Moreover, illicit unions of Arya and śūdrā, or śūdra and Aryā, are referred to in the Samhitās of the Yajurveda. The origin of the term śūdra is quite obscure, but Zimmer points out that Ptolemy mentions tvBpoi as a people, and he thinks that the Brāhui may be meant. Without laying any stress on this identification, it is reasonable to accept the view that the term was originally the name of a large tribe opposed to the Aryan invasion. See also Niṣāda.
śaibya ‘Belonging to the śibis,’ is a designation of king Amitratapana śuçmiṇa in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. In the Praśna Upaniṣad śaibya is the patronymic of a teacher, Satyakāma.
śailana In the plural, is the name of a school of teachers in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
śaunaka ‘Descendant of śunaka,’ is a common patronymic. It is applied to Indrota and Svaidāyana. A śaunaka appears as a teacher of Rauhiṇāyána in the Brhadāranyaka Upaniṣad. A śaunaka-yajña, or śaunaka sacrifice, occurs in the Kausītaki Brāhmana. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad Atidhanvan śaunaka appears as a teacher. That Upaniṣad and the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmana mention a śaunaka Kāpeya who was a contemporary of Abhipratārin Kakçaseni, whose Purohita śaunaka was according to another passage of the latter Upaniṣad. In the Sūtras, the Bṛhaddevatā, etc., a śaunaka appears as a great authority on grammatical, ritual, and other matters.
śyāmajayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Jayanta Pārāśarya, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. Another man of the same name occurs in the same place as a pupil of Mitpabhūti Lauhitya.
śyāmasujayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Krçṇadhpti Sātyaki, in a Varpśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
śyāvasāyana Is the patronymic of Devataras in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. The form is perhaps an error for śāvasāyana.
śyāvāśva Is the name of a man mentioned several times in the Rigveda. The Anukramanī (Index) assigns to him a series of hymns in the fifth, eight, and ninth books. In one of the hymns śyāvāśva mentions, apparently as his patrons, Taranta (a son of Vidadaśva) and Purumīlha, as well as Rathavīti. On this hymn is based a legend found in the Bṛhaddevatā, that he was the son of Arcanānas, who was sacrificing for Rathavīti Dālbhya. The father was anxious to obtain the king’s daughter for his son in marriage; but though the father was willing, his wife insisted on her son-in-law being a Rṣi. The father and son, repulsed, were returning home, when they met on the way Taranta and Purumīdha, former patrons of the father. These showed him respect, while Taranta’s wife, śaśīyasī, presented śyāvāśva with much wealth. The son was then fortunate enough to meet the Maruts in the forest, and praised them, thus becoming a seer. As a result the king himself ultimately offered his daughter to śyāvāśva. Sieg seeks to show that this legend is presupposed in the Rigveda; but it is difficult to accept this view, since the references in the Rigveda are very obscure, and śaśīyasī is probably no more than an epithet. That there is some Itihāsa at the back of the hymn is clear: what it is can hardly now be determined. śyāvāśva's obtaining gifts from Vaidadaśvi is referred to also in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra. His name occurs in the Atharvaveda in two lists of persons, of which the former includes Purumīdha, the latter also Arcanānas and Atri. A Sāman is ascribed to him in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, and he is perhaps referred to in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka. In the śānkhāyana śrauta Sūtra and the Pañcaviφśa Brāhmana he is styled Arcanānasa, ‘ son of Arcanānas,’ and later he is called Atreya, ‘descendant of Atri.’
śruṣa vāhneya (‘Descendant of Vahni’) Kāśyapa ('descen­dant of Kaśyapa') is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Deva- taras, in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. It is much more likely that śruṣa is a mere misreading for Sūça.
śrotriya In the Atharvaveda and later denotes a ‘Brahmin learned in holy lore,’ ‘theologian.’
śvan In the Rigveda and later is the word for ‘dog,’ the feminine being śunī. The dog was a tame animal, and used to guard the house from thieves or other intruders. He was also employed in hunting the boar (varāha-yu),β but was no match for the lion. A hundred dogs are mentioned as a gift in a Dānastuti (Praise of Gifts’) in a Vālakhilya hymn. Elsewhere the dog is regarded as unfit for sacrifice, as being unclean, and is driven away from the sacrifice. To eat dog’s flesh was a last resort of despair and hunger. The bones of the feast were given to the dog. Saramā figures in legend as Indra’s faithful dog searching for the cows. Rudra is lord of dogs (śva-pati) in the Yajurveda ; the 'dog-keeper' (iυanin) is mentioned in the list of sacrificial victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the same Samhitā. The four-eyed (catur-aksa) dogs of certain texts are, of course, mythological. Cf Kurkura.
śvājani Is the name of a Vaiśya in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa
śvetaketu áruṇeya (‘Descendant of Aruṇa’) or Auddālaki (‘son of Uddālaka’) is mentioned repeatedly in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. In the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad he appears as śvetaketu, son of Áruṇi, and as a Gautama. In the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa he is quoted as an authority on the vexed question of the duty of the Sadasya, or the seventeenth priest, at the ritual of the Kauṣītakins, to notify errors in the sacrifice; Áruṇi, his father, is also cited. He was a person of some originality, for he insisted on eating honey despite the general prohibition of the use of that delicacy by Brahmacārins or religious students. He was a contemporary of, and was instructed by the Pañcāla king Pravāhaṇa Jaivala. He was also a contemporary of Janaka, of Videha, and figured among the Brahmin disputants at his court. A story is told of him in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra:[6] Jala Jātūkarṇyā was lucky enough to become the Purohita of three peoples or kings, of Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha. Seeing this, śvetaketu felt annoyed and reproached his father with his excessive devotion to sacrifice, which merely enriched and glorified others, not himself. His father replied, forbidding him to speak thus: he had learned the true method of sacrificing, and his ambition in life had been to discuss it with every Brahmin. All the references to śvetaketu belong to the latest period of Vedic literature. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Ápa- stamba Dharma Sūtra should refer to him as an Avara, or person of later days, who still became a Rṣi by special merit. His date, however, must not be fixed too low, because the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa in which he plays so marked a part is certainly earlier than Pāṇini, and was apparently even in that grammarian’s time believed to be an ancient work; hence 500 B.c. is probably rather too late than too early a period for śvetaketu as a rough approximation to a date.
saṃśliṣṭakā Is the name of an animal mentioned in the Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa and the śātyāyanaka along with the Godhā.
saṃgrāma Denotes primarily, it seems, ‘assembly ’ either in peace or in war, when it means an ‘ armed band.’ Its normal sense in the Atharvaveda and later is ‘war,’ ‘battle.’ Little is known of Vedic warfare, but it seems to have been simple. A body of foot soldiers with charioteers composed every army, the two going together, and the foot soldiers being often overthrown by the charioteers, who were doubtless the Kṣatriyas and their foremost retainers. Probably the foot soldiers bore little armour, and used only the bow for offence, as is suggested by the account that Herodotus gives of the Indian contingent of the army with which Xerxes invaded Greece. The nobles, on the other hand, may have had cuirass (Varman), helmet (śiprā), and hand-guard (Hastaghna) as a protection from the friction of the bowstring. On the car was the charioteer, and on his left the warrior (Sārathi, Savya§thā). Riding is never mentioned in war, and would hardly have been suited to Vedic ideas, for the warrior mainly depended on his bow, which he could not have used effectively from horse¬back. The offensive weapon (Áyudha) was practically the bow; spear and sword and axe were very seldom used. Whether there was a strict tribal organization of the host, such as is once alluded to in the Homeric poems, and is also recognized in Germany by Tacitus, is uncertain (cf. Vrāta), but in the Epic relations (Jñāti) fight together, and this rule, no doubt, applied more or less in Vedic times also. Cities were besieged and invested (upa-sad, pra-bhid), probably as a rule by blockade, since the ineffective means of assault of the time would have rendered storming difficult and expensive. Hillebrandt thinks that the pur carisnū of the Rigveda was a kind of chariot; it may—like the Trojan horse—have been an Indian anticipation of the Roman means of assaulting a town. Besides ordinary wars of defence and conquest, raids into neighbouring territory seem to have been frequent and normal, no doubt because of the booty (Udāja, Nirāja) which wai to be won, and which the king had to share with the'people. Banners (Dhvaja) were borne in war, and musical instruments (Dundubhi, Bakura) were used by the combatants.
saciva Companion,’ attendant ’ (from sac, 'follow'), later a common word for the comrade of a king, his minister, is found in Vedic literature in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (iii. 20, 1), where it is used by Indra of the Maruts. It seems to correspond in sense to the German comes or the English gesith.
satyayajña (‘True sacrificer ’) Pauluṣi ('descendant of Puluṣa') Prāeīnayogya (If descendant of Prācīnayoga’) is the name of a teacher in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, the Chāndogya Upaniṣad, and the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. In the latter text he is said to have been the pupil of Pulusa Prāeīna- yogya.
satyādhivāka caitrarathi (‘Descendant of Citraratha') is the name of a man in the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmana.
sanaka Occurs as the name of one of the two Kāpyas (the other being Navaka) who took part in the sacrifice of the Vibhindukīyas, which is mentioned in the Jaiminiya Brāh­maṇa. Ludwig thinks that the Sanakas are referred to as non-sacrificers in one passage of the Rigveda, but this is very doubtful.
sabhā Is the name of an ‘ assembly ’ of the Vedic Indians as well as of the ‘hall’ where they met in assembly. It is often mentioned in the Rigveda and later, but its exact character is not certain. The hall was clearly used for dicing presumably when the assembly was not transacting public business: a dicer is called sabhā-sthānu, ‘pillar of the assembly hall,’ doubt­less because of his constant presence there. The hall also served, like the Homeric Xecrχη, as a meeting-place for social intercourse and general conversation about cows and so forth, possibly for debates and verbal contests. According to Ludwig, the Sabhā was an assembly not of all the people, but of the Brahmins and Maghavans (‘ rich patrons ’). This view can be supported by the expressions sabheya, ‘ worthy of the assembly,’ applied to a Brahmin,8 rayih sabhāvātt, ‘wealth fitting for the assembly,’ and so on. But Bloomfield plausibly sees in these passages a domestic use of Sabhā, which is recognized by the St. Petersburg Dictionary in several passages11 as relating to a house, not to the assembly at all. Zimmer is satisfied that the Sabhā was the meeting- place of the village council, presided over by the Grāmaṇī. But of this there is no trace whatever. Hillebrandt seems right in maintaining that the Sabhā and the Sāmiti cannot be distinguished, and that the reference to well-born (su-jāta) men being there in session is to the Aryan as opposed to the Dāsa or Sūdra, not to one class of Aryan as opposed to the other. Hillebrandt also sees in Agni ‘ of the hall ’ (sabhya) a trace of the fire used in sacrifice on behalf of the assembly when it met. Women did not go to the Sabhā, for they were, of course, excluded from political activity. For the Sabhā as a courthouse, cf. Grāmyavādin. There is not a single notice of the work done by the Sabhā.
samiti Denotes an ‘assembly’ of the Vedic tribe. It is alreadv mentioned in the Rigveda, and often later, sometimes in connexion with Sabhā. Ludwig considers that the Samiti included all the people, primarily the viśafy, 'subjects,' but also the Mag’havans and Brahmins if they desired, though the Sabhā was their special assembly. This view is not probable, nor is that of Zimmer, that the Sabhā was the village assembly. Hillebrandt appears to be right in holding that Samiti and Sabhā are much the same, the one being the assembly, the other primarily the place of assembly. The king went to the assembly just as he went to the Sabhā. That he was elected there, as Zimmer thinks, is as uncertain as whether he was elected at all (see Rājan). But there are clear signs that concord between king and assembly were essential for his prosperity. It is reasonable to assume that the business of the assembly was general deliberation on policy of all kinds, legislation so far as the Vedic Indian cared to legislate, and judicial work (cf. Sabhāsad). But of all these occupations there is, perhaps as a result of the nature of the texts, little or no evidence directly available.The gods had a Samiti, hence called daivī, ‘divine,’ just as they had a Sabhā. The assembly disappears as an effective part of government in the Buddhist texts, the Epic, and the law-books.
sarasvatī Is the name of a river frequently mentioned in the Rigveda and later. In many passages of the later texts it is certain the river meant is the modern Sarasvatī, which loses itself in the sands of Patiala (see Vinaśana). Even Roth admits that this river is intended in some passages of the Rigveda. With the Drṣadvatī it formed the western boundary of Brahmāvarta (see Madhyadeśa). It is the holy stream of early Vedic India. The Sūtras mention sacrifices held on its banks as of great importance and sanctity. In many other passages of the Rigveda, and even later, Roth held that another river, the Sindhu (Indus), was really meant: only thus could it be explained why the Sarasvatī is called the ‘foremost of rivers’ (nadītamā), is said to go to the ocean, and is referred to as a large river, on the banks of which many kings, and, indeed, the five tribes, were located. This view is accepted by Zimmer and others. On the other hand, Lassen and Max Muller maintain the identity of the Vedic Sarasvatī with the later Sarasvatī. The latter is of opinion that in Vedic times the Sarasvatī was as large a stream as the Sutlej, and that it actually reached the sea either after union with the Indus or not, being the 'iron citadel,’ as the last boundary on the west, a frontier of the Panjab against the rest of India. There is no conclusive evidence of there having been any great change in the size or course of the Sarasvatī, though it would be impossible to deny that the river may easily have diminished in size. But there are strong reasons to accept the identification of the later and the earlier Sarasvatī throughout. The insistence on the divine character of the river is seen in the very hymn which refers to it as the support of the five tribes, and corresponds well with its later sacredness. Moreover, that hymn alludes to the Pārāvatas, a people shown by the later evidence of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa to have been in the east, a very long way from their original home, if Sarasvatī means the Indus. Again, the Pūrus, who were settled on the Sarasvatī, could with great difficulty be located in the far west. Moreover,