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WordReferenceGenderNumberSynonymsDefinition
amaraḥ1.1.7-9MasculineSingularnirjaraḥ, vibudhaḥ, sumanasaḥ, āditeyaḥ, aditinandanaḥ, asvapnaḥ, gīrvāṇaḥ, daivatam, devaḥ, suraḥ, tridiveśaḥ, diviṣad, ādityaḥ, amartyaḥ, dānavāriḥ, devatā, tridaśaḥ, suparvā, divaukāḥ, lekhaḥ, ṛbhuḥ, amṛtāndhāḥ, vṛndārakaḥimmortal
asuraḥ1.1.12MasculineSingularditisutaḥ, indrāriḥ, daityaḥ, suradviṣ, śukraśiṣyaḥ, danujaḥ, pūrvadevaḥ, dānavaḥ, daiteyaḥgiant
citā2.8.119FeminineSingularcityā, ‍citiḥ
dviguṇākṛtam2.9.9MasculineSingulardvitīyākṛtam, dvihalyam, dvisītyam, ‍śambākṛtam
kṛṣṭam2.9.8MasculineSingularsītyam, halyam
śāśvataḥ3.1.71MasculineSingularsanātanaḥ, dhruvaḥ, nityaḥ, sadātanaḥ
satatam1.1.66NeuterSingularanavaratam, aśrāntam, ajasram, santatam, aviratam, aniśam, nityam, anāratameternal or continually
śukraḥMasculineSingularbhārgavaḥ, kaviḥ, daityaguruḥ, kāvyaḥ, uśanāḥvenus
sūraḥ1.3.28-30MasculineSingularsahasrāṃśuḥ, raviḥ, chāyānāthaḥ, jagaccakṣuḥ, pradyotanaḥ, lokabāndhavaḥ, aryamā, dhāmanidhiḥ, divākaraḥ, braghnaḥ, bhāsvān, haridaśvaḥ, arkaḥ, aruṇaḥ, taraṇiḥ, virocanaḥ, tviṣāṃpatiḥ, haṃsaḥ, savitā, tejasāṃrāśiḥ, karmasākṣī, trayītanuḥ, khadyotaḥ, sūryaḥ, bhagaḥ, dvādaśātmā, abjinīpatiḥ, ahaskaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, saptāśvaḥ, vikartanaḥ, mihiraḥ, dyumaṇiḥ, citrabhānuḥ, grahapatiḥ, bhānuḥ, tapanaḥ, padmākṣaḥ, tamisrahā, lokabandhuḥ, dinamaṇiḥ, inaḥ, ādityaḥ, aṃśumālī, bhāskaraḥ, prabhākaraḥ, vivasvān, uṣṇaraśmiḥ, mārtaṇḍaḥ, pūṣā, mitraḥ, vibhāvasuḥ, aharpatiḥ(53)the sun
tālaparṇīFeminineSingulardaityā, gandhakuṭī, murā, gandhinī
triguṇākṛtam2.9.8MasculineSingulartṛtīyākṛtam, trihalyam, trisītyam
valajaḥ3.3.37NeuterSingularnityam, svakam
viṣṇuḥ1.1.18-21MasculineSingularadhokṣajaḥ, vidhuḥ, yajñapuruṣaḥ, viśvarūpaḥ, vaikuṇṭhaḥ, hṛṣīkeśaḥ, svabhūḥ, govindaḥ, acyutaḥ, janārdanaḥ, cakrapāṇiḥ, madhuripuḥ, devakīnandanaḥ, puruṣottamaḥ, kaṃsārātiḥ, kaiṭabhajit, purāṇapuruṣaḥ, jalaśāyī, muramardanaḥ, kṛṣṇaḥ, dāmodaraḥ, mādhavaḥ, puṇḍarīkākṣaḥ, pītāmbaraḥ, viśvaksenaḥ, indrāvarajaḥ, padmanābhaḥ, trivikramaḥ, śrīpatiḥ, balidhvaṃsī, viśvambharaḥ, śrīvatsalāñchanaḥ, narakāntakaḥ, mukundaḥ, nārāyaṇaḥ, viṣṭaraśravāḥ, keśavaḥ, daityāriḥ, garuḍadhvajaḥ, śārṅgī, upendraḥ, caturbhujaḥ, vāsudevaḥ, śauriḥ, vanamālī(45)vishnu, the god
caityamNeuterSingularāyatanam
adhityakā2.3.7FeminineSingular
sauhityam2.9.57NeuterSingulartarpaṇam, tṛptiḥ
     Monier-Williams
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634 results for ity
     
Devanagari
BrahmiEXPERIMENTAL
ityamfn. to be gone to or towards View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityāf. going, stepping View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityamfn. a litter, palanquin commentator or commentary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityādimfn. having such (thing or things) at the beginning, thus beginning, and so forth, et caetera View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityaheind. on this or that day, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityakam. a door-keeper, chamberlain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityālikhitamfn. so scratched or marked View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityantamfn. ending thus commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityarthamfn. having such a sense or meaning View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityarthamind. for this purpose View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityetannāmakamfn. having those names (as aforesaid)
ityevamādiind. and so forth View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityuktan. "so said", information, report. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ityunmṛśyamfn. to be touched in this manner View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ābhijityamfn. a descendant of abhi-jit- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
abhityajto abandon (edition Bomb.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
adhityakāf. (fr. adhi-tya-,a derivation of adhi-; see ), land on the upper part of a mountain, table land View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādidaityam. Name of hiraṇyakaśipu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityamfn. () belonging to or coming from aditi- etc.
ādityam. "son of aditi-" View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityam. plural Name of seven deities of the heavenly sphere (the chief is varuṇa-,to whom the N. āditya- is especially applicable;the succeeding five are mitra-, aryaman-, bhaga-, dakṣa-, aṃśa-;that of the seventh is probably sūrya- or savitṛ-;as a class of deities they are distinct from the viśve devāḥ- ;sometimes their number is supposed to be eight ;and in the period of the brāhmaṇa-s twelve, as representing the sun in the twelve months of the year ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityam. Name of a god in general, especially of sūrya- (the sun) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityam. Name of viṣṇu- in his vāmana- or dwarf avatāra- (as son of kaśyapa- and aditi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityam. the plant Calotropis Gigantea View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityam. dual number (au-) Name of a constellation, the seventh lunar mansion View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityāf. (?) the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityan. equals au- (see punar-vasu-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityan. Name of a sāman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityamfn. () relating or belonging to or coming from the āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityamfn. relating to the god of the sun. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityabandhum. "the sun's friend", Name of śākyamuni-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityabhaktāf. equals -parṇikā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityacandraum. dual number sun and moon. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityācāryam. Name of an author. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityadarśanan. "showing the sun"(to a child of four months), one of the rites called saṃskāra- q.v View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityadāsam. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityadevam. idem or 'm. Name of a man.' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityadevata(ādity/a--) mfn. one whose (special) deity is the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityadhāman(ty/a-), mfn. having a place among the āditya-s, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityagarbham. Name of a bodhisattva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityagatamfn. being in the sun, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityagatif. course of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityagraham. a particular ladle-full of soma- in the evening-oblation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityahṛdayan. Name of a stotra-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityajūta(ādity/a--), (fr. -) mfn. urged by the āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityajyotis(ādity/a--) mfn. having the light of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityakāntāf. Polanisia Icosandra (a creeping plant with gold-coloured flowers, growing near the water) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityakeśavam. Name of an image of viṣṇu-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaketum. Name of a son of dhṛta-rāṣṭra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityakīlakam. a particular phenomenon in the sky, , Scholiast or Commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityalokam. plural the sun's worlds View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityamaṇḍalan. the disc or orb of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityanāmann. Name of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityānuvartinmfn. following the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityapākamfn. boiled in the sun. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaparṇikāf. ([ ]) Polanisia Icosandra. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaparṇinm. ([ ]) Polanisia Icosandra. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaparṇinīf. ([ ]) Polanisia Icosandra. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityapātran. a vessel for drawing off the āditya-grah/a- (q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityapattram. Calotropis Gigantea View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaprabham. "having the splendour of the sun", Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityapurāṇan. Name of an upapurāṇa-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityapuṣpikāf. equals -pattra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityarāmam. Name (also title or epithet) of a king, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaśaktim. Name (also title or epithet) of a chief, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasaṃvatsaram. a solar year. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaśayanan. the sun's sleep View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityaśayanavratan. a particular vow or religious observance. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasenam. Name of a prince View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasthālīf. a receptacle from which the āditya-grah/a- is drawn View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityastotran. Name of a stotra-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasūktan. a particular hymn. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasūnum. "the sun's son", Name of sugrīva- (the monkey king), of yama-, of manu-, etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityasvāminm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityatejasm. or f. Polanisia Icosandra View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityatīrthan. Name of a tīrtha-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityatvan. the state of being the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavallabhāf. equals -parṇikā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavanimfn. winning (the favour of) the āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavāram. Sunday, n. 1 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavardhanam. Name (also title or epithet) of a Kanouj king, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavarmanm. "having the sun (the āditya-s?) as protector", Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavarṇamfn. having the sun's colour View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavarṇam. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavatind. like the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavat(ādity/a--) mfn. surrounded by the āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavidhim. Name (also title or epithet) of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavratan. "a vow or rite relating to the sun" View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavratan. Name of a sāman-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityavratikamfn. performing the above rite on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ādityayaśasm. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
agnicityāf. ([ ]) arranging to preparing the sacred or sacrificial fire-place View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ājijityāf. victory in a running-match View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anabhyāsamityamfn. improper to be approached commentator or commentary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anaucityan. unfitness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aniścitya ind.p. not having ascertained. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityamfn. not everlasting, transient, occasional, incidental View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityamfn. irregular, unusual View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityamfn. unstable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityamfn. uncertain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityabhāvam. transitoriness. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityadatrimam. a son surrendered by his parents to another for temporary or preliminary adoption. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityadatta m. a son surrendered by his parents to another for temporary or preliminary adoption. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityadattaka m. a son surrendered by his parents to another for temporary or preliminary adoption. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityakarmann. an occasional act of worship, sacrifice for a special purpose. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityakriyāf. an occasional act of worship, sacrifice for a special purpose. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityamind. occasionally. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityapratyavekṣāf. consciousness that all is passing away View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityasamam. sophism, consisting in generalizing what is exceptional (as perishableness). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityasamaprakaraṇan. a section in the nyāya- discussing that sophism. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityasamāsam. a compound, the sense of which may be equally expressed by resolving it into its constituent parts. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityatāf. transient or limited existence. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
anityatvan. transient or limited existence. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apamityaSee apa-me-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apamityan. debt View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apāmityan. (see apa-m/itya-), equivalent View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āpamityakamfn. (fr. apa-mitya-[ ], ind.p. of apa--), received by barter View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āpamityakan. property etc. obtained by barter View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aparityajyamfn. = (or varia lectio for) a-- parityājya-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
apoditya(mfn.) n. impersonal or used impersonally to be completely gone away from (ablative) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
araṇyanityamfn. used to dwell in a forest, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aruṇādityam. one of the twelve shapes of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśāditya(aśāditya-) m. Name of a commentator. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśritya ind.p. having sought or obtained an asylum View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
āśrityahaving recourse to, employing, practising, etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atisauhityan. excessive satiety exempli gratia, 'for example' being spoiled, stuffed with food, etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atityadsurpassing that View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ātmanityamfn. constantly in the heart, greatly endeared to one's self ([ equals sva-vaśa- commentator or commentary ]) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ātmaparityāgam. self-sacrifice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
atyādityamfn. surpassing the sun. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aucityan. fitness, suitableness, decorum etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aucityan. the state of being used to, habituation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aucityālaṃkāram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
aurjityan. (fr. ūrjita-), strength, vigour commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avijitya ind.p. not having conquered View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
avityajamn. quicksilver
bālādityam. the newly risen sun, morning sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bālādityam. Name of princes View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bālādityavratan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāḍitya idem or 'm. patronymic fr. bhaḍita- (see gaRa aśvādi-).' gaRa gargādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
bhāṇḍitya(gaRa gargādi-) m. patronymic fr. bhaṇḍita-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahmadaityam. a Brahman changed into a daitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
brahmādityam. Name of an author (also called brahmārka-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caikitsityam. patronymic fr. cikitsita- gaRa gargādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caikityam. patronymic fr. cikita- gaRa gargādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityam. (fr. 5. cit-or 2. citi-) the individual soul View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityamfn. relating to a funeral pile or mound (citā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityam. n. a funeral monument or stūpa- (q.v) or pyramidal column containing the ashes of deceased persons, sacred tree (especially a religious fig-tree) growing on a mound, hall or temple or place of worship (especially with and and generally containing a monument), a sanctuary near a village etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityam. a Jain or image View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityam. equals tyaka-, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityadrum. a religious fig-tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityadrum. a large tree in a village View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityadrumam. equals -taru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityakam. one of the 5 mountains surrounding the town giri-vraja-, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityamukham. "having an opening like that of a sanctuary ", a hermit's water-pot View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityapālam. the guardian of a a caitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityaśailam. plural Name of a Buddhist school View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityaśailam. see caitika-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityasthānan. a place made sacred by a monument or a sanctuary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityatarum. a tree (especially religious fig-tree) standing on a sacred spot View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityavṛkṣam. equals -taru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityavṛkṣam. a religious fig-tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caityayajñam. a sacrificial ceremony performed at a monument View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
caṇḍādityatīrthan. Name of a tīrtha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
candrādityam. Name of a prince View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
catuścityamfn. supported by 4 stratums View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
citācaityacihnan. idem or 'n. "funeral pile mark", a sepulchre ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityamfn. to be arranged in order View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityamfn. to be piled up View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityamfn. (with or without agni-,the fire) constructed upon a foundation (of bricks etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityamfn. (fr. 1. -c/iti-) coming from the funeral pile or from the place of cremation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityan. equals -cūḍaka- (see ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityāf. "piling up", building (an altar. etc.) See agni-city/ā-, maṭha-- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityan. "a layer, stratum" See catuścitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityan. a funeral pile View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityaSee 1. ci-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityagnim. plural the bricks used for the sacrificial fire View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityayūpam. a post on the place of cremation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cityupaniṣadf. Name of an View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityam. a son of diti-, a demon etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityamf(ā-)n. belonging to the daitya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityāf. Name of plants (equals caṇḍauhadhi-and murā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityamf(ā-)n. spirituous liquor View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityadānavamardanam. "crusher of daitya-s and dānava-s", Name of indra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityadevam. "god of the daitya-s", varuṇa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityadevam. Wind View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityadvīpam. "refuge of the daitya-s (?)", Name of a son of garuḍa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityagurum. "preceptor of the daitya-s", Name of śukra-, the planet Venus View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityahanm. " daitya--slayer", Name of śiva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityahanm. of indra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityahantṛm. "id.", Name of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityāhorātram. a day and night of the daitya-s (= a year of man) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityamātṛf. "mother of the daitya-s", diti- (plural ) . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityamedajam. "produced from the marrow of daitya-s", a kind of bdellium View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityamedajāf. the earth (supposed to be produced from the marrow of madhu- and kaiṭabha-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityanāśanam. " daitya-s-destroyer", Name of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityanirūdanam. "id.", Name of viṣṇu- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityaniṣūdanam. "id", Name of indra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityāntakam. " daitya-s. destroyer" View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityapa m.," daitya-s-prince", Name of bali- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityapatim.," daitya-s-prince", Name of bali-
daityapūjyam. equals -guru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityapurodhasm. equals -guru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityapurohitam. equals -guru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityārim. "foe of the daitya-s", a god (especially viṣṇu-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityāripaṇḍitam. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityartvij(yai-it-) m. equals -guru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityasenāf. Name of a daughter of prajā-pati- and sister of deva-senā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityāyaNom. A1. yate-, to represent a daitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityayugan. an age of the daitya-s (= 4 ages. of man) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityejyam. equals tya-guru- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityendram. " daitya-s-prince", Name of pātāla--ketu View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daityendrapūjyam. equals tyejya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dantidaityam. Name of a daitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
daurjīvitya(d/aur--) n. a miserable existence View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
devīnityapūjāvidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmādityam. "sun of justice", Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmakrityan. fulfilment of duty, virtue, any moral or religious observance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dharmanityamfn. constant in duty View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhaurādityatīrthan. Name of a tīrtha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhyānanitya() mfn. engaged in meditation, thoughtful. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dityam. a son of diti- (wrong reading for daitya-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dityauhīf. See above. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dityavahm. (in strong cases vāh- Nominal verb vāṭ-; instrumental case dityauhā-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dityavahf. tyauhī- ( ) a two-year-old steer or cow (Prob. from ditya- equals dvitīya-+ vah- see turya-vah-.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
draupadāditya varia lectio for drup- q.v View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
drupadādityam. a form of the Sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dvādaśāditya(in compound) the 12 āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dvādaśādityastavam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dvādaśādityastyāsramam. Name of a hermitage View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dvādaśādityatīrthan. Name of a tīrtha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gādityafr. gadita- gaRa pragady-ādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gajadaityabhidm. "conqueror of the daitya- (or asura-) gaja-", Name of śiva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gaṅgādityam. (d-) a form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
garuḍādityam. a form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gopādityam. Name of a king of Kashmir View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
gopādityam. Name of a poetry or poetic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
grāmacaityan. the sacred tree of a village View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
indrādityam. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jayādityam. Name of a king (vāmana-'s fellow-author of ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jhampānrityan. a kind of dance. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jityamfn. conquerable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jityam. equals hali- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jityāf. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' "victory" See āji-- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jityam. vāja-jitya-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jitya j/itvan-, vara- See ji-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
jīvādityam. the living sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kapaṭadaityam. Name of a daitya-, or one who pretends to be a daitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kapaṭadaityavadham. Name of a section of the gaṇeśa-purāṇa-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
karmādityam. Name of a king. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kauśikādityan. Name of a tīrtha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
keśacaityan. Name of a caitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
keśavādityam. a form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khakholkādityam. a form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khālityan. idem or 'n. (fr. khalat/i-), morbid baldness ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
khāṇḍityamfn. idem or 'mfn. fr. khaṇḍita- gaRa sutaṃgamādi-.' gaRa pragady-ādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
koṇādityan. (perhaps) equals koṇārka-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kramādityam. Name of king skanda-gupta-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṛtanityakriyamfn. one who has duly performed his daily religious observances. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣaitrajityan. (fr. kṣetra-jit-), acquisition of land, victorious battle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣemādityam. Name of a man. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣity(by saṃdhi- for kṣiti-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣityadhipam. "lord of the earth", a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣityaditif. "the aditi- of the earth", Name of devakī- (mother of kṛṣṇa-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kṣityutkaram. a heap of mould, . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kullādityam. Name (also title or epithet) of chief, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuvalayādityam. Name of a prince (equals pīḍa-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lakṣmaṇādityam. (with rājaputra-) Name of a poet and pupil of kṣemendra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lalitacaityam. Name of a caitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lalitādityam. Name of a king of kaśmīra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lalitādityapuran. Name of a town founded by him View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lālityan. (fr. lalita-) grace, beauty, charm, amorous or languid gestures View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityam. (fr. idem or 'm. rock-crystal ') a kind of rice (see lohitya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityam. patron. (also plural) (see gaRa gargādi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityam. Name of a river, the brahma-putra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityam. of a sea View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityam. of a mountain View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityan. (prob.) of a tīrtha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityan. red colour, redness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityabhaṭṭagopālam. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lauhityāyanīf. (feminine form of the patronymic lauhitya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityam. a kind of rice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityam. Name of a man (varia lectio, lauh-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityam. of the brahma-putra- river (varia lectio for lauh-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityam. of a village View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityam. of the blood sea near kuśa-dvīpa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityāf. Name of a celestial female (with jana-mātā-; varia lectio lohityā- yana-m-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
lohityāf. of a river View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madanādityam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madhyādityam. the midday sun (-gate' hani-,"when the day has reached the mid-sun" id est at noon) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
madhyasthityardham. or n. (in astronomy) the mean half duration. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahādaityam. "the great daitya-", Name of a daitya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahādaityam. of the grandfather of the second candra-gupta- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mahendrādityam. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
māhityam. patronymic fr. mahita- gaRa gargādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
malamūtraparityāgam. evacuation of feces and urine View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
māṇiyādityam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
māntrityam. patronymic fr. mantrita- gaRa gargādi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
manukulādityam. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mayūkhādityam. a form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
mityan. what is to be measured or fixed, (prob.) price View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
muñjādityam. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naicityam. a prince of the nicita-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naiścityam. determination, certainty View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naiścityam. a fixed ceremony or festival (as a birth, investiture, marriage etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naiśityan. sharpness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naityamfn. (fr. nitya-) continually done or to be done, regularly repeated gaRa vyuṣṭādi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naityan. eternity, perpetuity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naityakamfn. to be always or regularly done (not occasionally; see naimittika-), constantly repeated, invariable, obligatory etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naityakan. the food regularly offered to an idol View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naityaśabdikamfn. Va1rtt. 1 View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
naityikamfn. equals tyaka- mfn. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nakṣatratārārājādityam. a particular samādhi- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nāpityam. idem or 'm. the son or offspring of a barber ' , View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nāpityan. the trade or business of a barber View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
narendrādityam. Name of 2 kings of kaśmīra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
navaucityavicāracarcāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nemādityam. Name of trivikrama-bhaṭṭa-'s father View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nimbādityam. Name of the founder of a vaiṣṇava- sect View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
niścityaind. having ascertained or decided, feeling assured or convinced or resolute View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
niśrityaind. going to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamf(ā-)n. (fr. ni-; see ni-ja-) innate, native View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamf(ā-)n. one's own (opp. to araṇa-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamf(ā-)n. continual, perpetual, eternal etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamfn. in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' constantly dwelling or engaged in, intent upon, devoted or used to (see tapo-n-, dharma-n-, dhyāna-n-, śastra-n-) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamf(ā-)n. ordinary, usual, invariable, fixed, necessary, obligatory (opp. to kāmya-, naimittika-etc.) etc. (with samāsa- m.a compound the meaning of which is not expressed by its members when not compounded ;with svarita- m. equals jātya-,the independent svarita- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityam. the sea, ocean View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāf. a plough-share View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāf. Name of durgā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāf. of a śakti- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāf. of the goddess manasā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityan. constant and indispensable rite or act View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityabhaktikamfn. regularly fed by another, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityabhāvam. eternity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityabuddhimfn. considering anything (locative case) as constant or eternal View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityācāram. constant good conduct View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityācārapradīpam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityācāravidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityadāind. always, perpetually, constantly (see gaRa svarādi-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityadānan. daily alms-giving View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityadānādipaddhatif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityadhṛtmfn. constantly bearing or maintaining View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityadhṛtmfn. observing daily duties (?) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityadhṛtamfn. constantly maintained or kept up View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityagatimfn. moving continually View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityagatim. wind, or the god of wind View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāgnihotran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityahomaperpetual sacrifice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityahomādiprakīrṇakan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityahomādividhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityahomaprāyaścittan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityahomavidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityahotṛ(n/i-) mfn. always sacrificing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityajapavidhānan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityajātamfn. constantly born View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityajvaram. uninterrupted fever View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakālamind. always, at all times View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmalatāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmann. a constant act or duty (as observance of the 5 great acts of worship), any daily and necessary rite View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmann. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmānuṣṭhānakramam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmapaddhatif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmaprakāśikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakarmavidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakriyāf. idem or 'n. a regular and necessary act or ceremony ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakriyāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityakṛtyan. a regular and necessary act or ceremony View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityalīlāsthāpanan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamind. always, constantly, regularly, by all means etc. (na nityam-,never; nityam an-ādāta-,never a receiver ) . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamayamf(ī-)n. formed or consisting of anything eternal View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamuktamfn. emancipated for ever ( nityamuktatva -tva- n.), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityamuktatvan. nityamukta
nityānadhyāyam. invariable suspension of repetition of the veda-s (as on the day of full moon etc.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityanaimittikan. (with or scilicet karman-) any regularly recurring occasional act or ceremony or any rite constantly performed to accomplish some object (as śrāddha-s at fixed lunar periods) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānandam. "eternal happiness", Name of several authors (also -nātha-, -mano'bhirāma-, -rāma-, -śarman-, nucara-and śrama-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānandarasam. "essence of eternal joy", Name of a particular medicine preparation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānandarasodadhim. "ocean of the essence etc.", God View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānandayugalāṣṭakan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityanartamfn. constantly dancing (śiva-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityanātham. Name of an author (also -siddha-)
nityānityamfn. eternal and perishable, permanent and temporary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānnadānamāhātmyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānubaddhamfn. always approached or resorted to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānubaddhāf. (with devatā-) tutelary deity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānugṛhītamfn. constantly maintained or kept (fire) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānusaṃdhānan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityānuṣṭhānapūjāpaddhatif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityapādam. equals -nātha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaparīkṣaṇan. constant investigation or inspection View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaparivṛtam. Name of a buddha-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityapralayam. the constant dissolution of living beings View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityapramuditamfn. always delighted or satisfied View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaprayogaratnākaram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityapūjāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityapūjāyantran. a kind of amulet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityapuṣṭamf(ā-)n. always well-supplied View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityārādhanan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityārādhanakramam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityārādhanavidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāritra(n/i-) mf(ā-)n. having its own oars (as a ship), moving by itself. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityārthasāmānyapañcapaṭhīf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityartu(for -ṛtu-) mfn. regularly recurring at the seasons, annual View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasamam. the assertion that all things remain the same View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasamāsam. See above. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasaṃhṛṣṭamfn. always exulting or triumphant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasaṃhṛṣṭamfn. always rivalling one another (see saṃghṛṣṭa-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasaṃnyāsinm. always an ascetic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśaṅkinm. "always afraid", a deer, antelope, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśaṅkitamfn. perpetually alarmed, always suspicious View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśasind. always, constantly, eternally View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśatrughnamfn. killing one's constant enemies (id est passions), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśayamfn. always sleeping or reclining View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasevakamfn. always serving others View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasiddhamfn. "ever perfect", a jaina- predicate of the soul View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasnāyinmfn. constantly bathing or making ablutions View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśrāddhan. a daily or constant śrāddha- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityaśrīmfn. of lasting beauty View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasthamfn. always abiding in (locative case) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityastotra(n/i-) mfn. receiving perpetual praise View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasvādhyāyinmfn. always engaged in the study of the veda- ( nityasvādhyāyitā yi-- f.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityasvādhyāyitāf. nityasvādhyāyin
nityatāf. perpetuity, continuance, continual repetition of (compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityatāf. necessity View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityātantran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityatarpaṇan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityatvan. idem or 'f. necessity ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavaikuṇṭham. Name of a particular residence of viṣṇu- in heaven View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavarṣadevam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavatsamf(ā-)n. (ty/a--) always possessing a calf View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavatsāf. a particular form of sāma- supplication View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavatsan. Name of several sāman-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavitrastam. "always scared", Name of an antelope View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavratan. a perpetual observance (lasting for life) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavyayamfn. always expending View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityavyayāf. ever laying out View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityayātrāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityayauvanamfn. always young View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityayauvanāf. Name of draupadī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityayauvanan. perpetual youth View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityayujmfn. having the mind always fixed upon one object View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityayuktamfn. always busy or intent upon (locative case) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityāyuktam. "always active", Name of a bodhisattva- (see tyody-below) . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityodaka() () mfn. always furnished with water. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityodakin() mfn. always furnished with water. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityoditamfn. risen by itself (as knowledge) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityoditam. a particular medicine preparation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityoditam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityodyuktam. "always energetic", Name of a bodhi-sattva- (see nityāy-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityotkṣiptahastam. "who always raises his hand", Name of a bodhi-sattva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityotsavam. (in the beginning of a compound) constant or regular festivals View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityotsavam. Name of work (also nityotsavavidhi -vidhi-,m.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nityotsavavidhim. nityotsava
pādmanityapūjāvidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pālityan. (fr. palita-) greyness (of age), hoariness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pālityamfn. gaRa saṃkāśādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pañcabhūtaparityaktamfn. deserted by the 5 elements (as a dead body) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pāṇḍityan. (fr. paṇḍita-) scholarship, erudition, learning, cleverness, skill, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pāṇḍityadarpaṇam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pārimityan. (-mita-) the being confined, limitation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pariṇāminityamfn. eternal but continually changing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityāgam. (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound' f(ā-).) the act of leaving, abandoning, deserting, quitting, giving up, neglecting, renouncing etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityāgam. separation from (sakāśāt-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityāgam. (plural) liberality, a sacrifice View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityāgam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityāginmfn. leaving, quitting, forsaking, renouncing (mostly in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityajP. -tyajati- (te- ; ind.p. -tyajya-), to leave, quit, abandon, give up, reject, disregard, not heed etc. ; (with deham-) to forsake the body id est die ; (with prāṇān-,or jīvitam-) to resign the breath, give up the ghost ; (with nāvam-) to disembark : Passive voice -tyajyate-, to be deprived or bereft of (instrumental case) etc.: Causal -tyājayati-, to deprive or rob a person of (2 accusative) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityajmfn. idem or 'mfn. one who leaves or abandons, a forsaker ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityajanan. abandoning, giving away, distributing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityājanan. causing to abandon or give up View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityajyaind. having left or abandoned etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityajyaind. leaving a space, at a distance from (accusative) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityajyaind. with she exception of, excepting View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityājyamfn. to be left or abandoned or deserted etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityājyamfn. to be given up or renounced View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityājyamfn. to be omitted View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityaktamfn. left, quitted etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityaktamfn. let go, let fly (as an arrow) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityaktamfn. deprived of, wanting (instrumental case or compound) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityaktan. anything to spare View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityaktamind. without (compound) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
parityaktṛmfn. one who leaves or abandons, a forsaker View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pātityan. (fr. patita-) loss of position or caste, degradation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paurohityamfn. belonging to the family of a purohita- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paurohityan. the office of a recited View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pracuranityadhanāgamamfn. receiving many and constant supplies of money View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prāditya(pra-ād-) m. Name of two princes View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prajñāditya(jñād-) m. "sun of wisdom", N. applied to a very clever man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prakāśādityam. Name of author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prākṛtasāhityaratnākaram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prāṇaparityāgam. abandonment of life View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratāpādityam. Name of several princes ( pratāpādityatā -- f.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratāpādityatāf. pratāpāditya
pratyādityam. a mock sun, parhelion View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
pratyāditya(in the beginning of a compound) towards the sun (exempli gratia, 'for example' p-guda-,one whose hinder parts are towards the sun ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rāhityan. (fr. rahita- in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') destituteness, non-possession, the being destitute of or free from or without View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raityamfn. made of brass, brazen View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājādityam. Name of an author View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rājīmanmatīparityāgam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
raṇādityam. Name of various men View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rauhityāyanim. patronymic View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śabdanityatāf. the eternity of sound (also -tva- ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śabdānityatārahasyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śabdanityatāvicāram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāgnicityamfn. connected with the piling of the sacred fire. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahacaityavatmfn. together with sanctuaries View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahasracityam. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityan. (fr. sahita-) association, connection, society, combination, union with (instrumental case or compound; sāhityena yena- ind."in combination with, together with") View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityan. agreement, harmony View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityan. literary or rhetorical composition, rhetoric, poetry View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityabodham. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityacandrikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityacintāmaṇim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityacūḍāmanim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityadarpaṇam. "mirror of composition", Name of a treatise on literary or rhetorical composition by viśvanātha-kavi-rāja- (15th century A.D.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityadīpikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityahṛdayadarpaṇam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityakalpadrumam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityakalpapallavīf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityakaṇṭhoddhāram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityakaumudīf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityakauthūhalan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityamīmāṃsāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityamuktāmaṇim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityaratnākaram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityaratnamālāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasaṃgraham. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasāmrājyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasāram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasaraṇīvyākhyāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityaśārṅgadharam. (prob.) = śārṅgadharapaddhati-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasarvasvan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityaśāstran. a treatise on rhetoric or composition (or any work explaining the figures of rhetoric or giving rules for literary or poetical composition) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasūcīf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasudhāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasudhāsamudram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityasūkṣmasaraṇif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityataraṃgiṇīf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityavicāram. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityavidhyādharam. Name of cāritra-vardhana- muni- (author of a commentator or commentary on the naiṣadha-caritra-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāhityenaind. sāhitya
śaityan. (fr. śīta-) coldness, frigidity, cold View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaityamayamf(ī-)n. consisting in coldness, causing frost ( śaityamayatva -tva- n.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaityamayatvan. śaityamaya
śaityāyanam. Name of a grammarian View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śakādityam. "sun of the śaka-s", Name of king śāli-vāhana- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śakrādityam. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samabhityajP. -tyajati-, to give up entirely, wholly renounce or resign View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samabhityaktamfn. wholly given up, renounced, risked View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samabhityaktajīvitamfn. one who has quite renounced his life View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāmbādityam. a particular form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śambhunityāf. Name of a Tantric work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃgamādityam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāṃgrāmajityan. (fr. saṃ-grāma-jit-) victory in battle View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāmityamfn. (fr. sam-iti-) relating to an assembly or council View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saṃkhyāparityaktamfn. "deserted by numeration", innumerable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāṃnihityan. (fr. saṃ-nihita-) close vicinity, anything near at hand View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samparityajP. -tyajati-, to abandon, desert, leave View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samparityaktamfn. abandoned, given up View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
samparityaktajīvitamfn. (a battle) in which expectation of life is abandoned View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāṃśityam. patronymic fr. saṃ-śita- (See saṃ-śo-) gaRa gargādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvadevasādhāraṇanityapūjāvidhim. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sarvasaṅgaparityāgam. abandonment of all worldly affections or connections View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śastranityamfn. one who is continually under arms View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sauhityan. (fr. su-hita-) satiety, satisfaction etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sauhityan. amiableness, loveliness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sauhityan. fulness, completion View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sausthityan. (fr. su-sthita-) an auspicious situation View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sāvadhānasāhityan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śilāditya(d-) m. Name of a king (see śīlāditya-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śīlādityam. "sun of virtue", Name of various kings (especially of a son of vikramāditya-, also called pratāpa-śīla-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śityin compound for śiti-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śityaṃsamfn. white-shouldered View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śityoṣṭhamfn. white-lipped View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śivādityam. (with miśra-) Name of an author (also called nyāyācārya-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śivādityamaṇidīpikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śivādityamaṇidīpikākhaṇḍanan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śivādityaprakāśikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ṣoḍaśanityatantran. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somādityam. Name of a man, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
somādityam. of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śriyāditya(śriyād-) m. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
staimityan. (fr. stimita-) fixedness, rigidity, immobility, numbness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
staimityaSee . View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sthityin compound for sthiti-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sthityatikrāntif. transgression of the bounds of morality or virtue View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sugandhādityam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
suparṇacityamfn. equals -c/it- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śūrādityam. Name of a son of guṇāditya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svādityamfn. any one befriended by the āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svādityan. the favour or protection of the āditya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvaityam. patronymic of sṛñjaya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvaityan. whiteness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvaityan. white leprosy, vitiligo View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svayaṃguṇaparityāgam. spontaneous abandonment of"the thread"and of"virtue" View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvityamfn. white, white-coloured View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvityam. (see śvaitya-) Name of a man () View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvityañcmf(tīc/ī-)n. whitish View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śyāmānityapūjāpaddhatif. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taimityan. fr. timita-, dulness View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taponityamfn. devoting one's self incessantly to religious austerities View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taponityam. Name of a man (with the patronymic pauruśiṣṭi-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
taruṇādityam. the newly-risen sun, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
turagadaityam. "horse-titan", keśin- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ucchritya ind.p. having erected or raised View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
udayādityam. Name of several men. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upaniḥśritya ind.p. having gone out to View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
upapattiparityaktamfn. destitute of argument or proof. unproved, unreasonable View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vaicitya wrong reading for prec. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vairohityam. patronymic fr. vairohita- gaRa gargādi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājajityā() f. a victorious course or contest. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vājidaityam. Name of an asura- (also called keśin-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vajrādityam. Name of a king of kāśmīra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vālukācaityakrīḍāf. "playing at heaps of sand", a kind of child's game View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vananityam. Name of a son of raudrāśva- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vicicityamfn. to be sifted View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vijayādityam. Name of various kings View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikramādityam. See below View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikramādityam. "valour-sun", Name of a celebrated Hindu king (of ujjayinī- and supposed founder of the [ mālava--] vikrama- era[ see saṃvat-],which begins 58 B.C. [but subtract 57-56 from anexpiredyear of the vikrama- era to convert it into A.D.];he is said to have driven out the śaka-s and to have reigned over almost the whole of Northern India;he is represented as a great patron of literature;nine celebrated men are said to have flourished at his court [see nava-ratna-],and innumerable legends are related of him all teeming with exaggerations;according to some he fell in a battle with his rival śāli-vāhana-, king of the south country or Deccan, and the legendary date given for his death is kali-yuga- 3044 [which really is the epoch-year of the vikrama- era];there are, however, other kings called vikramāditya-, and the name has been applied to king bhoja- and even to śāli-vāhana-) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikramādityam. of a poet ( vikramādityakośa -kośa- m.Name of a dictionary; vikramādityacaritra -caritra- n.Name of a poem equals vikrama-c-; vikramādityarāja -rāja- m.Name of a king) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vikramādityacaritran. vikramāditya
vikramādityakośam. vikramāditya
vikramādityarājam. vikramāditya
vimalādityam. a particular form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vinayādityam. Name of jayāpīḍa-, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vinayādityam. Name of a king of the race of the cālukya-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vinayādityapuran.Name of a town built by jayāpīḍa- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣamādityam. Name of a poet View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vityajaSee a-vityaja-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vṛddhādityam. a particular form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vyāvrityaSee vyā-vṛt-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yamādityam. a particular form of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yathaucityam( ) () ind. in a suitable manner, according to propriety, fitly, suitably, duly. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yathaucityāt() ind. in a suitable manner, according to propriety, fitly, suitably, duly. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
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itya इत्य a. To be gone towards or approached; इत्यः शिष्येण गुरुवत्. -त्या 1 Going; way. अन्यमस्मदिच्छ सा त$- इत्या Vāj.12.62. -2 A litter, palanquin.
atisauhityam अतिसौहित्यम् Stuffing oneself with food; न ˚त्यमाचरेत् Ms.4.62.
atyāditya अत्यादित्य a. Surpassing the (lustre of the) sun; अत्यादित्यं हुतवहमुखे संभृतं तद्धि तेजः Me.43.
adhityakā अधित्यका [अधि-त्यकन् P.V.2.34; पर्वतस्य आरूढस्थल- मधित्यका Sk.] A table-land, highland; स्थाणुं तपस्यन्तमधि- त्यकायां Ku.3.17; अधित्यकायामिव धातुमय्याम् R.2.29.
anitya अनित्य a. 1 Not eternal or everlasting, transient, non-eternal, perishable (नश्वर) (opp. नित्य); गन्धवती पृथ्वी सा द्विविधा नित्या$नित्या च T. S.9 (अनित्या = कार्यरूपा); See नित्य; यदि नित्यमनित्येन निर्मलं मलवाहिना । यशः कायेन लभ्येत तन्न लब्धं भवेन्तु किम् ॥ H.1.45. रजस्वलमनित्यं च भूतावासमिमं त्यजेत् Ms.6.77; धर्मो$नित्यः सुखदुःखे$प्यनित्ये जीवो$नित्यो हेतुरस्या- प्यनित्यः Mb. -2 Occasional, temporary, casual; not peremptory or obligatory as a rule &c., special. -3 Unusual, extraordinary; वर्णे चानित्ये P.V.4.31 (लोहितकः कोपेन, अन्यथा तु श्वेतवर्ण इति भावः); आनाय्यो$नित्ये III.1.127 (स हि गार्हपत्यादानीयते$नित्यश्च सततमप्रज्वलनात् Sk.) See VI.1. 147. -4 Unsteady, fickle, not permanent; अनित्यं यौवनं रूपम् H.4.68; ˚हृदया हि ताः Rām. -5 Uncertain, doubtful; अनित्यो विजयो यस्माद् दृश्यते युध्यमानयोः Ms.7.199; विजयस्य ह्यनित्यत्वात् Pt.3.22. -6 (in grammar) A rule or operation which is not invariable or compulsory; optional. -त्यम् adv. Occasionally, not permanently, incidentally, casually; अनित्यं हि स्थितो यस्मात् Ms.3.12. -Comp. -कर्मन्, -क्रिया an occasional act, such as a sacrifice for a special purpose, a voluntary and occasional act. -दत्तः, -दत्तकः, -दत्रिमः a son given by his parents to another temporarily (for temporary or preliminary adoption). -प्रत्यवेक्षा (with Buddhists) the consciousness that everything is perishable and is passing away. -भावः transitoriness, transient state, limited nature or existence; so अनित्यतावम् frailty, instability. -समः a sophism or fallacious reasoning which generalizes what it is exceptional (as अनित्यत्वम्). -समासः a compound which it is not obligatory to form in every case (the sense of which may be equally expressed by resolving it into its constituent members.).
anaucityam अनौचित्यम् Unfitness, impropriety; अनौचित्यादृते नान्य- द्रसभङ्गस्य कारणम् K.P.7.
apamitya अपमित्य Ved. To be thrown away. -त्यम्, -त्यकम् Debt. Av.6.117.1.
abhiśvaitya अभिश्वैत्य a. (अभितः श्वैत्यं शुद्धचारित्र्यादिर्यस्य) One whose conduct is chaste.
āditya आदित्य a. [अदितेरपत्यं ण्य P.IV.1.85.] 1 Solar, belonging to, or born in, the solar line; आदित्यैर्यदि विग्रहो नृपतिभिर्धन्यं ममैतत्ततो U.6.18. -2 Devoted to, or originating from, Aditi; आदित्यं चरुं निर्वपेत् Yaj. Ts.2.2.6.1. -3 Belonging to, or sprung from, the Ādityas. -त्यः 1 A son of Aditi; a god, divinity in general. (The number of Ādityas appears to have been originally seven, of whom Varuṇa is the head, and the name Āditya was restricted to them (देवा आदित्या ये सप्त Rv.9.114.3.). In the time of the Brāhmaṇas, however, the number of Ādityas rose to 12, representing the sun in the 12 months of the year; धाता मित्रो$र्यमा रुद्रो वरुणः सूर्य एव च । भगो विवस्वान् पूषा च सविता दशमः स्मृतः ॥ एकादशस्तथा त्वष्टा विष्णुर्द्वादश उच्यते ।); आदित्यानामहं विष्णुः Bg.1.21; Ku. 2.24. (These 12 suns are supposed to shine only at the destruction of the universe; cf. Ve.3.8; दग्धुं विश्वं दहनकिरणैर्नोदिता द्वादशार्काः). -2 The sun; Vāj.4.21. -3 A name of Viṣṇu in his fifth or dwarf-incarnation; स्वयंभूः शंभुरादित्यः V. Sah. -4 N. of the Arka plant (Mar. रुई). -त्यौ (dual) N. of a constellation, the seventh lunar mansion (पुनर्वसु). -Comp. -केतुः 1 N. of a son of Dhṛitarāṣtra. -2 The charioteer of the sun. -चन्द्रौ (dual) the sun and the moon. -दर्शनम् 'Showing the sun' (to a child of 4 months), one of the संस्काराs. -पत्र्यः N. of a plant. (-त्र्यम्) the leaf of the Arka tree. -पर्णिनी a creeping plant with gold-coloured flowers, growing near the bank of water. -पुराणम् N. of an Upapurāṇa. -पुष्पिका red swallow wort (Mar. शिरदोडी). -बन्धुः N. of Śākyamuni. -भक्ता [आदित्ये भक्ता] N. of a plant. see अर्कभक्ता. -मण्डलम् the disc or orb of the sun. -व्रतम् 1 worship of the sun; a व्रत or rite. -2 N. of a Sāman. -सूनुः 'the son of the sun', N. of Sugrīva, Yama, Saturn, Manu and Karṇa &c.
āpamityaka आपमित्यक a. [अपमित्य परिवर्त्य निर्वृत्तम् कक्] Received by barter or exchange. -कम् Property or anything obtained by barter or for a consideration.
aucityam औचित्यम् औचिती [उचित-ष्यञ् यलोपे ङीष्] 1 Aptness, fitness, propriety, suitableness. -2 Congruity or fitness, as one of the several circumstances which determine the exact meaning of a word in a sentence (such as संयोग, वियोग &c.); सामर्थ्यमौचिती देशः कालो व्यक्तिः स्वरादयः S. D.2; in the example पातु वो दयितामुखम् there is औचिती or fitness in taking मुख to mean सांमुख्यम् (meeting) instead of आननम्. -3 Habituation. -Comp. -अलङ्कारः N. of a work.
aurjityam और्जित्यम् [ऊर्जित-ष्यञ्] Greatness; कैलासोद्धारसार- त्रिभुवनविजयौर्जित्यनिष्णातदोष्णः Mv.2.16. और्ण aurṇa और्णक aurṇaka और्णिक aurṇika और्ण और्णक और्णिक a. (-र्णी, -की f.) [ऊर्णा-अञ्, घुञ् वा] Woollen. राङ्कवाणि तथौर्णानि ...... । Śiva. B.3.21. -Comp. -स्थानिकः An officer in charge of woollen articles; EI,XXIII,P.159.
citya चित्य a. 1 To be arranged in order or built up. -2 Constructed upon a foundation (as fire). -त्यम् 1 The place at which a corpse is burnt. -2 A monument. -त्या 1 A funeral pile. -2 Piling up, building (as an altar).
citya चित्य a. Belonging to the funeral pyre; चित्यमाल्याङ्ग- रागश्च आयसाभरणो$भवत् Rām.1.58.11; m. funeral fire. f. 1 A pyre. -2 A piece of ground prepared for sacrifice; सचित्यो राजसिंहस्य संचितः कुशलैर्द्विजैः Rām.1.14.29.
caitya चैत्य a. Relating to a pile. -त्यः The individual soul. -त्यम् 1 The ant-hill; नागहेतोः सुपर्णेन चैत्यमुन्मथितं यथा Rām.4.19.24. -2 A pile of stones forming a landmark. -3 A monument, tomb-stone. -4 A sacrificial shed; देवस्थानेषु चैत्येषु नागानामालयेषु च Mb.3.19.67; कच्चिच्चैत्यशतैर्जुष्टः Rām.2.1.43; प्रासादगोपुरसभाचैत्यदेव- गृहादिषु Bhāg.9.11.27. -5 A place of religious worship, altar, sanctuary. -6 A temple. -7 A reflection. -8 A religious fig-tree or any tree growing by the side of streets; चैत्ययूपाङ्किता भूमिर्यस्येयं सवनाकरा Mb.1.1.229; Me.23 (रथ्यावृक्ष Malli.) -Comp. -अग्निः sacred fire, Pañch.1.6. -तरुः, -द्रुमः, -वृक्षः a fig-tree standing on a sacred spot. -पालः the guardian of a sanctuary. -मुखः a hermit's water-pot.
jitya जित्य a. Conquerable. -त्या 1 Victory. -2 Acquisition, gain. -3 A ploughshare. -त्यः A harrow.
jityaḥ जित्यः An instrument for levelling or smoothing ploughed ground (Mar. कुळव).
taimityam तैमित्यम् Dulness.
dityaḥ दित्यः A demon.
daityaḥ दैत्यः [दितेरपत्यं-ण्य] See दैतेय. -Comp. -अरिः 1 a god. -2 an epithet of Viṣṇu. -देवः 1 an epithet of Varuṇa. -2 wind. -पतिः an epithet of Hiraṇyakaśipu, Prahlāda or Bali; यथा हि ते दैत्यपतौ प्रसादः Bhāg.1.63.45. q. v. -युगम् an age of the demons consisting of 12 divine years.
daityā दैत्या 1 A drug. -2 Spirituous liquor.
daityāya दैत्याय (दैत्यायते) To represent a Daitya; दैत्यायित्वा जहारान्यामेका कृष्णार्भभावनाम् Bhāg.1.3.16.
daurjīvityam दौर्जीवित्यम् A wretched or miserable life.
nāpityam नापित्यम् The trade of a barber. -त्यः The son of a barber.
nitya नित्य a. [नियमेन नियतं वा भवं नि-त्य-प्; cf. P.IV.2.14. Vārt.] 1 (a.) Continual, perpetual, constant, everlasting, eternal, uninterrupted; यथा त्वमसि दुर्धर्षो धर्मनित्यः प्रजाहितः Rām.7.37.8; यदि नित्यमनित्येन लभ्यते H.1.48; नित्यज्योत्स्नाः प्रतिहततमोवृत्तिरम्याः प्रदोषाः Me. (regarded by Malli. as an interpolation); Ms.2.26. (b) Imperishable, indestructible; पृथिवी द्विविधा नित्या$नित्या च Tarka K. -2 Invariable, regular, fixed, not optional, regularly prescribed (opp. काम्य). -3 Necessary, obligatory, essential. -4 Ordinary, usual (opp. नौमित्तिक). -5 (At the end of comp.) Constantly dwelling in, perpetually engaged in or busy with; जाह्नवीतीर˚, अरण्य˚, आदान˚, ध्यान˚ &c. -त्यः The ocean. -स्या 1 An epithet of the goddess Durgā. -2 A plough-share. -त्यम् An indispensable or inevitable act. -त्यम् ind. Daily, constantly, always, ever, perpetually, enternally. -Comp. -अनध्यायः invariable suspension of Vedic studies; नित्यानध्याय एव स्याद् ग्रामेषु नगरेषु च Ms.4.17. -अनित्य a. eternal and perishable. -अनुबद्ध a. always approached or resorted to. -अनुवादः a bare statement of fact; स्याज्जुह्वप्रतिषेधान्नित्यानुवादः MS.4.1.45. -अभियुक्त a. One who is completely absorbed in yogic practices. -ऋतु a. regularly recurring at the seasons. -कर्मन् n., -कृत्यम्, क्रिया any daily and necessary rite, a constant act or duty, as the five daily Yajñas. -कालम् ind. always, at all times; ब्राह्मेण विप्रस्तीर्थेन नित्यकालमुपस्पृशेत् Ms.2.58,73. -गतिः air, wind. -जात a. constantly born; अथ चैनं नित्यजातं नित्यं वा मन्यसे मृतम् Bg.2.26. -दानम् daily alms-giving. -नियमः an invariable rule. -नैमित्तिकम् an occasional act regularly recurring, or any ceremony constantly performed to accomplish a particular object, e. g. (a पर्वश्राद्ध). -पुष्ट a. always well-supplied. -प्रलयः 1 the constant dissolution of living beings. -2 sleep. -बुद्धिः a. considering anything as constant or eternal. -भावः eternity. -मुक्तः the Supreme Spirit. -युक्त a. always busy or intent upon. -युज् a. having the mind always fixed upon one object; दृग्भिर्हृदीकृतमलं परिरभ्य सर्वास्तद्भावमापुरपि नित्ययुजां दुरापम् Bhāg.1.82.4. -यौवना (ever youthful) an epithet of Draupadī. -व्रतम् a perpetual observance (lasting for life). -शङ्कित a. perpetually alarmed, ever suspicious. -समः the assertion that all things remain the same; Sarva. S. -समासः 'a necessary compound', a compund the meaning of which cannot be expressed by its constituent members used separately (the separate ideas having merged in one); e. g. जमदग्नि, जयद्रथ &c.; इवेन नित्यसमासः &c.
nityatā नित्यता त्वम् 1 Invariableness, constancy, continuance, eternity, perpetuity. -2 Necessity. -3 Perseverance.
nityadā नित्यदा ind. Perpetually, always, constantly, eternally; स नित्यदोद्विग्नधिया तमीश्वरम् (ददर्श) Bhāg.1.44.38.
nityaśas नित्यशस् ind. Constantly, always, eternally; अनन्य- चेताः सततं यो मां स्मरति नित्यशः Bg.8.14; Ms.2.96;4.15.
naityam नैत्यम् Eternity, perpetuity.
naityaka नैत्यक a. (-की f.), -नैत्यिक a. (-की f.) 1 Regularly recurring, constantly repeated. -2 To be performed regularly (and not on particular occasions); नैत्यके नास्त्यनध्यायः Ms.2.16. -3 Indispensable, constant, obligatory. -कम् The food regularly offered to an idol (नैवेद्य); यक्षिण्या नैत्यकं तत्र प्राश्नीत पुरुषः शुचिः Mb.3.84.15.
naiścityam नैश्चित्यम् 1 Determination, certainty. -2 A fixed ceremony or festival (such as a birth, marriage &c.).
parityaj परित्यज् 1 P. 1 To leave, quit, abandon. -2 To resign, give up, discard, renounce; प्रारब्धमुत्तमगुणा न परित्यजन्ति Mu.2.17. -3 To except; तृणमप्यपरित्यज्य सतृणम् Sk. -4 To leave over, leave as a remainder. -5 To neglect, disregard. -6 To forsake (the body), die. -7 To disembark (with नावम्). -Caus. Te deprive a person of, rob any one of.
parityakta परित्यक्त p. p. 1 Left, quitted, abandoned. -2 Deprived or bereft of (with instr.). -3 Let go, discharged (as an arrow). -4 Wanting. -क्तम् n. Anything to spare. -ind. Without.
parityajanam परित्यजनम् Abandoning, giving up, leaving.
parityāgaḥ परित्यागः 1 Leaving, quitting, abandonment, desertion, repudiation (as a wife &c.); अपरित्यागमयाचतात्मनः- R.8.12; कृतसीतापरित्यागः 15.1. -2 Giving up, renouncing, discarding, renunciation, abdication &c.; स्वनाम- परित्यागं करोमि Pt.1. 'I shall forego my name'; प्रापणात् सर्वकामानां परित्यागो विशिष्यते Ms.2.95. -3 Neglect, omission; मोहात्तस्य (कर्मणः) परित्यागस्तामसः परिकीर्तितः Bg.18.7. -4 Giving away, liberality. -5 Loss, privation. -6 A sacrifice. -7 Separation from.
parityāgin परित्यागिन् a. Renouncing (a Saṁnyāsin); गच्छत्येव परित्यागी वानप्रस्थश्च गच्छति Mb.12.268.13.
parityājya परित्याज्य a. 1 To be abandoned, left. -2 To be omitted.
pāṇḍityam पाण्डित्यम् 1 Scholarship, profound learning, erudition; तदेव गमकं पाण्डित्यवैदग्ध्ययोः Māl.1.7. -2 Cleverness, skill, dexterity, sharpness; नखानां पाण्डित्यं प्रकटयतु कस्मिन् मृगपतिः Bv.1.2; परोपदेशे पाण्डित्यं सर्वेषां सुकरं नृणाम्. -3 Prudence; न स्वल्पस्य कृते भूरि नाशयेन्मतिमान्नरः । एतदेव हि पाण्डित्यं यत् स्वल्पाद् भूरिरक्षणम् ॥ Pt.1.19.
pātityam पातित्यम् Loss of caste or position; एतत् पातित्यदान्नो जघनमतिघनादेनसो माननीयम् Viṣṇupād Stotra, 21.
pārimityam पारिमित्यम् Limit, limited extent or number.
pālityam पालित्यम् Greyness of hair caused by old age, hoariness.
paurohityam पौरोहित्यम् The office of a family-priest; नरकाय मतिस्ते चेत् पौरोहित्यं समाचर Pt.2.63.
rāhityam राहित्यम् Being without any thing, destitution; destituteness.
lālityam लालित्यम् [ललितस्य भावः घञ्] 1 Loveliness, charm, beauty, grace, sweetness; दण्डिनः पदलालित्यम् Udb.; लीला- मन्दिरद्वारकदलीलालित्येन Dk.1.5. -2 Amorous gestures.
lohityaḥ लोहित्यः 1 A kind of rice. -2 N. of the river Brahmaputra; see लौहित्य.
lauhityaḥ लौहित्यः [लोहितस्य भावः ष्यञ् स्वार्थे ष्यञ् वा] N. of a river, the Brahmaputra; चकम्पे तीर्णलौहित्ये तस्मिन् प्राग्- ज्योतिषेश्वरः R.4.81 (where Malli. says :- तीर्णा लौहित्या नाम नदी येन but quotes no authority). -त्यम् Redness.
śaityam शैत्यम् [शीत-ष्यञ्] Cold, coldness, frigidity; शैत्यं हि यत् सा प्रकृतिर्जलस्य R.5.54; Ku.1.36.
śvitya श्वित्य श्वित्न्य a. White.
śvaityam श्वैत्यम् 1 Whiteness. -2 White leprosy. श्वैत्रम् śvaitram श्वैत्र्यम् śvaitryam श्वैत्रम् श्वैत्र्यम् White leprosy; वस्रापहारकः श्वैत्र्यम् Ms.11.51.
sāhityam साहित्यम् 1 Association, fellowship, combination, society. -2 Literary or rhetorical composition; साहित्य- संगीतकलाविहीनः साक्षात् पशुः पुच्छविषाणहीनः Bh.2.12. -3 The science of rhetoric, art of poetry; साहित्यपाथोनिधिमन्थनोत्थं कर्णामृतं रक्षत हे कवीन्द्राः Vikr.1.11; साहित्यदर्पणम् &c. -4 A collection of materials for the production or performance of anything (a doubtful sense). -5 Agreement, harmony. -Comp. -शास्त्रम् see साहित्य (3).
saityam सैत्यम् Whiteness; तमालनीलानि तमांसि कामं पीत्वापि सैत्यं न जहाति चन्द्रः Rām. ch.6.62.
sauhityam सौहित्यम् 1 Satiety, satisfaction; 'पर्याप्तमुपसंपन्नं पूर्तिः सौहित्यमुच्यते' इति हलायुधः; Śi.5.62; न सौहित्यं विना पानं विना प्राणं न विग्रहः Śiva B.15.42. -2 Fulness, completion; सौहित्यात् पृथवः क्वथन्ति रुधिरोत्सेकाश्चमत्कारिणः Mv.5.33. -3 Kindness, friendliness.
staimityam स्तैमित्यम् 1 Fixedness, rigidity, immobility. -2 Numbness.
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acitra a-citrá, n. darkness, obscurity, iv. 51, 3.
anta ánta, m. end, iv. 50, 1; edge, proximity: lc. ánte near, x. 34, 16.
abhimātin abhimāt-ín, m. adversary, i. 85, 3 [abhímāti, f. hostility].
amrta a-mṛ́ta, a. immortal; m. immortal being, i. 35, 2; vii. 63, 5; viii. 48, 32; n. what is immortal, i. 35, 6; x. 90, 3; immortality, x. 129, 2 [not dead, mṛtá, pp. of mṛ die; cp. Gk. ἄμβροτος ‘immortal’].
amṛtatva amṛta-tvá, n. immortality, x. 90, 2.
arapas a-rapás, a. (Bv.) unscathed, ii. 33, 6; x. 15, 4 [rápas, n. infirmity, injury].
arāti á-rāti, f. hostility, ii. 35, 6; iv. 50, 11; viii. 48, 3; x. 34, 14 [non-giving, niggardliness, enmity].
aryaman Arya-mán, m. name of one of the Ādityas, vii. 63, 6.
āditya Ādityá, m. son of Aditi, iii. 59, 2. 3. 5.
āyus á̄y-us, n. span of life, vii. 103, 10; viii. 48, 4. 7. 10. 11; x. 14, 14 [activity: i go].
caratha cará-tha, n. motion, activity, iv. 51, 5 [car fare].
daivya dáiv-ya, a. divine, i. 35, 5; viii. 48, 2; coming from the gods, ii. 33, 7; n. divinity, ii. 35, 8 [from devá god].
puṣṭi puṣ-ṭí, f. earnings, ii. 12, 5; prosperity, viii. 48, 6.
pūṣan Pūṣ-án, m. a solar deity, vi. 54, 1-6. 8-10 prosperer [puṣ thrive].
poṣa póṣ-a, m. prosperity, i. 1, 3 [puṣ thrive].
varivas vár-i-vas, n. wide space, vii. 63, 6; prosperity, iv. 50, 9 [breadth, freedom: vṛ cover].
viśvaśambhū viśvá-śambhū, a. beneficial to all, i. 160, 1. 4 [śám prosperity + bhū being for, conducing to].
viṣṇu Víṣ-ṇu, m. a solar deity, i. 85, 7; 154, 1. 2. 3. 5; x. 15, 3 [viṣ be active].
śam śám, n. healing, ii. 33, 13; comfort, v. 11, 5; viii. 48, 4; health, x. 15, 4; prosperity, viii. 86, 82.
śvityañc śvity-áñc, a. whitish, ii. 33, 8 [śviti (akin to śvetá, Go. hweits, Eng. white) + añc].
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ityādi a. beginning thus=and so on; n. this and the like, and so on, &c.
ityai V. d. inf. of √ i.
ityartha iti̮artha, ˚ka a. having the above mentioned meaning.
ityartham ad. for this purpose.
ityetannāmaka a. having the names just mentioned.
atyāditya a. surpassing the sun; -½ânanda, m. excessive joy; -½âpanna, pp. very unfortunate; -½âyata, pp. very long, very tall; -½âyus, a. very old; -½ârûdha, pp. hvg. reached a great height;-½ârûdhi, f. ascending too high; -½âroha, m. mounting too high, arrogance; -½ârti, f. violent pain; -½ârya, a. too honourable.
adhityakā f. table-land.
anityātman a. whose soul is unsubdued.
anityam ad. not continually, now & then.
anitya a. transient; temporary; uncertain; inconstant; -tâ, f., -tva, n. tran sitoriness, uncertainty, instability.
anaucitya n. unusualness; -aud dhatya, n. lack of arrogance; lowness of water; -aushadha, n. no remedy; a. incurable.
āditya a. belonging to the Âdi tyas; divine; relating to the sun; -kandra, m. du. sun and moon; -prabha, m. N. of a king; -mandalá, n. sun's orb; -vat, ad. like the sun; -varna, a. sun-coloured; -varman, -sena, m. Ns. of kings.
āditya a. belonging to or descended from Aditi; m. son of Aditi; sun: pl. a class of gods; n. N. of a lunar mansion.
kuvalayāditya m. N. of a king; -½ânanda, m. T. of a rhetorical work; -½âpîda, m. N. of a Daitya changed into an elephant; N. of a king; -½avalî, f. N. of a queen.
khālatya khâlatya, khālitya n. bald ness.
citya a. that is piled or built up; m. (sc. agni) fire placed on a layer or pile; â, f. piling, building up (of an altar).
dityavah m. (nm. -vât) two-year-old bull; dityauh&isharp;, f. two-year-old cow.
daitya m. descendant of Diti, Asura or demon, esp. Râhu: -dânava-mardana, m. Crusher of the Daityas and Dânavas (Indra); -nishûdana, m. ep. of Vishnu; -pa, -pati, m. ep. of Bali.
nityasevaka a. constantly serving; -snâyin, a. constantly performing ablu tions; (nítya)-hotri, m. constant sacrificer.
nityaśas ad. constantly.
nityayukta pp. ever occupied in, constantly applied or attentive to (lc.); -yug, a. ever concentrated; -vyaya, a. always expending; -vrata, n. life-long observance; -sa&ndot;kita, pp. perpetually alarmed, constantly suspicious.
nityakarman n. necessary duty or rite; -kâlam, ad. always, invariably; -kritya, n., -kriyâ, f. regular ceremony, daily routine; -gati, a. constantly moving; m. wind; -gâta, pp. being constantly born; -tâ, f., -tva, n. perpetuity, eternity; necessity; perseverance in, devotion to (--°ree;); -dâ, ad. perpetually; -parîkshana, n. constant inspection; -bhâva, m. eternity.
nitya a. inward, innate; own (V.); constant, perpetual, eternal; always abiding in, devoted to (--°ree;); regular, essential, neces sary: °ree;-or -m, ad. constantly, perpetually, always; invariably; na nityam, not always; never; -samâsa, m. necessary or fast com pound, i. e. one that cannot be resolved with out destroying the meaning; -svarita, m. necessary, i. e. independent svarita.
nityānugṛhīta pp. constantly tended (fire); -½udaka, -½udakin, a. always supplied with water; -½udita, pp. spontaneously arisen (knowledge).
naityaka a. to be performed regularly, obligatory (opp. naimittika); ika, a. id.
naiśitya n. sharpness.
pāṇḍitya n. scholarship, learning, erudition, wisdom; cleverness; skill, talent.
pātitya n. loss of rank or caste.
madanāditya m. N.; -½anta- ka, m. destroyer of Kâma, ep. of Siva; -½ari, m. foe of Kâma, ep. of Siva; -½avastha, a. enamoured, in love: â, f. being in love; -½âsaya, m. sexual desire.
madhyāditya m. noontide sun: -gate&zip;hani, at midday; â-varsha, n. middle of the rainy season; -½ahna, m. midday: -kâ la, m., -velâ, f., -samaya, m. noontide.
rāhitya n. destituteness, non-pos session of (--°ree;).
lālitya n. [fr. lalita] loveliness, grace, charm.
lauhitya m. pat. (fr. lohita), N. of a river, Brahmaputra; n. redness.
sāhitya n. [sahita] association, with (in., --°ree;); agreement; rhetorical com position, art of poetry: in. in combination, together: -darpana, n. Mirror of Poetry, T. of a work (15th century).
sauhitya n. [suhita] satiety, satis faction; friendliness, kindness.
staimitya n. [stimita] numbness, immobility, sluggishness.
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agāra to in the Brāhmanas, though the exact details and significance of the legend are variously treated by Oldenberg, Sieg, Hertel,8and von Schroeder.He also appears in a strange dialogue with Lopāmudrā in the Rigveda, which appears to show him as an ascetic who finally yields to temptation. Von Schroeder regards it as a ritual drama of vegetation magic.In another passage of the Rigveda he appears as helping in the Aśvins’ gift of a leg to Viśpalā. Sāyana holds that he was the Purohita of Khela, and Sieg accepts this view, while Pischel thinks that Khela is a deity, Vivasvant. Geldner shows from the Rigveda that Agastya, as brother of Vasistha—both being miraculous sons of Mitra and Varuna —introduces Vasistha to the Trtsus. There are two other references to Agastya in the Rigveda, the one including him in a long list of persons, the other alluding to his sister’s sons (nadbhyah), apparently Bandhu, etc. In the Atharvaveda he appears as connected with witchcraft, and in a long list of sages. In the Maitrāyanī Samhitā cows, with a peculiar mark on their ears (vistya-karnyah), are associated with him. This rare word is found as ‘house’ in the Kausītaki Upanisad.
aṅka The Taittirīya Samhitā and Brāhmanarefer to two Añkas and two Nyañkas as parts of a chariot. The meaning of these terms is quite obscure. The commentators refer them to the sides or wheels. Zimmer compares the Greek avτυyss* and thinks that the Añkau were the upper border of the body of the chariot (kośa, vandhura), and the Nyañkau the lower rims for greater security. Oldenberg confesses that the exact sense is impossible to make out, but considers that the terms at once refer to parts of the chariot and to divinities, while Bδhtlingk takes the term as referring to divinities alone.
ajñātayakṣma The ‘unknown sickness,’ is mentioned in the Rigveda,Atharvaveda,and Kāthaka Samhitā. It is referred to in connection with Rājayaksma. Grohmann thinks that the two are different forms of disease, hypertrophy and atrophy, the purpose of the spell in the Rigveda being thus the removal of all disease. From the Atharvaveda he deduces its identity with Balāsa. Zimmer, however, points out that this conclusion is unjustified, leaving the disease unidentified, which seems to accord with its name.
aṇīcin mauna He is mentioned as an authority on ritual, and contemporary with Jābāla and Citra Gauśrāyani or Gauśra, in the Kausītaki Brāhmana.
atithi (‘guest’).—A hymn of the Atharvaveda celebrates in detail the merits of hospitality. The guest should be fed before the host eats, water should be offered to him, and so forth. The Taittirīya Upanisad also lays stress on hospitality, using the expression * one whose deity is his guest ’ (atithi-deva). In the Aitareya Áranyaka it is said that only the good are deemed worthy of receiving hospitality. The guest-offering forms a regular part of the ritual, and cows were regularly slain in honour of guests.
atithigva This name occurs frequently in the Rigveda, apparently applying, in nearly all cases, to the same king, otherwise called Divodāsa. The identity of the two persons has been denied by Bergaigne, but is certainly proved by a number of passages, when the two names occur together, in connection with the defeat of Sambara. In other passages Atithigva is said to have assisted Indra in slaying Parnaya and Karañja. Sometimes he is only vaguely referred to, while once he is mentioned as an enemy of Turvaśa and Yadu. Again Atithigva is coupled with Ayu and Kutsa as defeated by Tūrvayāna. A different Atithigva appears to be referred to in a Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts ’), where his son, Indrota, is mentioned. Roth distinguishes three Atithigvas—the Atithigva Divodāsa, the enemy of Parnaya and Karañja, and the enemy of Tūrvayāna. But the various passages can be reconciled, especially if it is admitted that Atithigva Divodāsa was already an ancient hero in the earliest hymns, and was becoming almost mythical.
atri Neither Atri himself nor the Atris can claim any historical reality, beyond the fact that Mandala V. of the Rigveda is attributed, no doubt correctly, to the family of the Atris. The Atris as a family probably stood in close relations with the Priyamedhas and Kanvas, perhaps also with the Gotamas and Kāksīvatas. The mention of both the Parusnī and the Yamunā in one hymn of the fifth Mandala seems to justify the presumption that the family was spread over a wide extent of territory.
atharvan The name in the singular denotes the head of a semi-divine family of mythical priests, of whom nothing his­torical can be said. In the plural the family as a whole is meant. In a few places an actual family seems to be referred to. Thus, for instance, they are mentioned as recipients of gifts in the Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts ’), of Aśvattha’s generosity; their use of milk mingled with honey in the ritual is referred to f and a cow that miscarries (ava-tokā) from accident is dedicated to the Atharvans, according to the Taittirīya Brāhmana.
abhyāvartin cāyamāna Appears in a Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts ’) in the Rigveda,and as conqueror of the Vrcīvants under the leader Varaśikha. It is probable, though not abso­lutely certain, that he is identical with the Srñjaya Daivavāta, mentioned in the same hymn as having the Turvaśas and Vrcīvants defeated for him by Indra. In this case he would be prince (samrāj) of the Syñjayas. Daivavāta is mentioned elsewhere as a worshipper of Agni. Abhyāvartin is also referred to as a Pārthava. Ludwig and Hillebrandt maintained that he is thus a Parthian, the latter using the evidence of the two places mentioned in the descrip¬tion of Daivavāta’s victories, Hariyūpīyā and Yavyāvatī, as proofs for the western position of Abhyāvartin’s people in Arachosia, in Iran. But Zimmer is probably right in holding that the name Pārthava merely means ‘ a descendant of Prthu,’ and that its similarity to the Iranian Parthians is only on a par with the numerous other points of identity between the Indian and Iranian cultures
ayāsya áñgirasa This sage appears to be mentioned in two passages of the Rigveda, and the Anukramanī ascribes to him several hymns of the Rigveda. In the Brāhmana tradition he was Udgātr at the Rājasūya or Royal Inauguration Sacrifice, at which Sunahśepa was to have been slain, and his Udgītha (Sāmaveda chant) is referred to elsewhere. He is also referred to several times as a ritual authority. In the Vamśas, or Genealogies of the Brhadaran• yaka Upanisad, he is named as the pupil of Abhūti Tvāstra.
arya This word is not common in the older literature, in places where the quantity of the first vowel is fixed as short, except in a mere adjectival sense. Geldner, indeed, contends that no other sense is anywhere needed ; but Roth and Zimmer agree in thinking that in several passages of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā the word has the same sense as Arya, and this appears probable. Whether it is necessary to ascribe this sense to the word in the compound arya-patnī applied to the waters set free by Indra, is more doubtful. The commentator, Mahīdhara, suggests that the word means a Vaiśya, not an Arya generally. This view is supported by the explanation in the śatapatha Brāhmana of one of the passages of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā.8 But though the use of Arya to denote a Vaiśya became common later it is not clear that it was original.
alīkayu vacaspatya is twice mentioned as an authority in the Kausītaki Brāhmana
aśvala the Hotr priest of Janaka, King of Videha, appears as an authority in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad
aṣṭakarṇī Is an expression which occurs in one passage of the Rigveda,and which Roth was at first inclined to interpret as a proper name. There can, however, be no doubt that it means a cow, not a man, as suggested by Grassmann. The exact reason why a cow should be so described is uncertain. Roth was later inclined to see in it the sense ‘ having pierced ears,’ similar epithets being at a later period known to Pānini (bhinna-karna, chinna-karna). Grassmann’s more obvious rendering, ‘having the sign for (the number) marked on the ear,’ is supported by the similar epithets, ‘ having the mark of a lute on the ear ’ (karkari-karnyah), ‘ having the mark of a sickle on the ear’ (ιdātra-kamyah), ‘ having the mark of a stake on the ear * (sthūnā- kaniycih), ‘ having the ears bored * (
ahi This word occurs frequently from the Rigveda onwards to denote ‘snake.’ Reference is several times made to its casting its slough. Mention is also made of the serpent’s peculiar movement, which earns for it the designation of ‘ the toothed rope ’ (datvatī rajjufy). The poisonous character of its bite is spoken of, as well as the torpidity of the reptile in winter, when it creeps into the earth. The cast skin is used as an amulet against highwaymen. Mention is made of a mythical horse, Paidva, which the Aśvins gave to Pedu as a protection against snakes, and which is invoked as a destroyer of serpents.The ichneumon (nakula) is regarded as their deadly enemy, and as immune against their poison through the use of a healing plant, while men kill them with sticks or strike off their heads. Many species of snakes are mentioned: see Aghāśva, Ajagara, Asita, Kañkaparvan, Karikrata, Kalmāsagrīva, Kasarnīla, Kumbhīnasa, Tiraścarāji, Taimāta, Darvi, Daśo- nasi, Puskarasāda, Prdāku, Lohitāhi, Sarkota, Svitra, Sarpa.
ahīnā aśvatthya was a sage (muni) who achieved immor­tality by knowledge of a certain rite (savitram)}
ārjīka And Arjīkīyā2 (masc.), Arjīkīyā3 (fem.).—The two masculine forms probably denote the people or land, while the feminine word designates the river of the land. Hillebrandt locates the country in or near Kaśmir, as Arrian mentions Arsaces, brother of Abhisares, who presumably took his name from his people, and Abhisāra bordered on Kaśmir. Pischel accepts Arjīka as designating a country, which he, however, thinks cannot be identified. But neither Roth nor Zimmer recognizes the word as a proper name. On the other hand, all authorities agree in regarding Arjīkīyā as the name of ariver. Roth9 does so in one passage10 only, elsewhere seeing references to Soma vessels; but it seems necessary to treat the word alike in all passages containing it. Zimmer does not locate the river, and Pischel denies the possibility of its identification. Hillebrandt thinks it may have been the Upper Indus, or the Vitastā (the Jhelum), or some other stream. Grassmann follows Yāska in identifying it with the the Vipāś (Beás), but this is rendered improbable by the position of the name in the hymn in praise of rivers (nadī- stuti). Brunnhofer identifies it with the Arghesan, a tributary of the Arghanab.
ārya Is the normal designation in the Vedic literature from the Rigveda onwards of an Aryan, a member of the three upper classes, Brāhmana, Ksatriya, or Vaiśya, as the formal division is given in the Satapatha Brāhmana. The Arya stands in opposition to the Dāsa, but also to the Sūdra. Sometimes the expression is restricted to the Vaiśya caste, the Brāhmana and the Ksatriya receiving special designations; but this use is not common, and it is often uncertain also whether Arya is not meant. The phrase śūdrāryau is espe¬cially ambiguous, but appears to have denoted originally the śūdra and the Aryan, for in the Mahāvrata ceremony the fight between a Sūdra and an Arya is represented in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as one between a Brāhmana and a śūdra, though the Sūtra treats it as a fight between a Vaiśya and a śūdra. The word Arya (fem. Aryā or An) also occurs frequently used as an adjective to describe the Aryan classes (viśah),Q or name (nāman), or caste (varna), or dwellings (dhāman) ; or again reference is made to the Aryan supremacy (vrata) being extended over the land. Aryan foes (vrtra)u are referred to beside Dāsa foes, and there are many references to war of Aryan versus Aryan, as well as to war of Aryan against Dāsa. From this it can be fairly deduced that even by the time of the Rigveda the Aryan communities had advanced far beyond the stage of simple conquest of the aborigines. In the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas the wars alluded to seem mainly Aryan wars, no doubt in consequence of the fusion of Arya and Dāsa into one community. Weber considers that the five peoples known to the Rigveda were the Aryans and the four peoples of the quarters (dis) of the earth, but this is doubtful. Aryan speech (vāc) is specially referred to in the Aitareya and śāñkhāyana Áranyakas
āśrama (‘resting-place’) does not occur in any Upanisad which can be regarded as pre-Buddhistic. Its earliest use as denoting the stages of a Hindu’s life is found in the śvetāśvatara Upanisad. In one passage of the Chāndogya Upanisad reference is made only to the Brahmacārin and householder, to whom, as a reward for study, the procreation of children, the practice of Yoga, abstention from injury to living creatures, and sacrifices, freedom from transmigration are promised. In another place three states are contemplated, but not as con­secutive. The Brahmacārin may either become a householder or become an anchorite, or remain in his teacher’s house all his life. Similarly, reference is made to the death of the anchorite in the forest, or the sacrifice in the village. In contrast with all three is the man who stands fast in Brahman (Brahma- samstha). In the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad the knowerof the Atman is contrasted with those who (1) study, or (2) sacrifice and give alms, or (3) are anchorites, and in another place with those who sacrifice and make benefactions, and those who practice asceticism. This position of superiority to, and distinction from, the Aśramas became later a fourth Aśrama, the Grhastha, or householder, who was in the second stage, being required to pass not only into the stage of Vānaprastha, but also that of the Sannyāsin (Bhiksu, Parivrājaka). The first stage, that of the Brahmacārin, was still obligatory, but was no longer allowed to remain a permanent one, as was originally possible.
āsandīvant Possessing the throne,’ is the title of the royal city of Janamejaya Pāriksita, in which the horse, for his famous Aśvamedha, was bound. The authorities both cite a Gāthā for the fact, but they differ as to the priest who celebrated the rite. In the śatapatha Brāhmana he is stated to have been Indrota Daivāpa śaunaka, but in the Aitareya Tura Kāvaseya
āsuri Occurs in the first two Vamśas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Bhāradvāja and teacher of Aupajandhani, but in the third as a pupil of Yājñavalkya and teacher of Asurāyana. He appears as a ritual authority in the first four books of the śatapatha Brāh¬mana, and as an authority on dogmatic, specially noted for his insistence on truth, in the last book.
indrota Is twice mentioned in the Rigveda in a Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Liberality ’) as a giver of gifts. In the second passage he has the epithet Atithigva, which shows conclusively that he was a son of Atithigva, as Ludwig holds, and not of Rksa, as Roth states.
ibha Is a word of somewhat doubtful sense and inter­pretation. It is found only in the Samhitās, and especially in the Rigveda. According to Roth and Ludwig the sense is ‘retainer,’ and Zimmer thinks that it includes not only dependants and servants, but also the royal family and the youthful cadets of the chief families. In the opinion of Pischel and Geldner® it denotes ‘elephant.’ This view is supported by the authority of the commentators Sāyana and Mahīdhara; the Nirukta, too, gives ‘elephant’ as one of the senses of the word. Megasthenes and Nearchos tell us that elephants were a royal prerogative, and the derivative word Ibhya may thus be naturally explained as denoting merely ‘ rich ’ (lit., ‘ possessor of elephants ’).
iṣīkā ‘a stalk of reed grass,’ occurs frequently from the Atharvaveda onwards, often as an emblem of fragility. In the śāñkhāyana Áranyaka it seems to denote the pin fixed in the bar of a pen to keep cattle in (argalesīke, bolt and pin’). A basket (śūrpa) of Isīkā is referred to in the Satapatha Brāhmana.
ugra In one passage of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upanisad seems to have a technical force, denoting ‘ man in authority,’ or according to Max Muller’s rendering, ‘policeman.’ Roth compares a passage in the Rigveda, where, however, the word has simply the general sense of ‘ mighty man.’ Bǒhtlingk, in his rendering of the Upaniṣad, treats the word as merely adjectival.
udaṅka śaulbāyana His views on Brahman, which he identified with the vital airs (prāṇa), are mentioned in the Brhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad. He would thus have been a contemporary of Janaka of Videha. He is also mentioned in the Taittirīya Samhitā as holding that the Daśarātra ceremony was the prosperity or best part of the Sattra (4 sacrificial session ’).
udīcyas The Brāhmanas of the northern parts are referred to in the śatapatha Brāhmana as engaging, with Svaidāyana Saunaka as their spokesman, in a dispute with the Kurupañcāla Brāhmana Uddālaka Aruni, and as vanquishing him. Their relation to the Kurupañcālas appears also from the fact that in the same Brāhmana reference is made to the speech of the north being similar to that of the Kurupañcālas. The speech of the Northerners was also celebrated for purity; hence Brāhmanas used to go to the north for purposes of study, according to the Kausītaki Brāhmana, while in the Buddhist texts the school of Taksaśilā (in Gandhāra) is famous as a resort of students. Possibly, too, Sanskrit was specially developed in Kaśmīr, as suggested by Franke. See also Kuru.
uddālaka aruṇi Uddālaka, son of Aruna, is one of the most prominent teachers of the Vedic period. He was a Brāh­mana of the Kurupañcālas, according to the śatapatha Brāh­mana. This statement is confirmed by the fact that he was teacher of Proti Kausurubindi of Kauśāmbī, and that his son Svetaketu is found disputing among the Pañcālas. He was a pupil of Aruna, his father, as well as of Patañcala Kāpya, of Madra, while he was the teacher of the famous Yājñavalkya Vājasaneya and of Kausītaki, although the former is represented elsewhere as having silenced him. He overcame in argument Prācīnayogya śauceya, and apparently also Bhadrasena Ajāta- śatrava, though the text here seems to read the name as Arani. He was a Gautama, and is often alluded to as such. As an authority on questions of ritual and philosophy, he is repeatedly referred to by his patronymic name Aruni in the śatapatha Brāhmana, the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, the Chāndogya Upanisad, and occasionally in the Aitareya, the Kausītaki, and the Sadvimśa Brāhmanas, as well as the Kausītaki Upanisad. In the Maitrāyanī Samhitā he is not mentioned, according to Geldner, but only his father Aruna; his name does not occur, according to Weber, in the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, but in the Kāthaka Samhitā he is, as Aruni, known as a contemporary of Divodāsa Bhaimaseni, and in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana he is mentioned as serving Vāsistha Caikitāneya. In the Taittirīya tradition he seldom appears. There is an allusion in the Taittirīya Samhitā to Kusurubinda Auddālaki, and according to the Taittirīya Brāhmana, Naciketas was a son of Vājaśravasa Gautama, who is made out to be Uddālaka by Sāyana. But the episode of Naciketas, being somewhat unreal, cannot be regarded as of historical value in proving relationship. Aruna is known to the Taittirīya Samhitā. A real son of Uddālaka was the famous śvetaketu, who is expressly reported by Apastamba to have been in his time an Avara or later authority, a statement of importance for the date of Aruni.
upasti Denotes both in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda a ‘dependent,’ just as later in the Epic the subordination of the Vaiśya to the two superior castes is expressed by the verb upa-sthā, ‘stand under,’ support.’ The word also appears, with the same sense, in the form of Sti, but only in the Rigveda. The exact nature of the dependence connoted by the term is quite uncertain. Zimmer conjectures that the *dependents ’ were the members of defeated Aryan tribes who became clients of the king, as among the Greeks, Romans, and Germans, the term possibly including persons who had lost their freedom through dicing. The evidence of the Athar¬vaveda shows that among the Upastis were included the chariot-makers (ratha-kāra), the smiths (taksan), and the charioteers (sūta), and troop-leaders (grāma-nī), while the Rigveda passages negative the possibility of the subjects ’ (s&‘) being the whole people. It is therefore fair to assume that they were the clients proper of the king, not servile, but attached in a special relation to him as opposed to the ordinary population. They may well have included among them not only the classes suggested by Zimmer, but also higher elements, such as refugees from other clans, as well as ambitious men who sought advancement in the royal service. Indeed, the Sūta and the Grāmanī were, as such, officers of the king’s house¬holdkingmakers, not themselves kings, as they are described in the Atharvaveda. The use of the word in the Taittirīya Samhitā, the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and the Kāthaka, is purely metaphorical, as well as in the one passage of the Rigveda in which it occurs. In the Paippalāda recension of the Atharvaveda,Vaiśya, Sūdra, and Arya are referred to as Upastis, perhaps in the general sense of ‘subject.’
upāvi jānaśruteya Is mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana as an authority on the Upasads (a kind of Soma ceremony).
urvarā Is with Ksetra the regular expression, from the Rigveda onwards, denoting a piece of ‘ploughland’ (άρουρα). Fertile (apnasvatī) fields are spoken of as well as waste fields (ārtanā). Intensive cultivation by means of irrigation is clearly referred to both in the Rigveda and in the Atharva­veda, while allusion is also made to the use of manure. The fields (iksetra) were carefully measured according to the Rigveda. This fact points clearly to individual ownership in land for the plough, a conclusion supported by the reference of Apālā, in a hymn of the Rigveda, to her father's field (urvarā), which is put on the same level as his head of hair as a personal possession. Consistent with this are the epithets ‘winning fields ’ (urvarā-sā, urvarā-jit, ksetra-sā), while ‘ lord of fields ’ used of a god is presumably a transfer of a human epithet (urvarā-pati). Moreover, fields are spoken of in the same connexion as children, and the conquest of fields (ksetrāni sam-ji) is often referred to in the Samhitās. Very probably, as suggested by Pischel, the ploughland was bounded by grass land (perhaps denoted by Khila, Khilya) which in all likelihood would be joint property on the analogy of property elsewhere. There is no trace in Vedic literature of communal property in the sense of ownership by a community of any sort, nor is there mention of communal cultivation. Individual property in land seems also presumed later on. In the Chāndogya Upanisad the things given as examples of wealth include fields and houses («ūyatanāni). The Greek evidence also points to individual ownership. The precise nature of the ownership is of course not determined by the expression ‘ individual ownership.’ The legal relationship of the head of a family and its members is nowhere explained, and can only be conjectured (see Pitr). Very often a family may have lived together with undivided shares in the land. The rules about the inheritance of landed property do not occur before the Sūtras. In the Satapatha Brāhmana the giving of land as a fee to priests is mentioned, but with reproof: land was no doubt even then a very special kind of property, not lightly to be given away or parted with. On the relation of the owners of land to the king and others see Grāma; on its cultivation see Krsi.
ṛṇaṃcaya A prince of the Ruśamas, is celebrated in a Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts’) of the Rigveda for his generosity to a poet named Babhru.
ṛtvij Is the regular term for ‘ sacrificial priest,’ covering all the different kinds of priests employed at the sacrifice. It appears certain that all the priests were Brāhmanas. The number of priests officiating at a sacrifice with different functions was almost certainly seven. The oldest list, occurring in one passage of the Rigveda, enumerates their names as Hotr, Potr, Nestr, Agnīdh, Praśāstr, Adhvaryu, Brahman, besides the institutor of the sacrifice. The number of seven probably explains the phrase ‘ seven Hotrs ’ occurring so frequently in the Rigveda, and is most likely connected with that of the mythical ‘ seven Rsis.’ It may be compared with the eight of Iran. The chief of the seven priests was the Hotr, who was the singer of the hymns, and in the early times their composer also. The Adhvaryu performed the practical work of the sacrifice, and accompanied his performance with muttered formulas of prayer and deprecation of evil. His chief assist­ance was derived from the Agnīdh, the two performing the smaller sacrifices without other help in practical matters. The Praśāstr, Upavaktr, or Maitrāvaruna, as he was variously called, appeared only in the greater sacrifices as giving in­structions to the Hotr, and as entrusted with certain litanies. The Potr, Nestr, and Brahman belonged to the ritual of the Soma sacrifice, the latter being later styled Brāhmanāc- chamsin to distinguish him from the priest who in the later ritual acted as supervisor. Other priests referred to in the Rigveda are the singers of Sāmans or chants, the Udgātr and his assistant the Prastotr, while the Pratihartr, another assistant, though not mentioned, may quite well have been known. Their functions undoubtedly represent a later stage of the ritual, the development of the elaborate series of sacrificial calls on the one hand, and on the other the use of long hymns addressed to the Soma plant. Other priests, such as the Achāvāka, the Grāvastut, the Unnetr, and the Subrahmanyan were known later in the developed ritual of the Brāhmanas, making in all sixteen priests, who were technically and artificially classed in four groups : Hotr, Maitrāvaruna, Achāvāka, and Grāvastut; Udgātr, Prastotr, Pratihartr, and Subrahmanya; Adhvaryu, Pratisthātr, Nestr, and Unnetr; Brahman, Brāhmanācchamsin, Agnīdhra, and Poty. Apart from all these priests was the Purohita, who was the spiritual adviser of the king in all his religious duties. Geldner holds that, as a rule, when the Purohita actually took part in one of the great sacrifices he played the part of the Brahman, in the sense of the priest who superintended the whole conduct of the ritual. He sees evidence for this view in a considerable number of passages of the Rigveda and the later literature, where Purohita and Brahman were combined or identified. Oldenberg, however, more correctly points out that in the earlier period this was not the case: the Purohita was then normally the Hotr, the singer of the most important of the songs; it was only later that the Brahman, who in the capacity of overseer of the rite is not known to the Rigveda, acquired the function of general supervision hitherto exercised by the Purohita, who was ex officio skilled in the use of magic and in guarding the king by spells which could also be applied to guarding the sacrifice from evil demons. With this agrees the fact that Agni, pre-eminently the Purohita of men, is also a Hotr, and that the two divine Hotrs of the Aprī hymns are called the divine Purohitas. On the other hand, the rule is explicitly recognized in the Aitareya Brāhmana that a Ksatriya should have a Brahman as a Purohita; and in the Taittirīya Samhitā the Vasistha family have a special claim to the office of Brahman-Purohita, perhaps an indi¬cation that it was they who first as Purohitas exchanged the function of Hotys for that of Brahmans in the sacrificial ritual. The sacrifices were performed for an individual in the great majority of cases. The Sattra, or prolonged sacrificial session, was, however, performed for the common benefit of the priests taking part in it, though its advantageous results could only be secured if all the members actually engaged were consecrated (ιdīksita). Sacrifices for a people as such were unknown. The sacrifice for the king was, it is true, intended to bring about the prosperity of his people also; but it is characteristic that the prayer16 for welfare includes by name only the priest and the king, referring to the people indirectly in connexion with the prosperity of their cattle and agriculture.
ekāyana Denotes some object of study in the Chāndogya Upanisad. The St. Petersburg Dictionary renders it ‘ doctrine (ayana) of unity ’(eka), ‘ monotheism,’ while Max Muller prefers ‘ethics,’ and Monier-Williams in his Dictionary ‘worldly wisdom.
oṣadhi Roughly speaking, the vegetable world is divided in Vedic literature between Osadhi or Vīrudh ‘plants’ and Vana or Vrksa ‘trees.’ Osadhi is employed in opposition to Vīrudh to denote plants as possessing a healing power or some other quality useful to men, while Vīrudh is rather a generic term for minor vegetable growths, but sometimes, when occur­ring beside Osadhi, signifies those plants which do not possess medicinal properties. A list of the minor parts of which a plant is made up is given in the later Samhitās. It comprises the root 0mfdd), the panicle (tfda), the stem (kāηda), the twig (valśa), the flower (puspa), and the fruit (phala), while trees have, in addition, a corona (skaηdha), branches [śākhā), and leaves (parηa). The Atharvaveda gives an elaborate, though not very intelligible, division of plants into those which expand (pra-strηatīh), are bushy (stambiηīh), have only one sheath (eka-śtmgāh), are creepers (pra-taηvatīh), have many stalks (amśumatīh), arejointed (kāndinīh), or have spreading branches (vi-śākhāh). In the Rigveda plants are termed ‘ fruitful ’ (phalinīh), blossom¬ing ’ (puspavatīh), and ‘ having flowers ’ (pra-sūvarīh).
kaṇva Is the name of an ancient Rsi repeatedly referred to in the Rigveda and later. His sons and descendants, the Kanvas, are also often mentioned, especially in the eighth book of the Rigveda, the authorship of that book, as well as of part of the first, being attributed to this family. A descendant of Kanva is also denoted by the name in the singular, either alone or accompanied by a patronymic, as Kanva Nārsada and Kanva Srāyasa, besides in the plural the Kanvas Sauśra- vasas. The Kanva family appears to have been connected with the Atri family, but not to have been of great importance. In one passage of the Atharvaveda they seem to be definitely regarded with hostility.
karambha Is the name, from the Rigveda onwards, of a kind of porridge made of grain (Yava), which was unhusked, parched slightly, and kneaded. It was the especial sacrificial portion of Pūsan, no doubt in his capacity of an agricultural deity. Karambha was also made of barley (Upavāka) or of sesame (Tirya).
karkandhu Is only the name borne by a protege of the Aśvins in the Rigveda. Its identity with the word for jujube indicates that the latter, though not otherwise mentioned there, was known at the time of the Rigveda.
karṇaśobhana Denotes an ‘ ornament for the ear ’ in the Rigveda, apparently for the use of men. Some deity is called ‘gold-eared’ in another passage of the Rigveda. Hopkins considers the use of ear-rings later than that of necklets and wristlets.
kavaṣa Is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda as one of those whom, together with the Druhyu king, Indra overthrew for the Trtsus. The Anukramanī (Index) also attributes to him the authorship of several hymns of the Rigveda, including two that deal with a prince Kuruśravana and his descendant Upamaśravas. There seems no reason to doubt this attribution, which is accepted by both Zimmer and Geldner. The former holds that Kavasa was the Purohita of the joint tribes named Vaikarna, in whom he sees the Kuru- Krivi (Pañcāla) peoples, and that Kavasa in that capacity is mentioned in the Rigveda as representative of those peoples. He also suggests that the language of Rigveda is best explained by the reduced position in which the Kuru-Krivis found themselves on their defeat by the Trtsus. Ludwig, on the other hand, thinks that Kavasa was the priest of the five peoples. Geldner holds that Kavasa was the Purohita of Kuruśravana, by whose son, Upamaśravas, he was ill-treated, and that he composed Rigveda to deprecate the anger of his royal master. Hopkins thinks that he was a king. In the Brāhmanas of the Rigveda mention is made of Kavasa Ailūsa, who was a Brāhmana born of a female slave, and was reproached on this ground by the other Esis. He is possibly identical with the Kavasa of the Rigveda.
kaśu Is the name of a prince mentioned in the Rigveda with the patronymic Caidya, or descendant of Cedi, as a generous patron of the singer, who praises the liberality of the Cedis. Neither this king nor the Cedis appear again in Vedic literature.
kāśi The name Kāśi denotes (in the plural1) the people of Kāśi (Benares), and Kāśya, the king of Kāśi. The Satapatha Brāhmana tells of Dhrtarāstra, king of Kāśi, who was defeated by Satānīka Sātrājita, with the result that the Kāśis, down to the time of the Brāhmana, gave up the kindling of the sacred fire. Sātrājita was a Bharata. We hear also of Ajātaśatru as a king of Kāśi; and no doubt Bhadrasena Ajātaśatrava, a contemporary of Uddālaka, was also a king of Kāśi. The Kāśis and Videhas were closely connected, as was natural in view of their geographical position. The compound name Kāśi-Videha occurs in the Kausītaki Upanisad; in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad Gārgī describes Ajātaśatru as either a Kāśi or a Videha king. The Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra mentions one Purohita as acting for the kings of Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha; and the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra mentions Kāśi and Videha in close proximity. Weber,8 indeed, throws out the suggestion that the Kāśis and the Videhas together con¬stitute the Uśīnaras, whose name is very rare in Vedic literature. As Kosala and Videha were in close connexion, Kāśi and Kosala are found combined in the compound name Kāśi- Kauśalyas of the Gopatha Brāhmana. Though Kāśi is a late word, it is quite possible that the town is older, as the river Varanāvatī referred to in the Athar¬vaveda may be connected with the later Vārānasī (Benares).It is significant that while the Kāśis, Kosalas, and Videhas were united, any relations which the Kuru-Pañcala peoples may have had with them were hostile. It is a fair conclusion that between these two great groups of peoples there did exist some political conflict as well as probably a difference of culture in some degree. The śatapatha Brāhmana,11 in the story of the advance of Aryan civilization over Kosala and Videha, preserves a clear tradition of this time, and a piece of evidence that in the Kuru-Pañcāla country lay the real centre of the Brāhmana culture (see also Kuru-Pañcāla). That the Kosala-Videhas were originally settlers of older date than the Kuru-Pañcālas is reasonably obvious from their geographical position, but the true Brāhmana culture appears to have been brought to them from the Kuru-Pañcala country. It is very probable that the East was less Aryan than the West, and that it was less completely reduced under Brahmin spiritual supremacy, as the movement of Buddhism was Eastern, and the Buddhist texts reveal a position in which the Ksatriyas rank above Brāhmanas. With this agrees the fact that the later Vedic texts display towards the people of Magadha a marked antipathy, which may be reasonably explained by that people’s lack of orthodoxy, and which may perhaps be traced as far back as the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. It is, of course, possible that the Kosala-Videhas and Kāśis actually were merely offshoots of the tribes later known as the Kuru-Pañcālas, and that they by reason of distance and less complete subjugation of the aborigines lost their Brahminical culture. This hypothesis, however, appears less likely, though it might be supported by a literal inter-pretation of the legend of the Aryan migration in the śatapatha Brāhmana.
kutsa aurava (‘son of Uru’) is mentioned in the Pañca­vimśa Brāhmana as having murdered his domestic priest (purohita), Upagu Sauśravasa, because the father of the latter insisted on paying homage to Indra. This fact may be com­pared with the hostility to Indra of Kutsa according to certain passages of the Rigveda.
kuru The Kurus appear as by far the most important people in the Brāhmana literature. There is clear evidence that it was in the country of the Kurus, or the allied Kuru- Pañcālas, that the great Brāhmanas were composed. The Kurus are comparatively seldom mentioned alone, their name being usually coupled with that of the Pañcālas on account of the intimate connexion of the two peoples. The Kuru-Pañcālas are often expressly referred to as a united nation. In the land of the Kuru-Pañcālas speech is said to have its particular home ; the mode of sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas is proclaimed to be the best ; the Kuru-Pañcāla kings perform the Rājasūya or royal sacrifice ; their princes march forth on raids in the dewy season, and return in the hot season Later on the Kuru-Pañcāla Brahmins are famous in the Upanisads. Weber and Grierson have sought to find traces in Vedic literature of a breach between the two tribes, the latter scholar seeing therein a confirmation of the theory that the Kurus belonged to the later stream of immigrants into India, who were specially Brahminical, as opposed to the Pañcālas, who were anti-Brahminical. In support of this view, Weber refers to the story in the Kāthaka Samhitā of a dispute between Vaka Dālbhya and Dhrtarāstra Vaicitravīrya, the former being held to be by origin a Pañcāla, while the latter is held to be a Kuru. But there is no trace of a quarrel between Kurus and Pañcālas in the passage in question, which merely preserves the record of a dispute on a ritual matter between a priest and a prince: the same passage refers to the Naimisīya sacrifice among the Kuru-Pañcālas, and emphasizes the close connexion of the two peoples. Secondly, Weber conjectures in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā that Subhadrikā of Kāmpīla was the chief queen of the king of a tribe living in the neighbour¬hood of the clan, for whose king the horse sacrifice described in the Samhitā was performed. But the interpretation of this passage by Weber is open to grave doubt ; and in the Kānva recension of the Samhitā a passage used at the Rājasūya shows that the Kuru-Pañcālas had actually one king. More¬over, there is the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmana that the old name of the Pañcālas was Krivi. This word looks very like a variant of Kuru, and Zimmer plausibly conjectures that the Kurus and Krivis formed the Vaikarna of the Rigveda, especially as both peoples are found about the Sindhu and the Asikni.The Kurus alone are chiefly mentioned in connexion with the locality which they occupied, Kuruksetra. We are told, however, of a domestic priest (Purohita) in the service of both the Kurus and the Srñjayas, who must therefore at one time have been closely connected. In the Chāndogya Upanisad reference is made to the Kurus being saved by a mare (aśvā), and to some disaster which befel them owing to a hailstorm. In the Sūtras, again, a ceremony (Vājapeya) of the Kurus is mentioned. There also a curse, which was pronounced on them and led to their being driven from Kuruksetra, is alluded to. This possibly adumbrates the misfortunes of the Kauravas in the epic tradition. In the Rigveda the Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But mention is made of a prince, Kuruśravana (‘ Glory of the Kurus ^, and of a Pākasthāman Kaurayāna. In the Atharvaveda there occurs as a king of the Kurus Pariksit, whose son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the śata¬patha Brāhmana as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice.It is a probable conjecture of Oldenberg’s that the Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes referred to by other names in the Rigveda. Kuruśravana, shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the Rigveda called Trāsadasyava, * descendant of Trasadasyu,’ who is well known as a king of the Pūrus. Moreover, it is likely that the Trtsu- Bharatas, who appear in the Rigveda as enemies of the Pūrus, later coalesced with them to form the Kuru people. Since the Bharatas appear so prominently in the Brāhmana texts as a great people of the past, while the later literature ignores them in its list of nations, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that they became merged in some other tribe. Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found. Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rigveda as having kindled fire on the Drsadvatī, the Apayā, and the Sarasvatī—that is to say, in the sacred places of the later Kuruksetra. Similarly, the goddess Bhāratī (‘ belonging to the Bharatas ’) is constantly mentioned in the Aprī (‘ propitiatory ’) hymns together with Sarasvatī. Again, according to the śatapatha Brāhmana, one Bharata king was victorious over the Kāśis, and another made offerings to Gañgā and Yamunā, while raids of the Bharatas against the Satvants are mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana. Nor is it without importance that the Bharatas appear as a variant for the Kuru-Pañcālas in a passage of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, and that in the list of the great performers of the horse sacrifice the names of one Kuru and two Bharata princes are given without any mention of the people over which they ruled, while in other cases that information is specifically given.The territory of the Kuru-Pañcālas is declared in the Aitareya Brāhmana to be the middle country (Madhyadeśa). A group of the Kuru people still remained further north—the Uttara Kurus beyond the Himālaya. It appears from a passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana that the speech of the Northerners— that is, presumably, the Northern Kurus—and of the Kuru- Pañcālas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. There seems little doubt that the Brahminical culture was developed in the country of the Kuru-Pañcālas, and that it spread thence east, south, and west. Traces of this are seen in the Vrātya Stomas (sacrifices for the admission of non - Brahminical Aryans) of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and in the fact that in the śāñkhāyana Áranyaka it is unusual for a Brahmin to dwell in the territory of Magadha. The repeated mention of Kuru- Pañcāla Brahmins is another indication of their missionary activity. The geographical position of the Kuru-Pañcālas renders it probable that they were later immigrants into India than the Kosala-Videha or the Kāśis, who must have been pushed into their more eastward territories by a new wave of Aryan settlers from the west. But there is no evidence in Vedic literature to show in what relation of time the immigration of the latter peoples stood to that of their neighbours on the west. It has, however, been conjectured, mainly on the ground of later linguistic phenomena, which have no cogency for the Vedic period, that the Kurus were later immigrants, who, coming by a new route, thrust themselves between the original Aryan tribes which were already in occupation of the country from east to west. Cf. also Krtvan. For other Kuru princes see Kauravya.
kusurubinda auddālaki Appears as an authority on ritual matters in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, the Taittirīya Samhitā, the Jaiminīya Brāhmana, and the Sadvimśa Brāhmana. He may have been the brother of Svetaketu, as suggested by Weber.
kṛṣi ‘ploughing.’ The cultivation of the soil was no doubt known to the Indians before they separated from the Iranians, as is indicated by the identity of the expressions yavam krs and sasya in the Rigveda with yao karesh and hahya in the Avesta, referring to the ploughing in of the seed and to the grain which resulted. But it is not without significance that the expressions for ploughing occur mainly in the first and tenth books of the Rigveda, and only rarely in the so-called ‘ family ’ books (ii.-vii.). In the Atharvaveda Prthī Vainya is credited with the origination of ploughing, and even in the Rigveda the Aśvins are spoken of as concerned with the sowing of grain by means of the plough. In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas ploughing is repeatedly referred to. Even in the Rigveda there is clear proof of the importance attached to agriculture. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana the Vrātyas, Hindus without the pale of Brahminism, are de¬scribed as not cultivating the soil.The plough land was called Urvarā or Ksetra; manure (Sakan, Karīsa) was used, and irrigation was practised (Khani- tra). The plough (Lāñgala, Sira) was drawn by oxen, teams of six, eight, or even twelve being employed. The operations of agriculture are neatly summed up in the śatapatha Brāhmana as ‘ ploughing, sowing, reaping, and threshing ’ (
kṛṣṇadatta lauhitya (‘ descendant of Lohita ’) is mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāh­mana as a pupil of Syāmasujayanta Lauhitya.
kṛṣṇarāta lauhitya (‘descendant of Lohita’) is mentioned : in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāh-mana as a pupil of Syāmajajayanta Lauhitya.
keśin dārbhya (* descendant of Darbha ’) is a somewhat enigmatic figure. According to the Satapatha Brāh¬mana and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana he was a king, sister’s son of Uccaihśravas, according to the latter authority. His people were the Pañcālas, of whom the Keśins must there¬fore have been a branch, and who are said to have been threefold (tvyanīka). A story is told of his having a ritual dispute wτith ṣandika in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā ; this appears in another form in the śatapatha Brāhmana. He was a contemporary of a fellow sage, Keśin Sātyakāmi, according to the Maitrā¬yanī and Taittirīya Samhitās. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmana attributes to him a Sāman or chant, and the Kausītaki Brāh¬mana tells how he was taught by a golden bird. In view of the fact that the early literature always refers to Dārbhya as a sage, it seems doubtful whether the commentator is right in thinking that the śatapatha refers to a king and a people, when a sage alone may well be meant, while the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana is of no great authority. The latter work may have assumed that the reference in the Kāthaka Samhitā to the Keśin people signifies kingship, but this is hardly necessary.
kautsa (‘ descendant of Kutsa ’) is mentioned in the śata­patha Brāhmana as a pupil of Māhitthi. A Kautsa is also attacked in the Nirukta as denying the value of the Vedas, and there is a strong ritual tradition of hostility to the Kautsas.
kauravya (‘Belonging to the Kurus ’). A man of the Kuru people, is described in the Atharvaveda as enjoying prosperity with his wife under the rule of King Pariksit. Mention is also made of the Kauravya king Balhika Prātipīya in the śatapatha Brāhmana, and in the later legend Arstisena and Devāpi are alleged to have been Kauravyas.
kaulakāvatī Are two persons mentioned in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā as having given advice, in the capacity of priests, to Rathaprota Dārbhya.
kṣatriya As the origin of caste, the relation of the castes, intermarriage, and cognate matters may most conveniently be discussed under Varna, this article will be confined to deter­mining, as far as possible, the real character of the class called Ksatriyas, or collectively Ksatra. The evidence of the Jātakas points to the word Khattiya denoting the members of the old Aryan nobility who had led the tribes to conquest, as well as those families of the aborigines who had managed to maintain their princely status in spite of the conquest. In the epic also the term Ksatriya seems to include these persons, but it has probably a wider signification than Khattiya, and would cover all the royal military vassals and feudal chiefs, expressing, in fact, pretty much the same as the barones of early English history. Neither in the Jātakas nor in the epic is the term co-extensive with all warriors; the army contains many besides the Ksatriyas, who are the leaders or officers, rather than the rank and file.In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas the Ksatriya stands as a definite member of the social body, distinct from the priest, the subject people, and the slaves, Brāhmana, Vaiśya, and Sūdra. It is significant that Rājanya is a variant to Ksatriya, and an earlier one. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that the Ksatriya and Rājanya are both of similar origin, being princely or connected with royalty. Moreover, the early use of Ksatriya in the Rigveda is exclusively con-nected with royal authority or divine authority. It is impossible to say exactly what persons would be in¬cluded in the term Ksatriya. That it covered the royal house and the various branches of the royal family may be regarded as certain. It, no doubt, also included the nobles and their families: this would explain the occasional opposition of Rājanya and Ksatriya, as in the Aitareya Brāhmana,8 where a Rājanya asks a Ksatriya for a place for sacrifice (deυa-yajana). Thus, when strictly applied, Ksatriya would have a wider denotation than Rājanya. As a rule, however, the two expressions are identical, and both are used as evidence in what follows. That Ksatriya ever included the mere fighting man has not been proved: in the Rigveda9 and later10 others than Ksatriyas regularly fought; but possibly if the nobles had retinues as the kings had, Ksatriya would embrace those retainers who had military functions. The term did not apply to all members of the royal entourage; for example, the Grāmanī was usually a Vaiśya. The connexion of the Ksatriyas with the Brahmins was very close. The prosperity of the two is repeatedly asserted to be indissolubly associated, especially in the relation of king (Rājan) and domestic priest (Purohita). Sometimes there was feud between Ksatriya and Brahmin. His management of the sacrifice then gave the Brahmin power to ruin the Ksatriya by embroiling him with the people or with other Ksatriyas. Towards the common people, on the other hand, the Ksa¬triya stood in a relation of well-nigh unquestioned superiority. There are, however, references to occasional feuds between the people and the nobles, in which no doubt the inferior numbers of the latter were compensated by their superior arms and prowess. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Vaiśya is described as tributary to another (anyasya bali-krt), to be devoured by another (anyasyādya), and to be oppressed at will (yathākāma-jyeya). Probably these epithets apply most strictly to the relation of the king and his people, but the passage shows that the people were greatly at the mercy of the nobles. No doubt the king granted to them the right, which may have been hereditary, to be supported by the common people, whose feudal superiors they thus became. In return for these privileges the Kṣatriyas had probably duties of protection to perform, as well as some judicial functions, to judge from an obscure passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā. The main duty of the Ksatriya in the small states of the Vedic period was readiness for war. The bow is thus his special attribute, just as the goad is that of the agriculturist; for the bow is the main weapon of the Veda. Whether the Ksatriyas paid much attention to mental occupations is uncertain. In the latest stratum of the Brāhmana literature there are references to learned princes like Janaka of Videha, who is said to have become a Brahmin (brahmā), apparently in the sense that he had the full knowledge which a Brahmin possessed. Other learned Ksatriyas of this period were Pravāhana Jaivali, Aśvapati Kaikeya, and Ajātaśatru Garbe, Grierson, and others believe they are justified in holding the view that the Ksatriyas developed a special philosophy of their own as opposed to Brahminism, which appears later as Bhakti, or Faith. On the other hand, there is clear evidence that the opinion of Ksatriyas on such topics were held in little respect, and it must be remembered that to attribute wisdom to a king was a delicate and effective piece of flattery. There are earlier references to royal sages (rājan- yarsi) but it is very doubtful if much stress can be laid on them, and none can be laid on the later tradition of Sāyana. Again, the Nirukta gives a tradition relating how Devāpi, a king’s son, became the Purohita of his younger brother Samtanu; but it is very doubtful if the story can really be traced with Sieg in the Rigveda itself. In any case, the stories refer only to a few selected Ksatriyas of high rank, while there is no evidence that the average Ksatriya was concerned with intellectual pursuits. Nor is there any reference to Ksatriyas engaging in agriculture or in trade or commerce. It may be assumed that the duties of administration and war were adequate to absorb his atten¬tion. On the other hand, we do hear of a Rājanya as a lute player and singer at the Aśvamedha or horse sacrifice. Of the training and education of a Ksatriya we have no record; presumably, as in fact if not in theory later on, he was mainly instructed in the art of war, the science of the bow, and the rudimentary administrative functions which would devolve on him. At this early state of the development of the nobility which appears to be represented in the Rigveda, it was probably not unusual or impossible for a Vaiśya to become a Ksatriya; at least, this assumption best explains the phrase ‘claiming falsely a Ksatriya’s rank ’ (ksatriyam mithuyā dhārayantam). The king and the Ksatriyas must have stood in a particularly close relation. The former being the Ksatriya par excellence, it is to him rather than to the ordinary Ksatriya that we must refer passages like that in the Satapatha Brāhmana, where it is said that the Ksatriya, with the consent of the clansmen, gives a settlement to a man : clearly a parallel to the rule found among many peoples that the chief, but only with the consent of the people, can make a grant of unoccupied land. In the same Brāhmana it is said that a Ksatriya consecrates a Ksatriya, a clear reference, as the commentator explains, to the practice of the old king consecrating the prince (kumāra) who is to succeed him ; and again, the Ksatriya and the Purohita are regarded as alone complete in contrast with other people, the parallel with the Purohita here suggesting that the Ksatriya par excellence is meant. On the other hand, the king is sometimes con¬trasted with the Rājanya. The Sūtra literature contains elaborate rules for the education and occupations of Ksatriyas, but their contents cannot always be traced in the Brāhmana literature, and their value is questionable.
kṣetra Field.’ The use of this word in the Rigveda points clearly to the existence of separate fields carefully measured off, though in some passages the meaning is less definite, indicating cultivated land generally. In the Atharvaveda and later the sense of a separate field is clearly marked, though the more general use is also found. The deity Ksetrasya Pati, ‘Lord of the Field,’ should probably be understood as the god presiding over each field, just as Vāstos Pati presides over each dwelling. It is a fair conclusion from the evidence that the system of separate holdings already existed in early Vedic times. See also Urvarā, Khilya.
khāṇḍava Is mentioned in the Taittirīya Áranyaka as one of the boundaries of Kuruksetra. There seems no reason to doubt its identity with the famous Khāndava forest of the Mahābhārata. The name occurs also in the Pañcaviipśa Brāhmana and the śātyāyanaka.
khila Appear to have the same meaning. According to Roth, these terms denote the waste land lying between cultivated fields; but he admits that this sense does not suit the passage of the Rigveda in which it is said that the god places the worshipper on an unbroken Khilya (abhiηηe khilye), and he accordingly conjectures the reading akhilya- bhiηηe, ‘land unbroken by barren strips.’ Pischel thinks that the meaning intended is broad lands, which were used for the pasturing of the cattle of the community, and were not broken up by cultivated fields. Oldenberg,6 however, points out that the sense is rather the land which lay between cultivated fields, but which need not be deemed to have been unfertile, as Roth thought. This agrees with the fact that in Vedic times separate fields were already known : see Ksetra.
gardabha The ass,’ is mentioned in the Rigveda as inferior to the horse. In the Taittirīya Samhitā he again appears as inferior to the horse, but at the same time as the best bearer of burdens (bhāra-bhāritama) among animals. The same authority styles the ass dvi-retas, ‘having double seed,’ in allusion to his breeding with the mare as well as the she-ass. The smallness of the young of the ass, and his capacity for eating, are both referred to. The disagreeable cry of the animal is mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and in allusion to this the term ‘ ass ’ is applied opprobriously to a singer in the Rigveda. A hundred asses are spoken of as a gift to a singer in a Vālakhilya hymn. The mule (aśvatara) is the offspring of an ass and a mare, the latter, like the ass, being called dvi- retas, ‘ receiving double seed,’ for similar reasons. The male ass is often also termed Rāsabha. The female ass, Gardabhī, is mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad.
gupta Is the name in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana of Vaipaścita Dārdhajayanti Gupta Lauhitya. All the three other names being patronymics show that he was descended from the families of Vipaścit, Drdhajayanta, and Lohita.
gomatī ‘Possessing cows,’ is mentioned as a river in the Nadī-stuti, or ‘Praise of Rivers,’ in the tenth Mandala of the Rigveda. In that hymn a river flowing into the Indus must be meant, and its identification with the Gomal, a western tributary of the Indus, cannot be doubted. In one other passage of the Rigveda the accentuation of Gomati shows that a river is meant. It is possible that in a third passage the reading should be changed to gomaiir from gomatīr. Geldner suggests that in the two last passages the Gumti, or rather its four upper arms (hence the use of the plural) is meant: this accords well with the later use of the name and with the general probability of the river here intended being in Kuruksetra, as the centre of Vedic civilization.
graha (‘Seizing ’) is a term applied to the sun in the śata­patha Brāhmana, most probably not in the later sense of ‘ planet,’ but to denote a power exercising magical influence. The sense of ‘ planet ’ seems first to occur in the later literature, as in the Maitrāyanī Upanisad. The question whether the planets were known to the Vedic Indians is involved in obscurity. Oldenberg recognizes them in the Adityas, whose number is, he believes, seven : sun, moon, and the five planets. But this view, though it cannot be said to be impossible or even unlikely, is not susceptible of proof, and has been rejected by Hillebrandt, Pischel, von Schroeder,Macdonell, and Bloom­field, among others. Hillebrandt sees the planets in the five Adhvaryus mentioned in the Rigveda, but this is a mere con­jecture. The five bulls (uksānah) in another passage of the Rigveda have received a similar interpretation with equal uncertainty, and Durga, in his commentary on the Nirukta, even explains the term bhūmija, ‘ earth-born,’ which is only men­tioned by Yāska, as meaning the planet Mars.Thibaut, who is generally sceptical as to the mention of planets in the Veda, thinks that Brhaspati there refers to Jupiter; but this is extremely improbable, though in the Taittirīya Samhitā Brhaspati is made the regent of Tisya. A reference to the planets is much more probable in the seven suns (sapta sūryāh) of the late Taittirīya Áranyaka. On the other hand, Ludwig’s efforts to find the five planets with the sun, the moon, and the twenty-seven Naksatras (lunar mansions) in the Rigveda, as corresponding to the number thirty-four used in connexion with light19 (jyotis) and the ribs of the sacrificial horse, is far¬fetched. See also Sukra, Manthin, Vena.
grāma The primitive sense of this word, which occurs frequently from the Rigveda onwards, appears to have been village.’ The Vedic Indians must have dwelt in villages which were scattered over the country, some close together, some far apart, and were connected by roads.The village is regularly contrasted with the forest (
cakravāka Is the name, apparently derived from the nature of its cry, of a species of gander (Anas casarca), the modern Chakwā, as it is called in Hindi, or Brahmany duck in English. It is mentioned in the Rigveda and in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda, while in the Atharvaveda it already appears as the type of conjugal fidelity, its characteristic in the classical literature.
cākra Is the name of a man, variously styled Revottaras Sthapati Pātava Cākra and Revottaras Pātava Cākra Sthapati, who is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmana only. He is there said to have been expelled by the Srñjayas, but to have restored to them their prince Dustarītu despite the opposition of the Kauravya king Balhika Prātipīya. He must have been a sage rather than a warrior, as the first passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana shows him in the capacity of a teacher only. C/. Sthapati.
citraratha (‘Having a brilliant car ’) is the name of two persons. (a) It designates an Aryan prince, who, with Arna, was defeated by Indra for the Turvaśa-Yadus on the Sarayu (perhaps the modern Sarju in Oudh), according to the Rigveda. The locality would accord with the close connexion of Turvaśa and Krivi or Pañcāla. (b) Citraratha is also the name of a king for whom the Kāpeyas performed a special kind of sacrifice (dvirātra), with the result, according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, that in the Caitrarathi family only one member was a Ksatra-pati, the rest dependents. Apparently this must mean that the Caitrarathis were distinguished from other families of princes by the fact that the chief of the clan received a markedly higher position than in most cases, in which probably the heads of the family were rather an oligarchy than a monarch and his dependents. See Rājan.
cedi Is the name of a people who, with their king Kaśu, the Caidya, are mentioned only in a Dānastuti (‘Praise of Gifts’), occurring at the end of one hymn of the Rigveda, where their generosity is celebrated as unsurpassed. They occur later in the Epic with the Matsyas, and lived in Bandela Khanda (Bundelkhand). In Vedic times they were probably situated in much the same locality.
jana Besides meaning * man’ as an individual, with a tendency to the collective sense, commonly denotes a * people ’ or tribe ’ in the Rigveda and later. Thus, the five tribes ’(Panca Janāh or Janāsah) are frequently referred to, and in one hymn of the Rigveda the people of Yadu ’ (yādva jana) and the Yadus (yādvāh) are synonymous. Again, the king (rājan) is described as protector (gopā) of the people (janasya),’and there are other references to king and Jana. The people of the Bharatas (bhārata jana) is also mentioned ; there is no ground to assume with Hopkins that Jana in this case means a clan or horde (Grāma), as distinguished from a people. It is difficult to say exactly how a people was divided. Zimmer argues from a passage in the Rigveda that a people was divided into cantons (Viś), cantons into joint families or clans, or village communities (Grāma, Vrjana), and these again into single families. He thinks that the four divisions are reflected in the passage in question by Jana, Viś, Janman, and Putrālj, or sons, and argues that each village community was originally founded on relationship. But it is very doubtful whether this precise division of the people can be pressed. The division of the Jana into several Viś may be regarded as probable, for it is supported by the evidence of another passage of the Rigveda, which mentions the Viś as a unit of the fighting men, and thus shows that, as in Homeric times and in ancient Germany, relationship was deemed a good principle of military arrangement. But the subdivision of the Viś into several Gramas is very doubtful. Zimmer admits that neither Grāma nor Vrjana11 has the special sense of a subdivision of the Viś when used for war, for both words only denote generally an armed host. He finds other designations of the village host in Vrā12 and in Vrāja,13 but it is sufficient to say that the former passage is of extremely doubtful import,14 and that the latter has no reference to war at all. It is therefore impossible to state in what exact relation the Grāma in Vedic times stood to the Viś or to the family (Kula or Gotra). The confusion is increased by the vagueness of the sense of both Grāma and Viś. If the latter be regarded as a local division, then no doubt the Grāma must have been a part of a district; but if a Viś was a unit of relationship, then a Grāma may have contained families of different Viśes, or may have sometimes coincided with a Viś, or have contained only a part of a Viś. But in any case the original state of affairs must have been greatly modified by the rise of the system of caste, and the substitu¬tion of a hierarchical for a political point of view. The elements of the people were represented by the family—either as an individual family inhabiting one home (Kula), and con¬sisting often, no doubt, of a joint family of brothers, or as a patriarchal family of sons who still lived with their father—and by the clan, the later Gotra, which included all those who claimed a common ancestor. The Gotra may be regarded as roughly corresponding to the Latin gens and the Greek yevos, and possibly the Viś may be the equivalent of the curia and φprjτpη, and the Jana of the tribus and φυXov or φv\η.i These three divisions may also be seen in the Viś, Zantu, and Daqyu of the Iranian world, where the use of Viś suggests that in the Indian Viś a relationship based on blood rather than locality is meant—and perhaps even in the vicus, pagus, and ciυitas of the old German polity described in the Germania of Tacitus. The family in some form appears as the third element of the Jana in a passage of the Rigveda, where the house {grha) is contrasted with the Jana and the Viś. Possibly, too, another passage contrasts the adhvam, or family sacrifice, with that of the Jana or Viś, rather than, as Zimmer thinks, the village with the two larger units. But it is significant of the particu¬larism of the Vedic Indians that while the king maintained a fire which might be regarded as the sacred fire of the tribe, there is no sure trace of any intermediate cult between that of the king and that of the individual householder. The real elements in the state are the Gotra and the Jana, just as ultimately the gens and tribtis, the γei>oç and ψv\ov, are alone important. It may be that Viś sometimes represents in the older texts what later was known as the Gotra. See Viś. This appears clearly when the constitution of society in the Brāhmana period is considered. The tribe or people still exists, and is presupposed, but the division into Viś disappears. The real division is now the separate castes (Varna), but the numerous sections into which each of them is divided appear to be based in part on the ancient Gotra.
janaka King of Videha, plays a considerable part in the śatapatha Brāhmana and the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, as well as in the Jaiminīya Brāhmana and the Kausītaki Upanisad. He was a contemporary of Yājñavalkya Vāja-saneya, of śvetaketu Aruneya, and of other sages.6 He had become famous for his generosity and his interest in the dis¬cussion of the nature of Brahman, as ultimate basis of reality, in the life-time of Ajātaśatru of Kāśi. It is significant that he maintained a close intercourse with the Brahmins of the Kuru-Pañcālas, such as Yājñavalkya and śvetaketu; for this indicates that the home of the philosophy of the Upanisads was in the Kuru-Pañcāla country rather than in the east. There is a statement in the śatapatha Brāhmana that he became a Brahmin (brahma). This does not, however, signify a change of caste, but merely that in knowledge he became a Brahmin (see Ksatriya). Janaka is occasionally mentioned in later texts: in the Taittirīya Brāhmana he has already become quite mythical; in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra a sapta-rātra or seven nights’ rite is ascribed to him. It is natural to attempt to date Janaka by his being a con¬temporary of Ajātaśatru, and by identifying the latter with the Ajātasattu of the Pāli texts11: this would make the end of the sixth century B.C. the approximate date of Janaka. But it is very doubtful whether this identification can be supported: Ajātaśatru was king of Kāśi, whereas Ajātasattu was king of Magadha, and his only connexion with Kāśi was through his marriage with the daughter of Pasenadi of Kosala. More¬over, the acceptance of this chronology would be difficult to reconcile with the history of the development of thought; for it would make the rise of Buddhism contemporaneous with the Upanisads, whereas it is reasonably certain that the older Upanisads preceded Buddhism Nor do the Vedic texts know anything of Bimbisāra or Pasenadi, or any of the other princes famed in Buddhist records. The identification of Janaka of Videha and the father of Sītā is less open to objection, but it cannot be proved, and is somewhat doubtful. In the Sūtras Janaka appears as an ancient king who knew of a time when wifely honour was less respected than later.
jamadagni Is one of the somewhat mythical sages of the Rigveda, where he is frequently mentioned. In some passages his name occurs in such a way as to indicate that he is the author of the hymn; once he is thus associated with Viśvā- mitra. In other passages he is merely referred to, and the Jamadagnisare mentioned once. In the Atharvaveda, as well as the Yajurveda Samhitās and the Brāhmanas, he is quite a frequent figure. Here he appears as a friend of Viśvāmitra and a rival of Vasistha. He owed his prosperity to his catū- rātra, or ‘four-night’ ritual, with which his family were also very successful. In the Atharvaveda Jamadagni is connected with Atri and Kanva, as well as Asita and Vītahavya. He was Adhvaryu priest at the proposed sacrifice of Sunahśepa.
jayaka lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita ’) is mentioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Yaśasvin Jayanta Lauhitya.
jayanta Is the name of several teachers in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana: (a) Jayanta Pārāśarya (‘descendant of Parāśara’) is mentioned as a pupil of Vipaśeit in a Vamśa (list of teachers). (b) Jayanta Vārakya (‘ descendant of Varaka’) appears in the same Vamśa as a pupil of Kubera Vārakya. His grandfather is also mentioned there as a pupil of Kamsa Vārakya. A Jayanta Vārakya, pupil of Suyajña Sāndilya, perhaps identical with the preceding, is found in another Vamśa. (d)Jayanta is a name of Yaśasvin Lauhitya. See also Daksa Jayanta Lauhitya.
jartila ‘wild sesamum,’ is mentioned in the Taittirīya Samhitā as an unsuitable sacrificial offering. In the śatapatha Brāhmana sesamum seeds are regarded as combining the qualities of cultivation (viz., edibility) with those of wild growth (because they are produced on unploughed land).
jāta śākāyanya (‘Descendant of śāka’) is ^mentioned as a ritual authority and contemporary of Sañkha in the Kāthaka Samhitā.
jātūkarṇya ‘Descendant of Jātūkarna,’ is the patronymic of several persons. (a) A pupil of Asurāyana and Yāska bears this name in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad in the Kānva recension. In the Mādhyamdina he is a pupil of Bhāradvāja. (b) A Kātyāyanī-putra, ‘son of Kātyāyanī,’ bears this name in the Sāñkhāyana Áranyaka. (c) A Jātūkarnya is mentioned in the Kausītaki Brāhmana as a contemporary of Alīkayu Vācaspatya and other sages. (d) Jātūkarnya is in the Sūtras5 frequently a patronymic of teachers whose identity cannot be determined. The same person or different persons may here be meant.
takman Is a disease repeatedly mentioned in the Athar­vaveda, but later not known under this name. It is the subject of five hymns of the Atharvaveda, and is often mentioned else­where. Weber first identified it with fever,’ and Grohmann showed that all the symptoms pointed to that ailment. Refer­ence is made to the alternate hot and shivering fits of the patient, to the yellow colour of the jaundice which accompanies the fever, and to its peculiar periodicity. The words used to describe its varieties are aηye-dyuh, ubhaya-dyuh, trtīyaka, vi-trtīya, and sadam-di, the exact sense of most of which terms is somewhat uncertain. It is agreed that the first epithet designates the fever known as quotidiaηus, which recurs each day at the same hour, though the word is curious (lit.‘ on the other—i.e., next, day’). The ubhaya-dyuk (‘ on both days ’) variety appears to mean a disease recurring for two suc¬cessive days, the third being free; this corresponds to the rhythmus quartanus complicatus. But Sāyana considers that it means a fever recurring on the third day, the * tertian.’ The tvtīyaka, however,must be the ‘tertian’ fever, though Zimmer suggests that it may mean a fever which is fatal at the third paroxysm. Grohmann regards the vi-trtīyaka as equivalent to the tertiana duplicata, a common form in southern countries, in which the fever occurs daily, but with a correspondence in point of time or severity of attack on alternate days. Bloomfield suggests that it is identical with the ubhaya-dyuh, variety. The sadam-di type appears to be the kind later known as samtata-jvara (‘ continuous fever ’), in which there are attacks of several days’ duration, with an interval followed by a fresh period of attack. Fever occurred at different seasons, in the autumn (śārada), in the hot weather (graisma), in the rains (vārsika) but was especially prevalent in the first, as is indicated by the epithet viśva-śārada, occurring every autumn.’ The disease is said to arise when Agni enters the waters. From this Weber deduced that it was considered to be the result of a chill supervening on heat, or the influence of heat on marshy land. Grohmann preferred to see in this connexion of the origin of the disease with Agni’s entering the waters an allusion to the fact that fever arises in the rainy season, the time when Agni, as lightning, descends to earth with the rain. Zimmer, who accepts this view, further refers to the prevalence of fever in the Terai, and interprets vanya, an epithet of fever found in the Atharvaveda, as meaning ‘ sprung from the forest,’ pointing out that fever is mentioned as prevalent among the Mūjavants and Mahāvrsas, two mountain tribes of the western Himalaya. There is no trace of fever having been observed to be caused by the bite of the anopheles mosquito, which breeds in stagnant water : this theory has without reason been held to be known to classical Indian medicine. Among the symptoms of Takman, or among complications accompanying it, are mentioned ‘itch’ (Pāman), ‘headache’ (§īrsa-śoka),so ‘cough’ (Kāsikā), and ‘consumption,’ or perhaps some form of itch (Balāsa). It is perhaps significant that the Takman does not appear until the Atharvaveda. It is quite possible that the Vedic Aryans, when first settled in India, did not know the disease, which would take some generations to become endemic and recognized as dangerous. What remedies they used against it is quite uncertain, for the Atharvaveda mentions only spells and the Kustha, which can hardly have been an effective remedy, though still used in later times. Fever must, even in the Atharvan period, have claimed many victims, or it would not be mentioned so prominently.
tāyu Was another name for thief, perhaps of a less distinguished and more domestic character than the highway­man, for though he is referred to as a cattle-thief, he is also alluded to as a stealer of clothes (vastra-mathi)u and as a debtor. In one passage the Tāyus are said to disappear at the coming of dawn (which is elsewhere called yāvayad-dvesas driving away hostile beings,’ and rta-pā, ‘ guardian of order ’), like the stars of heaven (naksatra). In the Satarudriya litany of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā Rudra is called lord of assailers (ā-vyādhin), thieves (stena), robbers (taskara), pickpockets (stāyu), stealers (musnant), and cutters (1vi-krnta); and designations of sharpers (grtsa) and bands (gana, vrāta), apparently of robbers, are mentioned. It is therefore not surprising that the Rigveda should contain many prayers for safety at home or on the way, or that the Atharvaveda should devote several hymns to night chiefly for protection against the evil doings of thieves and robbers. Pischel suggests that in one passage of the Rigveda Vasistha is represented as a burglar, but he admits that, since Vasistha was attacking the house of his father Varuna, he was only seeking to obtain what he may have regarded as his own. But the interpretation of the hymn is not certain. Sayana’s explanation of one passage of the Rigveda, as referring to professional cattle-trackers, like the Khojis of the Panjab, seems quite probable.The punishment of thieves appears primarily to have been left to the action of the robbed. The practice of binding them in stocks seems clearly referred to. But later, at any rate— and in all probability earlier also, as in other countries—a more severe penalty could be exacted, and death inflicted by the king. There is no hint in Vedic literature of the mode of conviction; a fire ordeal is not known to the Atharvaveda, and the ordeal known to the Chāndogya Upanisad is not said to be used in the case of theft. No doubt the stolen property was recovered by the person robbed if he could obtain it. Nothing is known as to what happened if the property had passed from the actual thief into the possession of another person.
turvaśa Occurs frequently in the Rigveda as the name of a man or of a people, usually in connexion with Yadu. The two words usually occur in the singular without any connecting particle, Turvaśa Yadu or Yadu Turvaśa. In a plural form the name Turvaśa occurs once with the Yadus, and once alone in a hymn in which the singular has already been used. In one passage the dual Turvaśā-Yadñ actually occurs, and in another Yadus Turvaś ca, ‘Yadu and Turva.’ In other passages Turvaśa appears alone, while in one Turvaśa and Yādva occur. From these facts Hopkins deduces the erroneousness of the ordinary view, according to which Turvaśa is the name of a tribe, the singular denoting the king, and regards Turvaśa as the name of the Yadu king. But the evidence for this is not conclusive. Without laying any stress on the argument based on the theory that the five peoples’ of the Rigveda are the Anus, Druhyus, Turvaśas, Yadus, and Pūrus, it is perfectly reasonable to hold that the Turvaśas and Yadus were two distinct though closely allied tribes. Such they evidently were to the seers of the hymns which mention in the dual the Turvaśā-Yadū and speak of Yadus Turvaś ca. This explanation also suits best the use of the plural of Turvaśa in two Rigvedic hymns. In the Rigveda the chief exploit of Turvaśa was his partici¬pation in the war against Sudās, by whom he was defeated. Hopkins suggests that he may have been named Turvaśa because of his fleet (tura) escape from the battle. His escape may have been assisted by Indra, for in some passages Indra’s aid to Turvaśa (and) Yadu is referred to; it is also significant that the Anu, and apparently the Druhyu, kings are mentioned as having been drowned in the defeat, but not the Turvaśa and Yadu kings, and that Turvaśa appears in the eighth book of the Rigveda as a worshipper of Indra with the Anu prince, the successor, presumably, of the one who was drowned. Griffith, however, proposes to refer these passages to a defeat by Turvaśa and Yadu of Arna and Citraratha on the Sarayu ; but the evidence for this is quite inadequate. Two passages of the Rigveda seem to refer to an attack by Turvaśa and Yadu on Divodāsa, the father of Sudās. It is reasonable to suppose that this was an attack of the two peoples on Divodāsa, for there is some improbability of the references being to the Turvaśa, who was concerned in the attack on Sudās, the son. Zimmer considers that the Turvaśas were also called Vrcī- vants. This view is based on a hymn in which reference is made to the defeat of the Vrcīvants on the Yavyāvatī and Hariyūpīyā in aid of Daivarāta, and of Turvaśa in aid of Srñjaya, the latter being elsewhere clearly the son of Deva- rāta. But as this evidence for the identification of the Turvaśas with the Vrcīvants is not clear, it seems sufficient to assume that they were allies. Later, in the śatapatha Brāhmana, the Turvaśas appear as allies of the Pañcālas, Taurvaśa horses, thirty-three in number, and armed men, to the number of 6,ooo, being mentioned. But otherwise the name disappears: this lends probability to Oldenberg’s conjecture that the Turvaśas became merged in the Pañcāla people. Hopkins considers that in the śatapatha passage the horses were merely named from the family of Turvaśa; but this view is less likely, since it ignores the difficulty involved in the reference to the men. It is impossible to be certain regarding the home of the Turvaśas at the time of their conflict with Sudās. They apparently crossed the Parusnī, but from which side is dis¬puted. The view of Pischel and Geldner, that they advanced from the west towards the east, where the Bharatas were (see Kuru), is the more probable.
tṛtsu Occurs in the Rigveda, once in the singular and several times in the plural, as a proper name. The Trtsus were clearly helpers of Sudās in the great battle against the ten kings, Simyu, the Turvaśa, the Druhyu, Kavasa, the Pūru, the Anu, Bheda, Sambara, the two Vaikarnas, and perhaps the Yadu, who led with them as allies the Matsyas, Pakthas, Bhalānas, Alinas, Visānins, Sivas, Ajas, Sigrus, and perhaps Yaksus. The defeat of the ten kings is celebrated in one hymn of the Rigveda, and is evidently alluded to in two others. The great battle took place on the Parusnī, but there was also a fight on the Yamunā with Bheda, the Ajas, Sigrus, and Yaksus. As the Yamunā and the Parusnī represent opposite ends of the territory of the Trtsus (for we cannot with Hopkins safely identify the streams), it is difficult to see exactly how the ten kings could be confederated, but it should be noted that the references to the ten kings occur in the two later hymns, and not in the hymn describing the battle itself; besides, absolute numerical accuracy cannot be insisted upon.It is difficult exactly to determine the character of the Trtsus, especially in their relation to the Bharatas, who under Visvamitra’s guidance are represented as prospering and as advancing to the Vipāś and Sutudrī. Roth ingeniously brought this into connexion with the defeat of his enemies by Sudās, which is celebrated in the seventh book of the Rigveda—a book attributed to the Vasistha family—and thought that there was a reference in one verse to the defeat of the Bharatas by Sudās. But it seems certain that the verse is mistranslated, and that the Bharatas are really represented as victors with Sudās. Ludwig accordingly identifies the Trtsus and the Bharatas. Oldenberg, after accepting this view at first, later expressed the opinion that the Trtsus were the priests of the Bharata people, and therefore identical with the Vasisthas. This view is supported by the fact that in one passage the Trtsus are clearly described as wearing their hair in the peculiar manner affected by the Vasisthas, and would in that passage thus seem to represent the Vasisthas. But Geldner has suggested with great probability that Trtsu, who is once mentioned in the singular, means the Trtsu king—that is, Sudās. This explanation alone justifies the description of the Bharatas as Trtsūnām viśah, ‘ subjects of the Trtsus,’ meaning the Trtsu Gotra or family, for the people could not be said to be subjects of a body of priests. The Vasisthas might be called Trtsus because of their close con¬nexion with the royal house of that people. The reverse process is also quite possible, but is rendered improbable by the fact that the Pratrdah are referred to as receiving Vasistha. This name of the Trtsu dynasty is probably older than its connexion with Vasistha in the time of Sudās, a conclusion supported by the name of Pratardana, who is mentioned later as a descendant of Divodāsa, an ancestor of Sudās. The Trtsu dynasty could therefore hardly have been referred to as Vasisthas. For the further history of the dynasty and its relation with Vasistha and Viśvāmitra, see Sudās. If the Trtsus and their subjects, the Bharatas, were in the Rigvedic period at war with the tribes on either side of the territory between the Parusnī and the Yamunā, it is clear that later on they coalesced with the Pūrus and probably others of those tribes to form the Kuru people. Already in the Rigveda the Trtsus are allied with the Srñjayas, and in the śatapatha Brāhmana one Purohita serves both Kurus and Srñjayas. Hillebrandt considers that the Trtsus cannot be identified with the Bharatas, but that Sudās and the Bharatas represent an invading body, which, however, became allied with the Trtsus and the Vasistha priests. He also thinks that the Rigveda reveals a time when Divodāsa, the grandfather or ancestor of Sudās, was living in Arachosia, on the Sarasvatī, and warring against the Panis, whom he identifies with the Parnians. But this conjecture cannot be regarded as probable. In the Sarasvatī it is not necessary to see any other river than the later Sarasvatī, in the middle country, which flowed within the boundaries of the Trtsus: it is also significant that there are references to contests between Turvaśa Yadu and Atithigva or Divodāsa. Thus there is no reason to doubt that Divodāsa and the Bharatas were in the middle country, and not in Iran.
trapu Denotes ‘tin’ in the Atharvaveda and later. Its quality of being easily smelted, which Roth thinks is indicated by the name (as derived from the root trap, ‘be ashamed’), is clearly alluded to in the Atharvaveda passage.
trasadasyu Son of Purukutsa, is mentioned in the Rigveda as king of the Pūrus. He was born to Purukutsa by his wife, Purukutsānī, at a time of great distress; this, according to Sāyana, refers to Purukutsa’s captivity: possibly his death is really meant. Trasadasyu was also a descendant of Giriksit and Purukutsa was a descendant of Durgaha. The genealogy, therefore, appears to be: Durgaha, Giriksit, Purukutsa, Trasa­dasyu. Trasadasyu was the ancestor of Tpksi, and, according to Ludwig, had a son Hiranin. Trasadasyu’s chronological position is determined by the fact that his father, Purukutsa, was a contemporary of Sudās, either as an opponent or as a friend. That Purukutsa was an enemy of Sudās is more probable, because the latter’s predecessor, Divodāsa, was apparently at enmity with the Pūrus, and in the battle of the ten kings Pūrus were ranged against Sudās and the Trtsus. Trasadasyu himself seems to have been an energetic king. His people, the Pūrus, were settled on the Sarasvatī, which was, no doubt, the stream in the middle country, that locality according well with the later union of the Pūrus with the Kuru people, who inhabited that country. This union is exemplified in the person of Kuruśravana, who is called Trāsadasyava, ‘ descendant of Trasadasyu,’ in the Rigveda, whose father was Mitrātithi, and whose son was Upamaśravas. The relation of Mitrātithi to Trksi does not appear. Another descendant of Trasadasyu was Tryaruna Traivrsna, who is simply called Trasadasyu in a hymn of the Rigveda. He was not only a 4 descendant of Trivrsan,’ but, according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, he was also Traidhātva, descendant of Tridhātu.’ The order of these two predecessors of Tryaruna cannot be determined in any way from Vedic literature. According to the later tradition, a prince named Tridhanvan preceded Tryaruna in the succession. Vedic tradition further fails to show in what precise relation Trasadasyu stood to Trivrsan or Tryaruna.
triveda kṛṣṇarāta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita ’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of śyāmajayanta Lauhitya, according to a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
tryaruṇa traivṛṣṇa trasadasyu Is the name of a prince whose generosity to a singer is celebrated in a hymn of the Rigveda. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana he appears as Tryaruna Traidhātva Aiksvāka, and is the hero of the following story. He was out in his chariot with his Purohita, or domestic priest, Vrśa Jāna, and by excessive speed in driving killed a Brahmin boy. This sin was atoned for by the Puro- hita’s using his Vārśa Sāman (chant). The Sātyāyana Brāh­mana, cited by Sāyana, elaborates the tale. As Vrśa had held the reins, king and priest accused each other of the murder. The Iksvākus being consulted threw the responsibility for the crime on Vrśa, who thereupon revived the boy by the Vārśa Sāman. In consequence of this unfairness of theirs—being Ksatriyas they were partial to a Ksatriya—Agni’s glow ceased to burn in their houses. In response to their appeal to restore it, Vrśa came to them, saw the Piśācī (demoness), who, in the form of Trasadasyu’s wife, had stolen the glow, and succeeded in restoring it to Agni. This version with some variations occurs also in the Brhaddevatā, which connects the story with a hymn of the Rigveda. Sieg’s attempt to show that the hymn really refers to this tale is not at all successful. It is clear that Trasadasyu must here mean ‘descendant of Trasadasyu,’ and not King Trasadasyu himself. The difference of the patronymics, Traivrsna and Traidhātva, by which he is referred to can best be explained by assuming that there were two kings, Trivrsan and Tridhātu (or possibly Tridhanvan), from whom Tryaruna was descended. The connexion with the Iksvākus is important (see Iksvāku).
dakṣa jayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita ’) is men­tioned in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of Krsnarāta Lauhitya.
dakṣa pārvati (‘Descendant of Parvata’) is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmana as having performed a certain rite which his descendants, the Dāksāyanas, still maintained, thus enjoying royal dignity down to the time of the Brāhmana itself. He appears in the Kausītaki Brāhmana also.
dadhyañc atharvaṇa Is a purely mythical sage. In the Rigveda he is clearly a divinity of some kind, but in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas he is metamorphosed into a teacher. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana he is by oversight called an Añgirasa.
daśan ‘Ten,’ forms the basis of the numerical system of the Vedic Indians, as it does of the Aryan people generally. But it is characteristic of India that there should be found at a very early period long series of names for very high numerals, whereas the Aryan knowledge did not go beyond 1,000. In the Vājasaneyi Samhitā the list is 1 ; 10; 100; 1,000 ; ιο,οοο {ayuta) \ ιοο,οοο (ηiyuta); ι,οοο,οοο(prayuta); 10,000,000 {arbuda); 100,000,000 (ηyarbuda)', 1,000,000,000 (samudra); 10,000,000,000 (madhya); ιοο,οοο,οοο,οοο (aηta); 1,000,000,000,000 {parārdha). In the Kāthaka Samhitā the list is the same, but ηiyuta and prayuta exchange places, and after ηyarbuda a new figure (badva) intervenes, thus increasing samudra to ιο,οοο,οοο,οοο, and so on. The Taittirīya Samhitā has in two places exactly the same list as the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. The Maitrāyanī Samhitā has the list ayuta, prayuta, then ayuta again, arbuda, ηyarbuda, samudra, madhya, aηta, parārdha. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmana has the Vājasaneyi list up to ηyarbuda inclusive, then follow ηikharvaka, badva, aksita, and apparently go = ι,οοο,οοο,οοο,οοο. The Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana list replaces nikharvaka by nikharva, badva by padma, and ends with aksitir vyomāntah. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra con¬tinues the series after nyarbuda with nikharvāda, samudra, salila, antya, ananta (=10 billions).But beyond ayuta none of these numbers has any vitality. Badva, indeed, occurs in the Aitareya Brāhmana, but it cannot there have any precise numerical sense j and later on the names of these high numerals are very much confused. An arithmetical progression of some interest is found in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, where occurs a list of sacrificial gifts in which each successive figure doubles the amount of the preceding one. It begins with dvādaśa-mānam hiranyam, * gold to the value of 12 ’ (the unit being uncertain, but probably the Krsnala18), followed by ‘to the value of 24, 48, 96, 192, 384, 768, 1,536, 3072/ then dve astāvimśati-śata-māne, which must mean 2 x 128 X 24 (the last unit being not a single māna, but a number of 24 mānas) = 6,144, then 12,288, 24,576, 49,152, 98,304, 196,608, 393,216. With these large numbers may be compared the minute theoretical subdivision of time found in the śatapatha Brāhmana, where a day is divided into 15 muhūrtas—1 muhūrta =15 ksipras, 1 ksipra =15 etarhis, I etarhi = 15 idānis, 1 idāni =15 prānas. The śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra15 has a decimal division of the day into 15 muhūrtas—• i muhūrta = 10 nimesas, 1 nimesa = 10 dhvamsis. Few fractions are mentioned in Vedic literature. Ardha, pāda, śapha, and kalā denote J, J, TV respectively, but only the first two are common. Trtīya denotes the third part.16 In the Rigveda Indra and Visnu are said to have divided ι,οοο by 3, though how they did so is uncertain. Tri-pād denotes 4 three-fourths.’ There is no clear evidence that the Indians of the Vedic period had any knowledge of numerical figures, though it is perfectly possible.
daśamī Denotes in the Atharvaveda and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana the period of life between 90 and 100 years which the Rigveda calls the daśama yuga, ‘ the tenth stage of life.’ Longevity seems not to have been rare among the Vedic Indians, for the desire to live a ‘hundred autumns’ (śaradal} śatam) is constantly expressed. Dīrghatamas is said to have lived ioo years, and Mahidāsa Aitareya is credited with 116. Onesikritos reported that they sometimes lived 130 years, a statement with which corresponds the wish expressed in the Jātaka for a life of 120 years. Probably the number was always rather imaginary than real, but the com¬parative brevity of modern life in India9 may be accounted for by the cumulative effect of fever, which is hardly known to the Rigveda. See Takman.
dārḍhajayanti ‘Descendant of Drdhajayanta,’ is the patro­nymic of Vaipaścita Gupta Lauhitya and of Vaipaścita Drdhajayanta Lauhitya in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana
dāsa Like Dasyu, sometimes denotes enemies of a demoniac character in the Rigveda, but in many passages the word refers to human foes of the Aryans. The Dāsas are described as having forts (purafy), and their clans {viśah) are mentioned. It is possible that the forts, which are called ‘ autumnal ’ (śāradīh), may be mythical, but it is not essential, for the epithet may allude to their being resorted to in the autumn season. The Dāsa colour (Varna)6 is probably an allusion to the black skin of the aborigines, which is also directly mentioned. The aborigines (as Dasyus) are called anās, ‘nose¬less’ (?), and mrdhra-vāc, ‘ of hostile speech/9 and are probably meant by the phallus-worshippers (śiśna-devāh, ‘whose deity is a phallus ’) of the Rigveda. It is significant that constant. reference is made to the differences in religion between Arya and Dāsa or Dasyu. Since the Dāsas were in many cases reduced to slavery, the word Dāsa has the sense of * slave ’ in several passages of the Rigveda. Dāsī, the feminine, always has this sense from the Atharvaveda onwards. Aboriginal women were, no doubt, the usual slaves, for on their husbands being slain in battle they would naturally have been taken as servants. They would sometimes also become concubines; thus Kavasa was taunted with being the son of a female slave (dāsyāh putrah) in the Aitareya Brāhmana. Ludwig considers that in some passages Dāsa is applied, in the sense of enemy,’ to Aryan foes, but this is uncertain. Zimmer and Meyer think that Dāsa originally meant enemy in general, later developing in Iran into the name of the Dahae of the Caspian steppes, and in India into a desig¬nation of the aborigines. On the other hand, Hillebrandt argues that, as the Dāsas and the Panis are mentioned together, they must be deemed to be closely related tribes, identifying the Panis with the Parnians and the Dāsas of the Rigveda with the Dahae. This view, of course, necessitates a transfer of the scenes of the Rigveda, where Dāsas are prominent, and especially those in which Divodāsa—‘ the heavenly Dāsa’—plays an important part, to the far west. Hillebrandt justifies this by regarding the scene of the sixth book of the Rigveda as quite different from that of the seventh and third, in which Sudās, the Bharatas, Vasistha, and Viśvāmitra appear. The Sarasvatī of the sixth book he locates in Arachosia, that of the seventh in the Middle Country.’ It is, however, extremely doubtful whether this theory can be upheld. That Divodāsa should have been a Dāsa, and yet have fought against other Dāsas, is not in itself likely, especially when his son Sudās appears as a protagonist of Aryan civilization. It also seems unreasonable to seek in Arachosia for the river Sarasvatī, which it is natural to locate in the Middle Country. ’The wealth of the Dāsas was no doubt considerable, but in civilization there is no reason to suppose that they were ever equal to the invaders. Leading Dāsas were Ilībiśa, Cumuri and Dhuni, Pipru, Varcin, Sambara. For names of aboriginal tribes, see Kirāta, Kīkata, Candāla, Parnaka, Simyu.
dityavāh A two-year-old bull or cow,’ is mentioned in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas. dityavāh (masculine) dityauhī (feminine)
dīrghāyutva ‘Longevity,’ is a constant object of the prayers of the Vedic Indians, and length of life is never deprecated in the Samhitās and Brāhmanas, while the Atharvaveda is full of spells intended to prolong existence (āyusyāηi).
durgaha Is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda, where his grandsons are lauded for their generosity, though Sāyana renders the word adjectivally. In another passage of the Rigveda, however, Sāyana sees in the epithet Daurgaha a description of Purukutsa as Durgaha’s son, who was either captured by the enemy or slain, and whose wife, Purukutsānī, then obtained a son, Trasadasyu, to restore the line; he also quotes a story, not found in the Brhaddevatā, to support this interpretation. On the other hand, the śatapatha Brāhmana seems to take Daurgaha as meaning a horse. Sieg thinks that the same sense should be adopted in the Rigveda passage, which he interprets as referring to the sacrifice of a horse, Daurgaha, by King Purukutsa to gain a son; he also sees in Dadhikrāvan, with Pischel and Ludwig, a real horse, the charger of Trasadasyu. The śatapatha Brāhmana's inter­pretation of Daurgaha is, however, doubtful, and cannot be regarded as receiving support from the case of Dadhikrāvan, who was probably a divinity, and not a real horse at all.
duṣṭarītu ‘Hard to defeat,’ is the name of a king of the Srñjayas, who was deposed from a principality that had existed for ten generations, but was re-instated by Cākra Sthapati in spite of the resistance of Balhika Prātipīya, according to the Satapatha Brāhmana.
devatyā Occurs in the text of the Atharvaveda, where it must, if the reading is correct, denote some animal. But the reading should no doubt be rohiηī-devatyās, * having the red one as deity.’
devabhāga śrautarṣa Is mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmana as the Purohita, or ‘domestic priest,’ of both the Srñjayas and the Kurus. In the Aitareya Brāhmana he is said to have taught Girija Bābhravya the science of the dissection of the sacrificial animal (paśor vibhaktī). In the Taittirīya Brāhmana he is an authority on the Sāvitra Agni.
dharma Are the regular words, the latter in the Rigveda, and both later, for ‘ law ’ or ‘ custom.’ But there is very little evidence in the early literature as to the administra­tion of justice or the code of law followed. On the other hand, the Dharma Sūtras contain full particulars.Criminal Law.—The crimes recognized in Vedic literature vary greatly in importance, while there is no distinction adopted in principle between real crimes and what now are regarded as fanciful bodily defects or infringements of merely conventional practices. The crimes enumerated include the slaying of an embryo (
dhṛtarāṣṭra vaicitravīrya (‘Descendant of Vicitra- vīrya’) is mentioned in a passage of the Kāthaka Samhitā, which is, unhappily, far from intelligible. But there is no ground for supposing that he was a Kuru-Pañcāla king; he seems rather to have lived at some distance from the Kuru- Pañcālas. There is no good reason to deny his identity with the Dhrtarāstra of the Satapatha Brāhmana, king of Kāśi, who was defeated, when he attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, by Sātrājita śatānīka. The fact that the latter was a Bharata also points to Dhrtarāstra's not having been a Kuru-Pañcāla at all. In the Kāthaka Samhitā he appears as having a dispute with Vaka Dālbhi; but even assuming that the latter was a Pañcāla, there is nothing to hint that the former was a Kuru or that this dispute is a sign of an early hostility of Kuru and Pañcāla. It is true that in the Epic śantanu and Vicitravīrya and Dhrtarāstra himself are all connected, but this connexion seems to be due, as so often in the Epic, to a confused derange¬ment of great figures of the past.
dhruva In the Sūtras denotes the pole star, being mentioned in connexion with the marriage ritual, in which the star is constancy. In the Maitrāyanī Upanisad, a late work, the movement of the Dhruvā (dhruvasya pracalanam) is mentioned, but this can hardly be interpreted as referring to an actual observed motion of the nominal pole star, but rather to an extraordinary event, such as a destruction of the world, as Cowell understood the expression. Jacobi sees in the motion of the Dhruvā the possibility of fixing a date, on the ground that the only star which could have been deemed a pole star, as * immovable,’ was one (α Draconis) of the third millenium B.C. But this attempt to extract chronology from the name of the star is of very doubtful validity.
nakṣatra Is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The śatapatha Brāhmana re­solves it into na-ksatra (‘ no power ’), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta refers it to the root naks, ‘obtain/ following the Taittirīya Brāhmana. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from nakta-tra, ‘ guardian of night/ and more recently the derivation from nak-ksatra, ‘ having rule over night/ seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ‘star/ The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later.—The sense of star ’ appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. The same sense occurs in the later Samhitās also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together, or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, or the moon and the Naksatras, or the Naksatras alone; but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of lunar mansion ’ in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Aghās (plur.) and Arjunī (dual) the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghās (plur.) and Phālgunī (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Sūryā, has no claim to great age. Ludwig and Zimmer have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revatī (£ rich ’) and punarvasīi (‘ bringing wealth again’) in another hymn appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions.—In several passages of the later Samhitās the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kāthaka and Taittirīya Samhitās it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohinī; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitās: the Taittīriya has, and the Kāthaka no number; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittirīya Samhitā and elsewhere. The number 28 is much less well attested: in one passage of the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book, in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number: it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manāzil are 28 in number.28 Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Lātyāyana and Nidāna Sūtras as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidāna Sūtra makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sāvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J• days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda. The Names of the Naksatras.—In addition to the two mentioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda gives the names of Jyesthaghnī (the later Jyesthā) and Vicrtau, which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatīs (plural) and Kyttikās. With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyādhāna, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kāthaka Samhitā, the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and the Taittirīya Brāhmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikās, Rohinī, Phalgunyas, Hasta; the latter Brāhmana adds Punar- vasū, and in an additional remark excludes Pūrve Phālgunī in favour of Uttare Phālgunī. The śatapatha Brāhmana adds Mrgaśīrsa and Citrā as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasū is recommended by all authorities as suitable for the Punarādheya, 'relaying of the sacred fires,’ which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer. The Kāthaka Samhitā, however, allows Anurādhās also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or 'piling of the fire- altar,’ the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated to 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense. But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitās enumerate the 27, The Taittirīya Brāhmana has a list of the Naksatras which agrees generally with the list of the Samhitās. It runs as follows: Kyttikās, Rohinī, Invakās, Bāhū (dual), Tisya, Aśleṣās, Maghās, Pūrve Phālgunī, Uttare Phālgunī, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Rohinī, Mūlabarhanī, Pūrvā Asādhās', Uttarā Asādhās, Sronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Pūrve Prosthapadās, Uttare Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Apabharanīs. In a later book, however, the list grows to 28, and the full moon is inserted after number 14, and the new moon after number, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra (lunar) month into accordance with the Sāvana (solar) month of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the Samhitās with the following exceptions. The seven stars of the Krttikās are named as Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varsayantī, Cupunīkā, names found also in the Taittirīya and Kāthaka Samhitās. Beside Mrgaśīrsa, Invakās are also mentioned. Then come Ardrā, Punarvasū, Tisya, Aśresās, Maghās (beside which Anaghās, Agadās, and Arun- dhatīs are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Jyesthā, Mūla, Asādhās, Asā(jhās, Abhijit, śronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadās, Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanīs. Abhijit, which occurs also in an earlier part of the Brāhmana, is perhaps interpolated. But Weber’s argument that Abhijit is out of place in this list because Brāhmana is here mentioned as the 28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown to him) that the list in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā contains 28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brāhmana at the end as another. In another passage the Taittirīya Brāhmana divides the Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit) respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third book of the Brāhmana60 where the days of the light half of the month and those of the dark half are equated with the Naksatras. The Brāhmana treats the former series as south, the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, and can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity. The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names here (masc.), Viśākhe, Anurādhā, Jyesthā, Mūla, Pūrvā Asādhās, Uttarā Asādhās, Abhijit, śravana, śravisthās, śatabhisaj, Dvayā Prosthapadā, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras.—There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney in his notes on the Sūrya Siddhānta. 1.Krttikās are unquestionably η Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts, include three --------abhrayantī, forming clouds meghayantī, ‘making cloudy’; varsayantī, ‘causing rain’—which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttikā possibly means ‘web/ from the root krt, spin.’ 2. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy,’ is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, <* θ y 8 e Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajāpati in the Aitareya Brāhmana. He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikāndā, ‘ the belt of Orion ’) by the huntsman ’ (Mrgavyādha, Sirius ’). Prajāpati is clearly Orion (Mrgaśiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion’s head). 3.Mrgaśīrsa or Mrgaśiras, also called Invakā or Invagā, seems to be the faint stars λ, φ,1 φ2 Orionis. They are called Andhakā, * blind,’ in the śāntikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness. 4.Ardrā, ‘ moist,’ is the name of the brilliant star, α Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Árdrās in the śāñkhāyana Grhya Sūtra and the Naksatrakalpa, and in the dual as Bāhú, in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,’ denotes the two stars, a and β Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Aśvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri. 6.Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, δ, and θ Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent. 7. Aśresās or Aślesās, which in some texts is certainly to be read Aśresās or Aślesas, denotes δ, e, η, p, σ, and perhaps also ζ, Hydrse. The word means ‘embracer,’ a name which admirably fits the constellation. 8. Maghās, the ‘bounties,’ are the Sickle, or α, γ, ζ, μ, e Leonis. The variants Anaghā, the ‘ sinless one,’ etc.,clearly refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation. 9. 10. Phālgunī, Phalgunyau, Phalgū, Phalg-unīs, Phal- gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Pūrve, ‘ former,’ and Uttare, ‘latter.’ The former is δ and θ Leonis, the latter β and Leonis. According to Weber, the word denotes, like Arjunī, the variant of the Rigveda, a ‘ bright- coloured ’ constellation. 11. Hasta, ‘hand,’ is made up of the five conspicuous stars (δ> Ί, e, a, β) in Corvus, a number which the word itself suggests. According to Geldner, the ‘ five bulls ’ of the Rigveda are this constellation. 12. Citrā, ‘bright,’ is the beautiful star, a Virginis. It is mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and in that of the ‘ two divine dogs ’ (divyau śvānau) in the śatapatha Brāhmana. 13. Svāti or Nistyā is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice in the śāntikalpa, where it is said to be ‘ ever traversing the northern way ’ (nityam uttara-mārgagam). The Taittirīya Brāhmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajāpati, giving him Citrā (α Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for hand, the Viśākhe (α and β Librae) for thighs, and the Anurādhās (β, δ, and 7r Scorpionis) for standing place, with Nistyā for heart. But Arcturus, being 30° out, spoils this figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, Virginis and κ Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajāpati figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber’s, Whitney is not certain that Nistyā here must mean a star in Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistyā, ‘outcast,’ suggests the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question. 14.Viśākhe is the couple of stars a and β Librae. This mansion is later called Rādhā according to the Amarakośa, and it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rādho Viśākhe, the Viśākhe are prosperity,’ should occur. But probably Rādhā is merely an invention due to the name of the next Naksatra, Anurādhā, wrongly conceived as meaning that which is after or follows Rādhā.’ 15. Anūrādhās or Anurādhā, propitious,’ is β, δ, and tγ (perhaps also p) Scorpionis. 16. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy ’; Jyesthaghnī, * slaying the eldest ’; or Jyesthā, ‘eldest,’ is the name of the constellation σ, α, and τ Scorpionis, of which the central star, a, is the brilliant reddish Antares (or Cor Scorpionis). 17.Vicrtau, ‘ the two releasers ’; Mūla, ‘ root or Mūla- barhanī, ‘ uprooting,’ denote primarily λ and v at the extremity of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine or eleven stars from e to v. 18.19. Asādhās (‘ unconquered ’), distinguished as Pūrvās, ‘ former,’ and Uttarās, ‘ latter,’ are really two constellations, of which the former is composed of γ, δ, e, and η Sagittarii, or of 8 and e only, and the latter of θ, σ, t, and ξ Sagittarii, or of two, σ and ζ, only. It is probable that originally only four stars forming a square were meant as included in the whole constellation —viz., σ and f, with 8 and e. 20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two companions e and ζ. Its location in 6o° north latitude is completely discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian and Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg to support the view that it was a later addition to the system; its occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is said to be ‘over Asādhās, under śronā,’ which Weber held to refer to its position in space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded to that of the Arab Manāzil and the Chinese Sieou—viz., a, β Capricorni. But Whitney argues effectively that the words ‘ over ’ and ‘ under ’ really refer to the place of Abhijit in the list, ‘ after ’ Asādhās and ‘ before ’ Sronā. 21. Sronā, ‘lame,’ or Sravana, ‘ ear,’ denotes the bright star a Aquilai with β below and 7 above it. Weber very need- lessly thinks that the name Sravana suggested two ears and the head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the Manāzil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention. 22. śravisthās, ‘ most famous,’ or later Dhanisthās, ‘most wealthy,’ is the diamond-shaped group, α, β, δ, and 7, in the Dolphin, perhaps also ζ in the same constellation. Like the preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manāzil and Sieou. 23. Satabhisaj or śatabhisa, ‘having a hundred physicians,’ seems to be λ Aquarii with the others around it vaguely conceived as numbering a hundred. 24. 25. Prostha-padās (fem. plur.), ‘ feet of a stool,’ or later Bhadra-padās,100 ‘auspicious feet,’ a double asterism forming a square, the former (pūrva) consisting of a and β Pegasi, the latter (uttara) of γ Pegasi and a Andromedse. 26. Revatī, ‘ wealthy,’ denotes a large number of stars (later 32), of which ζ Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where it was crossed by the equator of about 570 a.d., is given as the southernmost. 27. Aśva-yujau, ‘the two horse-harnessers,’ denotes the stars β and ζ Arietis. Aśvinyau101 and Aśvinī102 are later names. 28. Apabharanīs, Bharanīs, or Bharanyas, ‘ the bearers,’ is the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis. The Naksatras and the Months.—In the Brāhmanas the Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may be turned into a feminine and compounded with pūrna-māsa, ‘the full moon,’ as in Tisyā-pūrnamāsa, ‘the full moon in the Naksatra Tisya.’103 Much more often, however, it is turned into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamāsī, ‘the full moon (night)/ or with amāvāsyā, ‘the new moon (night)/ as in Phālgunī paurnamāsl, ‘the full-moon night in the Naksatra Phālgunī’;104 or, as is usual in the Sūtras, the Naksatra adjective alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month itself is called by a name derived105 from that of a Naksatra, but only Phālguna,106 Caitra,107 Vaiśākha,108 Taisya,109 Māgha110 occur in the Brāhmanas, the complete list later being Phālguna, Caitra, Vaiśākha, Jyaistha, Asādha, Srāvana, Prausthapada, Aśvayuja, Kārttika, Mārgaśīrsa, Taisya, Māgha. Strictly speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar year was clearly very restricted: we have seen that as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmana there was a tendency to equate lunar months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up the solar year (see Māsa). The Naksatras and Chronology.—(i) An endeavour has been made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at which the systematic employment of those names was intro¬duced. Sir William Jones111 refers to this possibility, and Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that śrāvana always marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the months did not date before b.c. Ii8I. Weber112 considered that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but Whitney113 has convincingly shown that it is an impossible feat, and Thibaut114 concurs in this view. Twelve became fixed as the number of the months because of the desire, evident in the Brāhmanas, somehow or other to harmonize lunar with solar time; but the selection of twelve Naksatras out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon can have no chronological significance, because full moon at no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly recurrent intervals. (2) All the lists of the Naksatras begin with Krttikās. It is only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Aśvinī, and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star ζ Piscium on the border of Revatī and Aśvinī, say in the course of the sixth century A.D. Weber has therefore accepted the view that the Krttikās were chosen for a similar reason, and the date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with the Naksatras; and both Thibaut and Oldenberg have pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the equinox with the Krttikās. Jacobi has contended that in the Rigveda the commencement of the rains and the summer solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the old, and that further the new year began with the summer solstice in Phālgunī.121 He has also referred to the distinction of the two sets of Deva and Yama Naksatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as supporting his view of the connexion of the sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory: the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except by translating the word dvādaśa123 as 4 the twelfth (month) * instead of consisting of twelve parts,’ that is, ‘year/ the accepted interpretation; and the division of the Naksatras is not at all satisfactorily explained by a supposed connexion with the sun. It may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikās be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with the vernal equinox, both Whitney and Thibaut are pre¬pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Māgha. (3) The winter solstice in Māgha is assured by a Brāhmana text, for the Kausītaki Brāhmana12® expressly places it in the new moon of Māgha (māghasyāmāυāsyāyām). It is not very important whether we take this with the commentators as the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in Māgha. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch in the following way. If the end of Revatī marked the vernal equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha, when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of Sravisthās. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third quarter of Bharanī, 6f asterisms removed from Sravisthās, and the difference between that and the beginning of Aśvinī = if asterisms = 23 (27 asterisms being = 360°). Taking, the starting-point at 499 a.d., the assured period of Varāha Mihira, Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha—that is, on the basis of ι° = 72 years as the precession. Pratt arrived at precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas of the junction star of Maghā, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis and Colebrooke arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citrā, which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as 30 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation in the Jyotisa, it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J0 extent each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon; and the result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether out of their asterisms. Nor can we say that the star ζ Piscium early formed the eastern boundary of Revatī; it may possibly not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revatī. Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point— 582 a.d., 560 a.d., or 491 a.d. being variants —is the fact that the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin¬able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate observers, since they made no precise determination of the number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even the Sūrya Siddhānta136 does not know the precession of the equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years for possible errors,137 and the only probable conclusion to be drawn from the datum of the Kausītaki Brāhmana is that it was recording an observation which must have been made some centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the probable date of the Brāhmana literature,138 say B.C. 800-600. (4) Another chronological argument has been derived from the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for Phālguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year, since the full moon in Phālgunī is often described as the ‘ mouth (mukham) of the year.’139 Jacobi140 considers that this was due to the fact that the year was reckoned from the winter solstice, which would coincide with the month of Phālguna about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg and Thibaut, on the other hand, maintain that the choice of Phālguna as the ‘ mouth ’ of the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence of the correspondence of Phālguna and the beginning of spring : as we have seen above in the Kausītaki Brāhmana, the new moon in Māgha is placed at the winter solstice, which puts the full moon of Phālgunī at a month and a half after the winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar. This fact accords with the only natural division of the year into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see Cāturmāsya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the winter solstice coincided with Māghī full moon at the time of the Taittirīya Samhitā (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phālgunī and Caitrī in early periods—viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000¬4000. (5) The passages of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, which treat the full moon in Phālguna as the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another alternative is the Ekāstakā, interpreted by the commentators as the eighth day after the full moon in Maghās, a time which might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old year, well be considered as representing the end of the year. A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon; the full moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Álekhana quoted by Ápastamba held, not of Māgha, as Asmarathya, Laugāksi and the Mīmāmsists believed, and as Tilak believes. (6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the year with the month Mārgaśīrsa, as is shown by its other name Agrahāyana (‘ belonging to the commencement of the year ’). Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn equinox in Mrgaśiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in Phālgunī. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra instead of Phālguna. (7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Buhler, from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the Grhya Sūtras, on the principle that study commenced with the rains (as in the Buddhist vassā) which mark the summer solstice. He concludes that if Bhādrapada appears as the date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus because at one time Prosthapadās (the early name of Bhadra- padās) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the case when the winter solstice was in Phālguna. But Whitney155 has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate; we cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the rains and learning—a month like Srāvana might be preferred because of its connexion with the word Sravana, 4 ear ’—and in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that Bhādrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so to coincide. the other astronomical phenomena; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not very complicated ; it consists merely in selecting a star or a star group with which the moon is in conjunction. It is thus impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in China, the Manāzil and the Sieou. The use of the Manāzil in Arabia is consistent and effective ; the calendar is regulated by them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the Manāzil is long posterior to that for the existence of the Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old Testament may really be the lunar mansions. That the Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess held, is, on the other hand, not at all probable. Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers published by him between. 1839 and 1861, attempted to prove the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The latter he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all. He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars observed in the neighbourhood can be referred; they were, as regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were added in B.C. IIOO in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with Mao (= Krttikās), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357. Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory, and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct, but his objections against the basis of Biot’s theory were rein¬forced by Whitney, who insisted that Biot’s supposition of the Sieou’s not having been ultimately derived from a system of lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Lśopold de Saussure, , but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, who has also pointed out that the series does not begin with Mao ( = Krttikās). There remains only the possibility that a common source for all the three sets—Naksatra, Manāzil, and Sieou—may be found in Babylonia. Hommel has endeavoured to show that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the Pleiades ( = Krttikās); but Thibaut’s researches are not favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber, Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the view that in Babylonia is to be found the origin of the system, and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the Adityas, and possibly the word Manā.
nakha Denotes either the nail ’ of a man, or the * claw ’ of a wild beast, such as a tiger. The trimming (ηikrηtaηa) of the nails was a regular part of the toilet of the Vedic Indian, especially on occasions of special sanctity, when it accompanied the cleansing of the teeth.
naciketas Occurs in the well-known legend of the Taitti­rīya Brāhmana (where he is a Gotama, the son of Vāja- śravasa), and in the Katha Upanisad. His historical reality is extremely doubtful: in the Upanisad he is called son of Aruni Auddālaki or Vājaśravasa, an impossible attribution, and one due only to a desire to give Naciketas a connexion with the famous Aruni.
nābhānediṣṭha (‘Nearest in descent ’) Mānava (‘ descendant of Manu ’) is famous in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas for the way in which he was treated when his father Manu divided his property among his sons, or they divided it: Nābhānedistha was left out, but was solaced by obtaining, through his father’s advice, cows from the Añgirases, a feat which is regarded in the Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra as on a level with the exploits of other seers who celebrated their patrons in hymns, and as giving rise to the hymn, Rigveda Nābhānedistha’s hymn is repeatedly mentioned in the Brāh­manas, but beyond its authorship nothing is recorded of him. In the Samhitā itself he seems to be spoken of as a poet in one passage, which is, however, of quite uncertain meaning. Nābhānedistha is etymologically connected in all probability with Nabānazdista in the Avesta, which refers to the Fravasi of the paoiryδ-tkaesha and the Fravasi of the Nabānazdista. Lassen saw in the legend a reminiscence of an Indo-Iranian split; but Roth showed conclusively that this was impossible, and that Nābhānedistha meant simply ‘nearest in birth,’and Weber admits that the connexion of the words is not one of borrowing on either side, but that in the Avesta it has kept its original sense of ‘ nearest relation,’ while in the Rigveda it has become a proper name.
nivid Denotes a brief invocation of the deity that is invited in a liturgy in honour of the god. The Brāhmanas repeatedly mention Nivids as inserted in the śastras (recitations), and the Khilas of the Rigveda preserve among them a set of Nivids. But it is doubtful whether the habit of using such brief formulas—the Nivid is usually not more than a Pada or quarter-verse in length—is known to the Rigveda, though it has been seen even there, and the word Nivid is several times found in that Samhitā, but hardly in the technical sense of the Brāhmanas. In the later Samhitās the technical sense is common.
naimiśīya Denotes the dwellers in the Naimiśa forest. They are mentioned in the Kāthaka Samhitā and the Brāhmanas, being clearly of special sanctity. Hence in the Epic the Mahābhārata is said to have been recited to the Rsis dwelling in the Naimisa forest.
nau Is the regular word in the Rigveda and later for a 4 boat ’ or 4 ship.’ In the great majority of cases the ship was merely a boat for crossing rivers, though no doubt a large boat was needed for crossing many of the broad rivers of the Panjab as well as the Yamunā and Gañgā. Often no doubt the Nau was a mere dug-out canoe (
pajra Is the name of the family from which Kaksīvant sprang (Pajriya). It is mentioned several times in the Rigveda. According to Pischel, the epithet prksa-yāmas applied to them means ‘carrying out brilliant sacrificial performances,’ which won for them Srutaratha’s generosity. In two passages Roth sees a Pajra called Sāman. This is uncertain, but in any case a Pajra seems clearly alluded to. Elsewhere it is very doubtful whether the word is a proper name at all. In the śātyāyana the Pajras are declared to be Añgirases.
paḍbīśa The foot-fetter ’ of a horse in five passages, two in the Rigveda, and one each in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad, the Chāndogya Upanisad, and the śāñkhāyana Aranyaka. Elsewhere its uses are metaphorical. According to Roth,® the literal sense is ‘foot-fastening’ (pad being = pad, ‘foot,’ and bīśa, written visa in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, being connected with the Latin viηcire, ‘bind’). Pischel[2] objects that the sense of * foot-fastening’ involves the absurdity, in the Upanisad passages, of a fine horse from the Sindhu (Indus) being spoken of as tearing up the peg to which it is fastened. He suggests instead the meaning of ‘ hobble,’ which must be right.8
paṇi In the Rigveda appears to denote a person who is rich, but who does not give offerings to the gods, or bestow Daksinās on the priests, and who is therefore an object of intense dislike to the composers of the Samhitā. Hence the gods are asked to attack the Panis, who are also referred to as being defeated with slaughter. The Pani is opposed to the pious sacrificer as a niggard, and is spoken of as a wolf, the symbol of enmity. In some passages the Panis definitely appear as mythological figures, demons who withhold the cows or waters of heaven, and to whom Saramā goes on a mission from Indra. Among the Panis Brbu was apparently important. In one passage of the Rigveda they are described as Beka- nā^as, or ‘usurers’ (?). In another they are called Dasyus, and styled mrdhra-vāc, probably ‘ of hostile speech,’ and grathin, a word of uncertain meaning. Hillebrandt thinks that the latter epithet refers to the continuous flow of a speech which is not understood, and that mrdhra-vāc means * speaking an enemy’s speech,’ though not necessarily with reference to non-Aryans. In two passages the Panis appear as Dāsas, and in one a Pani is mentioned in connexion with wer- geld (Vaira), being apparently regarded as equal to a man merely in the price put on his life, but in other respects as inferior. It is difficult to be certain exactly who a Pani was. Roth thinks that the word is derived from pan, ‘barter,’ and that the Pani is properly the man who will give nothing without return, hence the niggard, who neither worships the gods nor rewards their priests. This view is accepted by Zimmer and by Ludwig. The latter scholar thinks the apparent references to fights with Panis are to be explained by their having been aboriginal traders who went in caravans—as in Arabia and Northern Africa—prepared to fight, if need be, to protect their goods against attacks which the Aryans would naturally deem quite justified. He supports this explanation by the references to the Panis as Dasyus and Dāsas. It is, however, hardly necessary to do more than regard the Panis generally as non-worshippers of the gods favoured by the singers; the term is wide enough to cover either the aborigines or hostile Aryan tribes, as well as demons. Hillebrandt, however, thinks that a real tribe is meant, the Parnians of Strabo, and that they were associated with the Dahae (Dāsa). Moreover, he finds them associated in one passage with the Pārāvatas, whom he identifies with the Iϊαρουήται of Ptolemy, and with Brsaya, whom he connects with Bapσaevτηç of Arrian; he also con¬siders that the frequent mention of the Panis as opponents of Divodāsa shows that the latter was on the Arachosian Haraqaiti (Sarasvatī) fighting against the Parnians and Dahae, as well as other Iranian tribes. But the identification of Pani and the Parnians is needless, especially as the root pan, which is found also in the Greek πέρνημι, shows a satisfactory derivation, while the transfer of Divodāsa to the Haraqaiti is improbable. See also Divodāsa and Bekanāta.
pati Under these words denoting primarily, as the evidence collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary shows, ‘ lord ’ and ‘ lady,’ and so * husband ’ and * wife,’ it is convenient to consider the marital relations of the Vedic community. Child Marriage.—Marriage in the early Vedic texts appears essentially as a union of two persons of full development. This is shown by the numerous references to unmarried girls who grow old in the house of their fathers (amā-jur), and who adorn themselves in desire of marriage, as well as to the paraphernalia of spells and potions used in the Atharvavedic tradition to compel the love of man or woman respectively, while even the Rigveda itself seems to present us with a spell by which a lover seeks to send all the household to sleep when he visits his beloved. Child wives first occur regularly in the Sūtra period, though it is still uncertain to what extent the rule of marriage before puberty there obtained. The marriage ritual also quite clearly presumes that the marriage is a real and not a nominal one: an essential feature is the taking of the bride to her husband’s home, and the ensuing cohabitation. Limitations on Marriage.—It is difficult to say with certainty within what limits marriage was allowed. The dialogue of Yama and Yam! in the Rigveda seems clearly to point to a prohibition of the marriage of brother and sister. It can hardly be said, as Weber thinks, to point to a practice that was once in use and later became antiquated. In the Gobhila Grhya Sūtra and the Dharma Sūtras are found prohibitions against marriage in the Gotra (‘ family ’) or within six degrees on the mother’s or father’s side, but in the śatapatha Brāh-mana marriage is allowed in the third or fourth generation, the former being allowed, according to Harisvamin, by the Kanvas, and the second by the Saurāstras, while the Dāksi- nātyas allowed marriage with the daughter of the mother’s brother or the son of the father’s sister, but presumably not with the daughter of the mother’s sister or the son of the father’s brother. The prohibition of marriage within the Gotra cannot then have existed, though naturally marriages outside the Gotra were frequent. Similarity of caste was also not an essential to marriage, as hypergamy was permitted even by the Dharma Sūtras, so that a Brāhmana could marry wives of any lower caste, a Ksatriya wives of the two lowest castes as well as of his own caste, a Vaiśya a Sūdrā as well as a Vaiśyā, although the Sūdrā marriages were later disapproved in toto. Instances of such intermarriage are common in the Epic, and are viewed as normal in the Brhaddevatā. It was considered proper that the younger brothers and sisters should not anticipate their elders by marrying before them. The later Samhitās and Brāhmanas present a series of names expressive of such anticipation, censuring as sinful those who bear them. These terms are the pari-vividāna, or perhaps agre-dadhus, the man who, though a younger brother, marries before his elder brother, the latter being then called the parivitta; the agre-didhisu, the man who weds a younger daughter while her elder sister is still unmarried; and the Didhisū-pati, who is the husband of the latter. The passages do not explicitly say that the exact order of birth must always be followed, but the mention of the terms shows that the order was often broken. Widow Remarriage. The remarriage of a widow was apparently permitted. This seems originally to have taken the form of the marriage of the widow to the brother or other nearest kinsman of the dead man in order to produce children. At any rate, the ceremony is apparently alluded to in a funeral hymn of the Rigveda ; for the alternative explanation, which sees in the verse a reference to the ritual of the Purusamedha (‘human sacrifice’), although accepted by Hillebrandt and Delbruck, is not at all probable, while the ordinary view is supported by the Sūtra evidence. Moreover, another passage of the Rigveda clearly refers to the marriage of the widow and the husband’s brother {devr), which constitutes what the Indians later knew as Niyoga. This custom was probably not followed except in cases where no son was already born. This custom was hardly remarriage in the strict sense, since the brother might—so far as appears—be already married himself. In the Atharvaveda, a verse refers to a charm which would secure the reunion, in the next world, of a wife and her second husband. Though, as Delbruck thinks, this very possibly refers to a case in which the first husband was still alive, but was impotent or had lost caste (patita), still it is certain that the later Dharma Sūtras began to recognize ordinary remarriage in case of the death of the first husband Pischel finds some evidence in the Rigveda to the effect that a woman could remarry if her husband disappeared and could not be found or heard of. Polygamy. A Vedic Indian could have more than one wife. This is proved clearly by many passages in the Rigveda; Manu, according to the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, had ten wives ; and the Satapatha Brāhmana explains polygamy by a characteristic legend. Moreover, the king regularly has four wives attributed to him, the Mahisī, the Parivrktī, the Vāvātā, and the Pālāgalī. The Mahisī appears to be the chief wife, being the first, one married according to the śata¬patha Brāhmana. The Parivrktī, ‘ the neglected,’ is explained by Weber and Pischel as one that has had no son. The Vāvātā is ‘the favourite,’ while the Pālāgalī is, according to Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. The names are curious, and not very intelligible, but the evidence points to the wife first wedded alone being a wife in the fullest sense. This view is supported by the fact emphasized by Delbruck, that in the sacrifice the Patnī is usually mentioned in the singular, apparent exceptions being due to some mythological reason. Zimmer is of opinion that polygamy is dying out in the Rigvedic period, monogamy being developed from pologamy; Weber, however, thinks that polygamy is secondary, a view that is supported by more recent anthropology. Polyandry.—On the other hand, polyandry is not Vedic. There is no passage containing any clear reference to such a custom. The most that can be said is that in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda verses are occasionally found in which husbands are mentioned in relation to a single wife. It is difficult to be certain of the correct explanation of each separate instance of this mode of expression; but even if Weber’s view, that the plural is here used majestatis causa, is not accepted, Delbruck’s explanation by mythology is probably right. In other passages the plural is simply generic. Marital Relations.—Despite polygamy, however, there is ample evidence that the marriage tie was not, as Weber has suggested, lightly regarded as far as the fidelity of the wife was concerned. There is, however, little trace of the husband’s being expected to be faithful as a matter of morality. Several passages, indeed, forbid, with reference to ritual abstinence, intercourse with the strī of another. This may imply that adultery on the husband’s part was otherwise regarded as venial. But as the word strī includes all the ‘womenfolk,’ daughters and slaves, as well as wife, the conclusion can hardly be drawn that intercourse with another man’s ‘wife’ was normally regarded with indifference. The curious ritual of the Varunapraghāsās, in which the wife of the sacrificer is questioned as to her lovers, is shown by Delbruck to be a part of a rite meant to expiate unchastity on the part of a wife, not as a normal question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife. Again, Yājñavalkya’s doctrine in the Satapatha Brāhmana, which seems to assert that no one cares if a wife is unchaste (parah-pumsā) or not, really means that no one cares if the wife is away from the men who are sacrificing, as the wives of the gods are apart from them during the particular rite in question. Monogamy is also evidently approved, so that some higher idea of morality was in course of formation. On the other hand, no Vedic text gives us the rule well known to other Indo-Germanic peoples that the adulterer taken in the act can be killed with impunity, though the later legal literature has traces of this rule. There is also abundant evidence that the standard of ordinary sexual morality was not high. Hetairai. In the Rigveda there are many references to illegitimate love and to the abandonment of the offspring of such unions,ββ especially in the case of a protege of Indra, often mentioned as the parāvrkta or parāvrj. The ‘son of a maiden ’ (kumārī-putra) is already spoken of in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. Such a person appears with a metronymic in the Upanisad period: this custom may be the origin of metro- nymics such as those which make up a great part of the lists of teachers (Vamśas) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad. The Vājasaneyi Samhitā refers to illicit unions of śūdra and Arya, both male and female, besides giving in its list of victims at the Purusamedha, or ‘human sacrifice,’ several whose designations apparently mean ‘ courtesan (atītvarī) and ‘ procuress of abortion ’ (
parikṣit Appears in the Atharvaveda as a king in whose realm, that of the Kurus, prosperity and peace abound. The verses in which he is celebrated are later called Pāriksityafy, and the Brāhmanas explain that Agni is pari-ksit because he dwells among men. Hence Roth and Bloomfield regard Pariksit in the Atharvaveda not as a human king at all. This may be correct, but it is not certain. Both Zimmer and Oldenberg recognize Pariksit as a real king, a view supported by the fact that in the later Vedic literature King Janamejaya bears the patronymic Pāriksita. If this be so, Pariksit belonged to the later period, since the Atharvan passage in which his name occurs is certainly late, and none of the other Samhitās know Pariksit at all. The Epic makes him grandfather of Pratisravas and great-grandfather of Pratīpa, and Zimmer, probably with justice, compares the Prātisutvana and Pratīpa found in another late Atharvan passage.8 But Devāpi and Santanu cannot be brought into connexion with Pratīpa.
parvata In one passage of the Rigveda denotes, according to Ludwig, a sacrificer whose generosity is praised But it is probable that the god Parvata, the spirit of the mountain, is meant.
parśu Occurs in one passage in a Dānastuti (‘praise of gifts ’) in the Rigveda as the name of a man. It is not certain that he is identical with Tirindira, but the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra mentions Tirindira Pāraśavya as the patron of Vatsa Kānva. In another passage occurring in the Vrsākapi hymn, Parśu Mānavī occurs, apparently as a woman, daughter of Manu, but who is meant it is quite impossible to say. Excepting these two, there are no other occurrences in which the word has with any probability the value of a proper name in the Rigveda. Ludwig, however, sees in several other places an allusion to the Parśus. Thus in one passage of the Rigveda he finds a reference to the defeat of Kuruśravana by the Parśus; in another he finds a reference to the Prthus and Parśus i.e., the Parthians and the Persians. He also sees the Parthians in Pārthava, a name found in one hymn. The same view is taken by Weber, who holds that historical connexions with the Persians are referred to. But Zimmer points out that this conclusion is not justified; the Parśus were known to Pānini as a warrior tribe; the Pāraśavas were a tribe in south-west Madhyadeśa; and the Periplus knows a tribe of Parthoi in north India. At most the only conclusion to be drawn is that the Indians and Iranians were early connected, as was of course the case. Actual historical contact cannot be asserted with any degree of probability.
palligupta lauhitya ('Descendant of Lohita’) is mentioned in a Vamśa (‘list of teachers’) in the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmana as a pupil of śyāmajayanta Lauhitya. The name is obviously a late one, for Palli is not found in the early literature, and the name of the Lauhitya family is otherwise known in post-Vedic works only.
pavi Denotes the ‘ tire ’ of the wheel of a chariot in the Rigveda and later. Reference is made to the necessity for fastening it on firmly, and the epithet su-pavi, ‘ having a good tire,’ is found in the Atharvaveda with su-nābhi, ‘ having a good nave,’ and su-cakra, ‘ having a good wheel.’ The tires were, of course, of metal, and being sharp, could serve on occasion as weapons. The St. Petersburg Dictionary in one passage of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā takes Pavi to mean a metal rim on the stone for pounding Soma, but this seems improbable, because no such metal attachment is elsewhere alluded to. Hille¬brandt seems clearly right in accepting the sense of * sharp edge ’ in this passage, especially as the stones in the Rigveda are, in allusion to their rolling action, styled ‘ rims without horses and without chariots’ (anaśvāsah pavayo Wathāh). The Nirukta ascribes to Pavi the sense of arrow (śalya), but this is very uncertain. The St. Petersburg Dictionary cites for this use two passages of the Rigveda, but in one the secondary sense of sharp-edged weapon with reference to the bolt of Indra is quite likely, and in the other, where the expression vānasya pavi occurs, the sharp-edged pounding-stone of the * reed,’ meaning the stalk of the Soma plant, may be meant. Hillebrandt thinks a reference to the shape of the Soma plant is intended. Pavī-nasa, the name of a demon mentioned in the Atharvaveda, seems to throw no light on this point, for while the St. Petersburg Dictionary takes it to mean * whose nose is like a spearhead,’ it is translated as ‘rim-nosed’ (presumably in allusion to the curved shape of the nose) by Whitney.
pastyāvant Occurs in one passage of the Rigveda in the locative parallel with Susoma, Saryanāvant, and Arjīka. It must apparently denote a place, as Pischel argues, probably corresponding to the locality ‘in the middle of the streams’ (madhye pastyāηām), elsewhere referred to as the home of Soma. Pischel suggests that Patiāla is meant, though he does not lay any stress on the similarity of name. In the north of Patiāla there are hills where the Soma might have grown. Roth thought that something connected with the Soma press was meant.
pārikṣita ‘Descendant of Pariksit,’ is the patronymic of Janamejaya in the Aitareya Brāhmana and the śatapatha Brāhmana. The Pāriksitīyas appear in the śatapatha Brāh­mana and the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra as performers of the horse sacrifice. In a Gāthā there cited they are called Pāri- ksitas. Apparently they were the brothers of Janamejaya, named Ugrasena, Bhīmasena, and Srutasena. In the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad the question whither they have gone is made the subject of a philosophical discussion. It is clear that the family had passed away before the time of the Upanisad, and it is also clear that there had been some serious scandal mingled with their greatness which they had, in the opinion of the Brahmins, atoned for by their horse sacrifice with its boundless gifts to the priests. Weber sees in this the germ of the Epic stories which are recorded in the Mahābhārata. The verses relating to Pariksit in the Atharvaveda are called Pāriksityah in the Brāhmanas.
pitṛ Common from the Rigveda onwards, denotes ‘father, not so much as the ‘begetter’ (janitr) but rather as the pro­tector of the child, this being probably also the etymological sense of the word. The father in the Rigveda stands for all that is good and kind. Hence Agni is compared with a father, while Indra is even dearer than a father. The father carries his son in his arms, and places him on his lap, while the child pulls his garment to attract attention. In later years the son depends on his father for help in trouble, and greets him with joy. It is difficult to ascertain precisely how far the son was subject to parental control, and how long such control continued. Reference is made in the Rigveda to a father’s chastising his son for gambling, and Rjrāśva is said to have been blinded by his father. From the latter statement Zimmer infers the existence of a developed patria potestas, but to lay stress on this isolated and semi-mythical incident would be unwise. It is, however, quite likely that the patria potestas was originally strong, for we have other support for the thesis in the Roman patria potestas. If there is no proof that a father legally controlled his son’s wedding, and not much that he controlled his daughter’s, the fact is in itself not improbable. There is again no evidence to show whether a son, when grown up, normally continued to stay with his father, his wife becoming a member of the father’s household, or whether he set up a house of his own : probably the custom varied. Nor do we know whether the son was granted a special plot of land on marriage or otherwise, or whether he only came into such property after his father’s death. But any excessive estimate of the father’s powers over a son who was no longer a minor and naturally under his control, must be qualified by the fact that in his old age the sons might divide their father’s property, or he might divide it amongst them, and that when the father-in-law became aged he fell under the control of his son’s wife. There are also obscure traces that in old age a father might be exposed, though there is no reason to suppose that this was usual in Vedic India. Normally the son was bound to give his father full obedience. The later Sūtras show in detail the acts of courtesy which he owed his father, and they allow him to eat the remnants of his father’s food. On the other hand, the father was expected to be kind. The story of Sunahśepa in the Aitareya Brāh-mana emphasizes the horror with which the father’s heartless treatment of his son was viewed. The Upanisads insist on the spiritual succession from father to son. The kissing of a son was a frequent and usual token of affection, even in mature years. On the failure of natural children, adoption was possible. It was even resorted to when natural children existed, but when it was desired to secure the presence in the family of a person of specially high qualifications, as in Visvamitra’s adoption of Sunahśepa. It is not clear that adoption from one caste into another was possible, for there is no good evidence that Viśvāmitra was, as Weber holds, a Ksatriya who adopted a Brāhmana. Adoption was also not always in high favour: it may be accidental or not that a hymn of the Vasistha book of the Rigveda condemns the usage. It was also possible for the father who had a daughter, but no sons, to appoint her to bear a son for him. At any rate the practice appears to be referred to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda as interpreted by Yāska. Moreover, it is possible that the difficulty of a brotherless maiden finding a husband may have been due in part to the possibility of her father desiring to make her a Putrikā, the later technical name for a daughter whose son is to belong to her father’s family. There can be no doubt that in a family the father took precedence of the mother. Delbruck explains away the apparent cases to the contrary. There is no trace of the family as a land-owning corporation. The dual form Pitarau regularly means ‘father and mother,’ ‘parents.
piśāca Is the name of a class of demon mentioned in the Atharvaveda and later. In the Taittirīya Samhitā they are associated with Raksases and Asuras, while opposed to gods, men, and fathers. In the Atharvaveda they are described as kravyād, eaters of raw flesh,’ which may be the etymological sense of the word Piśāca itself. It is possible that the Piśācas were, as suggested by Grierson, really human foes, like the north-western tribes, who even in later times were reputed eaters of raw flesh (not necessarily as cannibals, but rather as eaters of human flesh in ritual). This is, however, not at all likely, the Piśācas having in all probability only meant ghouls * originally: when they appear as human tribes, they were presumably thus designated in scorn. A science called Piśāca- veda or Piśāca-vidyā is known in the later Vedic period.
putrikā In the later literature has the technical sense of the daughter of a man without sons, whom he gives in marriage on the express terms that her son shall perform the funeral rites for him, and be counted as his. The thing as well as the name is recognized by Yāska in the Nirukta, and traced to the Rigveda. But the passages in the Rigveda are of very uncertain meaning, and in all probability do not refer to this custom at all.
pur Is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rigveda and later, meaning ‘rampart,’ foft,’ or stronghold.’ Such fortifi­cations must have been occasionally of considerable size, as one is called ‘broad’ (prthvī) and ‘wide’ (urvī). Elsewhere a fort made of stone’ (aśmamayī) is mentioned. Sometimes strongholds ‘ of iron ’ (<āyasī) are referred to, but these are probably only metaphorical. A fort full of kine ’ (gomatī) is mentioned, showing that strongholds were used to hold cattle. Autumnal ’ (sāradī) forts are named, apparently as belonging to the Dāsas: this may refer to the forts in that season being occupied against Aryan attacks or against inundations caused by overflowing rivers. Forts ‘with a hundred walls (βata- bhuji) are spoken of. It would probably be a mistake to regard these forts as permanently occupied fortified places like the fortresses of the mediaeval barony. They were probably merely places of refuge against attack, ramparts of hardened earth with palisades and a ditch (cf. Dehī). Pischel and Geldner, however, think that there were towns with wooden walls and ditches (περίβολος and τάφρος) like the Indian town of Pātaliputra known to Megas- thenes and the Pāli texts. This is possible, but hardly susceptible of proof, and it is not without significance that the word Nagara is of late occurrence. On the whole it is hardly likely that in early Vedic times city life was much developed. In the Epic, according to Hopkins, there are found the Nagara, ‘city’; Grāma, ‘village’; and Ghosa, ‘ranch.’ Vedic literature hardly seems to go beyond the village, no doubt with modifications in its later period. The siege of forts, is mentioned in the Samhitās and Brāhmanas. According to the Rigveda, fire was used.
purumīḷha Is mentioned twice in the Rigveda as an ancient sage, in which capacity he appears in the Atharvaveda also. Perhaps the same Purumīlha is intended in an obscure hymn in the Rigveda, where, according to the legends reported in the Brhaddevatā and by Sadguruśisya in his commentary on the Sarvānukramanī, and by Sāyana in his commentary on the Rigveda, he as well as Taranta was a son of Vidadaśva, and a patron of the singer Syāvāśva. The correctness of the legend has been shown to be most improbable by Oldenberg, who points out that the legend misinterprets the Rigveda by making Purumīlha a Vaidadaśvi, for he is there only compared in generosity to one. In another legend found in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and based on a hymn of the Rigveda, Purumīlha and Taranta appear as persons who received gifts from Dhvasra and Puru- isanti, and as sons of Vidadaśva. The legend, which also occurs in the śātyāyanaka, is apparently best explained by Sieg, who says that as the two were kings they could not under the rules of caste accept gifts, unless for the nonce they became singers. The legend has no claim at all, as Oldenberg shows, to validity.
purohita (‘Placed in front,’ ‘appointed’) is the name of a priest in the Rigveda and later. The office of Purohita is called Purohiti and Purodhā. It is clear that the primary function of the Purohita was that of ‘ domestic priest ’ of a king, or perhaps a great noble; his quite exceptional position is shown by the fact that only one Purohita seems ever to be mentioned in Vedic literature. Examples of Purohitas in the Rigveda are Viśvāmitra or Vasiçtha in the service of the Bharata king,.Sudās. of the Trtsu family; the Purohita of Kuruśravana ; and Devāpi, the Purohita of Santanu. The Purohita was in all religious matters the alter ego of the king. In the ritual it is laid down that a king must have a Purohita, else the gods will not accept his offerings. He ensures the king's safety and victory in battle by his prayers ; he procures the fall of rain for the crops j he is the flaming fire that guards the kingdom. Divodāsa in trouble is rescued by Bharadvāja; and King Tryaruna Traidhātva Aikçvāka reproaches his Purohita, Vj?śa Jāna, when his car runs over a Brahmin boy and kills him. The close relation of king and Purohita is illustrated by the case of Klltsa Aurava, who slew his Purohita, UpagfU Sauśravasa, for disloyalty in serving Indra, to whom Kutsa was hostile. Other disputes between kings and priests who officiated for them are those of Janam- ejaya and the Kaśyapas, and of Viśvantara and the śyā- parnas ;lβ and between Asamāti and the Gaupāyanas. In some cases one Purohita served more than one king; for example, Devabhāg a Srautarṣa was the Purohita of the Xufus and the Sfñjayas at the same time, and Jala Jātū- karnya was the Purohita of the kings of Kāśi, Videha, and Kosala. There is no certain proof that the office of Purohita was hereditary in a family, though it probably was so. At any rate, it seems clear from the relations of the Purohita with King Kuruśravana, and with his son Upamaśravas, that a king would keep on the Purohita of his father. Zimmer thinks that the king might act as his own Purohita, as shown by the case of King Viśvantara, who sacrificed without the help of the śyāparṇas, and that a Purohita need not be a priest, as shown by the case of Devāpi and śantanu. But neither opinion seems to be justified. It is not said that Viśvantara sacrificed without priests, while Devāpi is not regarded as a king until the Nirukta, and there is no reason to suppose that Yāska's view expressed in that work is correct. According to Geldner, the Purohita from the beginning acted as the Brahman priest in the sacrificial ritual, being there the general superintendent of the sacrifice. In favour of this view, he cites the fact that Vasiṣtha is mentioned both as Purohita and as Brahman: at the sacrifice of Sunahśepa he served as Brahman, but he was the Purohita of Sudās; Bṛhaspati is called the Purohita and the Brahman of the gods; and the Vasisthas who are Purohitas are also the Brahmans at the sacrifice. It is thus clear that the Brahman was often the Purohita; and it was natural that this should be the case when once the Brahman’s place became, as it did in the later ritual, the most important position at the sacrifice. But the Brahman can hardly be said to have held this place in the earlier ritual; Oldenberg seems to be right in holding that the Purohita was originally the Hotr priest, the singer par excellence, when he took any part at all in the ritual of the great sacrifices with the Rtvijs. So Devāpi seems clearly to have been a Hotr; Agni is at once Purohita and Hotr; and the two divine Hotṛs ’ referred to in the Apr! litanies are also called the ‘two Purohitas.’ Later, no doubt, when the priestly activity ceased to centre in the song, the Purohita, with his skill in magic, became the Brahman, who also required magic to undo the errors of the sacrifice. There is little doubt that in the original growth of the priest¬hood the Purohita played a considerable part. In historical times he represented the real power of the kingship, and may safely be deemed to have exercised great influence in all public affairs, such as the administration of justice and the king’s conduct of business. But it is not at all probable that the Purohita represents, as Roth and Zimmer thought, the source which gave rise to caste. The priestly clcss is already in existence in the Rigveda (see Varṣa).
pūru Is the name of a people and their king in the Rigveda. They are mentioned with the Anus, Druhyus, Turvaśas, and Yadus in one passage. They also occur as enemies of the TrtSUS in the hymn of Sudās’ victory. In another hymn Agni of the Bharatas is celebrated as victorious over the Pūrus, probably a reference to the same decisive overthrow. On the other hand, victories of the Pūrus over the aborigines seem to be referred to in several passages. The great kings of the Pūrus were Purukutsa and his son Trasadasyu, whose name bears testimony to his prowess against aboriginal foes, while a later prince was Trksi Trāsa- dasyava. In the Rigveda the Pūrus are expressly mentioned as on the Sarasvatī. Zimmer thinks that the Sindhu (Indus) is meant in this passage. But Ludwig and Hillebrandt with much greater probability think that the eastern Sarasvatī in Kuruksetra is meant. This view accords well with the sudden disappearance of the name of the Pūrus from Vedic tradition, a disappearance accounted for by Oldenberg’s conjecture that the Pūrus became part of the great Kuru people, just as Turvaśa and Krivi disappear from the tradition on their being merged in the Pañcāla nation. Trāsadasyava, the patronymic of Kuruśravana in the Rigveda, shows that the royal families of the Kurus and the Pūrus were allied by intermarriage. Hillebrandt, admitting that the Pūrus in later times lived in the eastern country round the Sarasvatī, thinks that in earlier days they were to be found to the west of the Indus with Divodāsa. This theory must fall with the theory that Divodāsa was in the far west. It might, however, be held to be supported by the fact that Alexander found a Πώρος—that is, a Paurava prince on the Hydaspes, a sort of half-way locality between the Sarasvatī and the West. But it is quite simple to suppose either that the Hydaspes was the earlier home of the Pūrus, where some remained after the others had wandered east, or that the later Paurava represents a successful onslaught upon the west from the east. In several other passages of the Rigveda the Purus as a people seem to be meant. The Nirukta recognizes the general sense of ‘man,’ but in no passage is this really necessary or even probable. So utterly, however, is the tradition lost that the śatapatha Brāhmana explains Pūru in the Rigveda as an Asura Rakṣas; it is only in the Epic that Pūru revives as the name of a son of Yayāti and śarmiṣṭhā.
pūppati ‘lord of the fort,’ occurring only once in the Rigveda, is of somewhat doubtful interpretation. The term may denote a regular office, similar to that of the Grāmanī: the Pur would then be a permanently occupied settlement. The expression may, however, merely mean the chief over a fort when it was actually occupied against hostile attack. The rarity of the word seems to favour the latter sense.
pṛthivī Denotes the ‘ earth’ as the ‘ broad’ one in the Rigveda and later, being often personified as a deity both alone and with Div, ‘heaven,’ as Dyāvā-Pṛthivī. Mention is often made of three earths, of which the world on which we live is the highest. The earth is girdled by the ocean, according to the Aitareya Brāhmana. The Nirukta places one of the three earths in each of the worlds into which the universe is divided (see Div). In the śatapatha Brāhmana the earth is called the ‘ firstborn of being,’ and its riches (vitta) are referred to ; hence in a late passage of the śānkhāyana Aranyaka the earth is styled vasu-matī, ‘ full of wealth.’ The word also occurs in the Rigveda, though rarely, in the form of Pṛthvī.
pṛthuśravas (‘Far-famed’) is mentioned in connexion with Vaśa in two hymns of the Rigveda. In the second passage the generosity of Pṛthuśravas Kānīta to Vaśa Aśvya is celebrated, and the śānkhāyana śrauta Sūtra refers to the episode.
pṛśniparṇī (‘Having a speckled leaf ’) is the name of a plant mentioned in a hymn of the Atharvaveda as a protection against evil beings procuring abortion, called Kanvas (pre­sumably a sign of hostility to the Kaçva family). It also appears in the śatapatha Brahmana, being identified with Hermionitis cordifolia by the St. Petersburg Dictionary, but Roth in a subsequent contribution suggests that it is the same as a plant later called laksmanā, and regarded as curing barrenness. The scholiast on the Kātyāyana śrauta Sūtra thinks that the Glycine debilis is meant.
petva Is found twice in the Atharvaveda. In the first passage reference is made to its vāja, which Zimmer argues can only mean ‘strength,’ ‘swiftness,’ though naturally the sense of ‘ male power ’ would seem more appropriate in a spell intended to remove lack of virility. In the second passage the Petva is mentioned as overcoming the horse (see Ubhayādant), a miracle which has a parallel in the Rigveda, where the Petva overcomes the female lion. The animal also occurs in the list of victims at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) in the Yajurveda Samhitās, and occasionally elsewhere. It appears to be the ‘ram’ or the ‘wether,’ the latter being the sense given to it by the commentator on the Taittirīya Samhitā. But there is no conclusive evidence in favour of this meaning, while on the whole the passage of the Atharvaveda, in which vāja is found, accords best with the sense of ‘ ram.’ Hopkins, however, renders the word as ‘ goat,’ though for what reason is not clear. Whether it is connected in any way with Pitva or Pidva is quite uncertain.
peśitṛ Is the name of one of the victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda. The sense is quite uncertain. The word is rendered by the St. Petersburg Dictionary and by Weber as ‘one who cuts in pieces,’ a ‘carver,’ but Sāyana thinks that it means one who causes an enmity which has been lulled to rest to break out again.
paiṅgya Descendant of Piñga,’ is the name of a teacher who is repeatedly mentioned as an authority in the Kausītaki Brāhmaria, where also his doctrine is called the Paiñgya. This teacher is further referred to in the śatapatha Brāhmana, which also speaks of Madhuka Paiñgya. It is, of course, impossible to say whether there was only one Paiñgya or several Paiñgyas. The followers of Paiñgya are called Paiñgins in the Nidāna and Anupada Sūtras. His text-book is called Paiñga in the Anupada Sūtra, while the Ápastamba śrauta Sūtra mentions a Paiñgāyani Brāhmaria. It is clear that Paiñgya was a teacher of a Rigveda school allied to the Kausītakis. Paiñgi is a patronymic of Yāska in the Anukramaṇī of the Átreyī śākhā.
pauruśiṣṭi ‘Descendant of Puruśista,’ is the patronymic of Taponitya in the Taittirīya Upaniṣad (1 = Taittirīya Araṇyaka).
prakaritṛ Is the name of one of the victims at the Purusa- medha (‘ human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda. The exact sense is uncertain; the commentator Sāyana on the Taittirlya Brāh­mana explains it to mean the ‘ divider of dear ones by producing enmity,’ but the sense of ‘ sprinkler ’—that is, ‘ seasoner ’—is more likely.
pratiprasthātṛ is the name of a priest (Rtvij), one of the assistants of the Adhvaryu, in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmaṇas.1 He is not mentioned in the Rigveda,2 but mention is once made in that Samhitā3 of the two Adhvaryus. These may have meant, as later, the Adhvaryu and the Prati- prasthātṛ. Oldenberg,4 however, thinks that the Adhvaryu and the Agnldh are intended, a conjecture for which there is some authority.
pratīpa prātisatvana Is the name of a man mentioned in a hymn of the Atharvaveda. Zimmer, with great ingenuity, compares the fact that Parikṣit is mentioned as a Kuru king in the Atharvaveda, and that, according to the Epic genealogies, his grandson was Pratiśravas, with which name Prātisutvana, as very possibly a Prākritized version of Prātiśrutvana may be compared, and his great-grandson was Pratīpa. The identification cannot, however, be regarded as at all certain, and while the Epic may have derived its genealogy from the Atharvaveda, it may have preserved an independent tradition. Bohtlingk renders prātisatvanam as ‘ in the direction opposed to the Satvans’, and this may be right.
prasṛta Is found in the śatapatha Brāhmaria as a measure of capacity, meaning a ‘handful.
prāṇa Properly denoting ‘breath,’ is a term of wide and vague significance in Vedic literature. It is frequently men­tioned from the Rigveda onwards; in the Áranyakas and Upanisads it is one of the commonest symbols of the unity of the universe. In the narrow sense Prāṇa denotes one of the vital airs, of which five are usually enumerated—Prāna, Apāna, Vyāna, Udāna, and Samāna; but often only two, Prāna and Apāna, or Prāna and Vyāna, or Prāṇa and Udāna; or three, Prāṇa, Apāna, and Vyāna, or Prāṇa, Udāna, and Vyāna, or Prāṇa, Udāna, and Samāna; or four, Prāṇa, Apāna, Vyāna, and Samāna, or Prāṇa, Apāna, Udāna, Vyāna. The exact sense of each of these breaths when all are mentioned cannot be determined. Prāṇa is also used in a wider sense to denote the organs of sense, or as Sāyana puts it, the ‘orifices of the head,’ etc. These are given as six in one passage of the śatapatha Brāhmana, presumably the eyes, ears, and nostrils. More frequently there are stated to be seven in the head, the mouth being then included. Sometimes again they are mentioned as nine, or as seven in the head and two below. Ten are counted in the śatapatha Brāhmaria and the Jaiminiya Brāhmana, while even eleven are mentioned in the Kāthaka Upanisad, and twelve in the Kāthaka Samhitā, where the two breasts are added. Exactly what organs are taken to make up the numbers beyond seven is not certain. The tenth is the navel (nābhi) in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā j when eleven are named the Brahma-randhra (suture in the crown) may be included; in the Atharvaveda, as interpreted by the Brhad- āraṇyaka Upaniṣad, the seventh and eighth are the organs of taste and speech respectively. But usually these make one only, and the eighth and ninth are either in the breast or below (the organs of evacuation). The word Prāṇa has sometimes merely the general sense of breath, even when opposed to Apāna. But its proper sense is beyond question ‘ breathing forth,’ ‘ expiration,’ and not as the St. Petersburg Dictionary explains it, ‘ the breath inspired,’ a version due to the desire to interpret Apāna as ‘expiration,’ a meaning suggested by the preposition apa, ‘away.’ This being clearly shown both by the native scholiasts and by other evidence, Bǒhtlingk later accepted the new view.
plakṣa prāsravaṇa Is the name of a locality, forty-four days’ journey from the spot where the Sarasvatī disappears. It is mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa and the Jaiminīya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa. In the latter text it is said that the middle of the earth is only a span (Prādeśa) to the north of it. In the Rigveda Sūtras3 the locality is called Plākṣa Prasravaṇa, and is apparently meant to designate the source of the Sarasvatī rather than the place of its reappearance.
bṛhaspatisava Is the name of a sacrifice by which, according to the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, the priest who desired to become a Purohita obtained that office. According to the Aśvalāyana śrauta Sūtra, it was the sacrifice to be performed by a priest after the Vājapeya, while the king performed the Rājasūya. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, the Brhaspati- sava is identified with the Vājapeya; but such identity is clearly not primitive.
brahmacarya Denotes the condition of life of the Brahma-cārin or religious student. The technical sense is first found in the last Maṇdala of the Rigveda. The practice of-studentship doubtless developed, and was more strictly regulated by custom as time went on, but it is regularly assumed and discussed in the later Vedic literature, being obviously a necessary part of Vedic society. The Atharvaveda has in honour of the Brahmacārin a hymn which already gives all the characteristic features of religious studentship. The youth is initiated (iipa-nī) by the teacher into a new life; he wears an antelope skin, and lets his hair grow long ;δ he collects fuel, and begs, learns, and practises penance. All these characteristics appear in the later literature. The student lives in the house of his teacher (ācārya-kala-vāsin ; ante-vāsin); he begs, looks after the sacrificial fires, and tends the house. His term of studentship might be long extended: it was normally fixed at twelve years, but much longer periods, such as thirty-two years, are mentioned. The age at which studentship began varied: śvetaketu commenced at twelve and studied for twelve years. It is assumed in the Grhya Sūtras that the three Aryan castes were all required to pass through a period of studentship. But that this is much more than priestly schematism is uncertain. No doubt individuals of the Kçatriya or Vaiśya caste might go through part of the period of studentship, just as Burmese boys of all classes now pass some time in a monastery as students. This is borne out by the reference in the Atharvaveda to the king guarding his country by Brahmacarya—though that is susceptible of a different interpretation—and more clearly by the reference in the Kāthaka Samhitā to a rite intended to benefit one who, although not a Brahmin, had studied (vidyūm anūcya), but had not gained renown, and by references in the Upaniṣads to kings who like Janaka studied the Vedas and the Upaniṣads. Normally, however, the Kṣatriya studied the art of war. One of the duties of the Brahmacārin was chastity. But reference is in several places made to the possibility of misconduct between a student and the wife of his preceptor, nor is any very severe penance imposed in early times later it is different for such a sin. In certain cases the ritual required a breach of chastity, no doubt as a magic spell to secure fertility. Even an old man might on occasion become a pupil, as the story of Árurii shows.
brahman Is found in many passages of the Rigveda and later in the sense of * priest.’ In many passages of the Rigveda he is referred to as praising the gods; in others the sense of ‘ priest ’ is adequate. In not a few cases the priesthood as a profession is clearly alluded to, nor is there any reason to doubt that in all cases the word has the technical sense of a member of the priesthood. There is, however, considerable doubt as to the number of cases in the Rigveda, where it has the technical sense of the priest who guides the sacrifice generally. It is undoubtedly found in that sense, both Muir and Roth® recognizing instances of its being used thus. Geldner however, is anxious to find that sense in a large number of passages, and insists that the Purohita was normally a Brahman in the narrower sense. Oldenberg, on the other hand, holds with greater probability that in most of the passages adduced Brahman means simply ‘ priest,’ and that the Purohita, who was essentially not a member of the ordinary body of sacri¬ficing priests (Rtvij), was, when he officiated at the sacrifice, more usually the Hotṛ priest, and only later became the Brahman. This change he regards as having taken place when the importance of the hymns declined, and most weight was laid on the functions of the priest who superintended the sacrifice as a whole, and by his magic repaired the flaws in the sacrifice. In the later literature both senses of the word are quite common.
brāmaṇa Descendant of a Brahman' (i.e., of a priest), is found only a few times in the Rigveda, and mostly in its latest parts. In the Atharvaveda and later it is a very common word denoting ‘priest,’ and it appears in the quadruple division of the castes in the Purusa-sūkta (‘hymn of man’) of the Rigveda. It seems certain that in the Rigveda this Brāhmaṇa, or Brahmin, is already a separate caste, differing from the warrior and agricultural castes. The texts regularly claim for them a superiority to the Kṣatriya caste, and the Brahmin is able by his spells or manipulation of the rite to embroil the people and the warriors or the different sections of the warriors. If it is necessary to. recognize, as is sometimes done, that the Brahmin does pay homage to the king at the Rājasūya, nevertheless the unusual fact is carefully explained away so as to leave the priority of the Brahmin unaffected. But it is expressly recognized that the union of the Ksatriya and the Brāhmaṇa is essential for complete prosperity. It is admitted that the king or the nobles might at times oppress the Brahmins, but it is indicated that ruin is then certain swiftly to follow. The Brahmins are gods on earth, like the gods in heaven, but this claim is hardly found in the Rigveda. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Brahmin is said to be the ‘ recipient of gifts * (ādāyt) and the * drinker of the offering ’ (āpāyT). The other two epithets applied, āvasāyī and yathā- kāma-prayāpya, are more obscure; the former denotes either ‘ dwelling everywhere ’ or ‘ seeking food ’; the latter is usually taken as * moving at pleasure,’ but it must rather allude to the power of the king to assign a place of residence to the Brahmin. In the śatapatha Brāhmana the prerogatives of the Brah¬min are summed up as Arcā, ‘honour’; Dāna, ‘gifts’; Aj'yeyatā,‘ freedom from oppression ’; and Avadhyatā, ‘ freedom from being killed.’ On the other hand, his duties are summed up as Brāhmanya, ‘ purity of descent’; Pratirūpa-caryā, ‘devotion of the duties of his caste’; and Loka-pakti, ‘the perfecting of people ’ (by teaching). ī. Respect paid to Brahmins. The texts are full of references to the civilities to be paid to the Brahmin. He is styled bhagavant, and is provided with good food and entertain¬ment wherever he goes. Indeed, his sanctity exempts him from any close inquiry into his real claim to Brahminhood according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. Gifts to Brahmins. The Dānastuti (‘Praise of gifts’) is a recognized feature of the Rigveda, and the greed of the poets for Dakṣiṇās, or sacrificial fees, is notorious. Vedic texts themselves recognize that the literature thence resulting (Nārā- śamsī) was often false to please the donors. It was, however, a rule that Brahmins should not accept what had been refused by others; this indicates a keen sense of the danger of cheapening their wares. So exclusively theirs was the right to receive gifts that the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa has to explain how Taranta and Purumīlha became able to accept gifts by composing a Rigvedic hymn. The exaggerations in the celebration of the gifts bestowed on the priests has the curious result of giving us a series of numerals of some interest (Daśan). In some passages certain gifts those of a horse or sheep are forbidden, but this rule was not, it is clear, generally observed. Immunities of Brahmins. The Brahmin claimed to be exempt from the ordinary exercise of the royal power. When a king gives all his land and what is on it to the priests, the gift does not cover the property of the Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. The king censures all, but not the Brahmin, nor can he safely oppress any Brahmin other than an ignorant priest. An arbitrator (or a witness) must decide (or speak) for a Brahmin against a non-Brahmin in a legal dispute. The Brahmin’s proper food is the Soma, not Surā or Parisrut, and he is forbidden to eat certain forms of flesh. On the other hand, he alone is allowed to eat the remains of the sacrifice, for no one else is sufficiently holy to consume food which the gods have eaten. Moreover, though he cannot be a physician, he helps the physician by being beside him while he exercises his art. His wife and his cow are both sacred. 4.Legal Position of. Brahmins.—The Taittirīya Samhitā lays down a penalty of a hundred (the unit meant is unknown) for an insult to a Brahmin, and of a thousand for a blow ; but if his blood is drawn, the penalty is a spiritual one. The only real murder is the slaying of a Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmana. The crime of slaying a Brahmin ranks above the sin of killing any other man, but below that of killing an embryo (bhrūna) in the Yajurveda ; the crime of slaying an embryo whose sex is uncertain is on a level with that of slaying a Brahmin. The murder of a Brahmin can be expiated only by the horse sacrifice, or by a lesser rite in the late Taittirīya Araṇyaka.The ritual slaying of a Brahmin is allowed in the later ceremonial, and hinted at in the curious legend of śunahśepa ; and a Purohita might be punished with death for treachery to his master. 5.Purity of Birth. The importance of pure descent is seeη in the stress laid on being a descendant of a Rṣi (ārseya). But, on the other hand, there are clear traces of another doctrine, which requires learning, and not physical descent, as the true criterion of Rsihood. In agreement with this is the fact that Satyakāma Jābāla was received as a pupil, though his parentage was unknown, his mother being a slave girl who had been connected with several men, and that in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the ceremony on acceptance as a pupil required merely the name of the pupil. So Kavasa is taunted in the Rigveda Brāhmaṇas as being the son of a female slave (Dāsī), and Vatsa cleared himself of a similar imputation by a fire ordeal. Moreover, a very simple rite was adequate to remove doubts as to origin. In these circumstances it is doubtful whether much value attaches to the Pravara lists in which the ancestors of the priest were invoked at the beginning of the sacrifice by the Hotṛ and the Adhvaryu priests.66 Still, in many parts of the ritual the knowledge of two or more genera¬tions was needed, and in one ceremony ten ancestors who have drunk the Soma are required, but a literal performance of the rite is excused. Moreover, there are clear traces of ritual variations in schools, like those of the Vasisthas and the Viśvāmitras. 6. The Conduct of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required to maintain a fair standard of excellence. He was to be kind to all and gentle, offering sacrifice and receiving gifts. Especial stress was laid on purity of speech ; thus Viśvan- tara’s excuse for excluding the Syaparnas from his retinue was their impure (apūtā) speech. Theirs was the craving for knowledge and the life of begging. False Brahmins are those who do not fulfil their duties (cf, Brahmabandhu). But the penances for breach of duty are, in the Sūtras, of a very light and unimportant character. 7. Brahminical Studies. The aim of the priest is to obtain pre-eminence in sacred knowledge (brahma-varcasam), as is stated in numerous passages of Vedic literature. Such distinction is not indeed confined to the Brahmin: the king has it also, but it is not really in a special manner appropriate to the Kṣatriya. Many ritual acts are specified as leading to Brahmavarcasa, but more stress is laid on the study of the sacred texts : the importance of such study is repeatedly insisted upon. The technical name for study is Svādhyāya : the śatapatha Brāhmana is eloquent upon its advantages, and it is asserted that the joy of the learned śrotriya, or ‘student,’ is equal to the highest joy possible. Nāka Maudgfalya held that study and the teaching of others were the true penance (tapas).7δ The object was the ‘ threefold knowledge’ (trayī vidyā), that of the Rc, Yajus, and Sāman, a student of all three Vedas being called tri-śukriya or tn-sukra, ‘thrice pure.’ Other objects of study are enumerated in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, in the Taittirīya Aranyaka, the Chāndogya Upanisad, etc. (See Itihāsa, Purāna; Gāthā, Nārāśamsī; Brahmodya; Anuśās- ana, Anuvyākhyāna, Anvākhyāna, Kalpa, Brāhmaria; Vidyā, Ksatravidyā, Devajanavidyā, Nakçatravidyā, Bhūta- vidyā, Sarpavidyā; Atharvāñgirasah, Daiva, Nidhi, Pitrya, Rāśi; Sūtra, etc.) Directions as to the exact place and time of study are given in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka and in the Sūtras. If study is carried on in the village, it is to be done silently (manasā); if outside, aloud (vācā). Learning is expected even from persons not normally competent as teachers, such as the Carakas, who are recognized in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as possible sources of information. Here, too, may be mentioned the cases of Brahmins learning from princes, though their absolute value is doubtful, for the priests would naturally represent their patrons as interested in their sacred science: it is thus not necessary to see in these notices any real and independent study on the part of the Kṣatriyas. Yājñavalkya learnt from Janaka, Uddālaka Aruni and two other Brahmins from Pravāhaṇa Jaivali, Drptabālāki Gārgya from Ajātaśatru, and five Brahmins under the lead of Aruṇa from Aśvapati Kaikeya. A few notices show the real educators of thought: wandering scholars went through the country and engaged in disputes and discussions in which a prize was staked by the disputants. Moreover, kings like Janaka offered rewards to the most learned of the Brahmins; Ajātaśatru was jealous of his renown, and imitated his generosity. Again, learned women are several times mentioned in the Brāhmaṇas. A special form of disputation was the Brahmodya, for which there was a regular place at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and at the Daśarātra (‘ ten-day festival,). The reward of learning was the gaining of the title of Kavi or Vipra, ‘ sage.’ 8. The Functions of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required not merely to practise individual culture, but also to give others the advantage of his skill, either as a teacher or as a sacrificial priest, or as a Purohita. As a teacher the Brahmin has, of course, the special duty of instructing his own son in both study and sacrificial ritual. The texts give examples of this, such as Áruṇi and Svetaketu, or mythically Varuṇa and Bhṛgu. This fact also appears from some of the names in the Vamśa Brāhmana" of the Sāmaveda and the Vamśa (list of teachers) of the śāñkhāyana Áraṇyaka. On the other hand, these Vamśas and the Vamśas of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa show that a father often preferred to let his son study under a famous teacher. The relation of pupil and teacher is described under Brahmacarya. A teacher might take several pupils, and he was bound to teach them with all his heart and soul. He was bound to reveal everything to his pupil, at any rate to one who was staying with him for a year (saηivatsara-vāsin), an expression which shows, as was natural, that a pupil might easily change teachers. But, nevertheless, certain cases of learning kept secret and only revealed to special persons are enumerated. The exact times and modes of teaching are elaborately laid down in the Sūtras, but not in the earlier texts. As priest the Brahmin operated in all the greater sacrifices; the simple domestic {grhya) rites could normally be performed without his help, but not the more important rites {śrauta). The number varied : the ritual literature requires sixteen priests to be employed at the greatest sacrifices (see Rtvij), but other rites could be accomplished with four, five, six, seven, or ten priests. Again, the Kauçītakins had a seventeenth priest beside the usual sixteen, the Sadasya, so called because he watched the performance from the Sadas, seat.’ In one rite, the Sattra (‘sacrificial session') of the serpents, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, adds three more to the sixteen, a second Unnetṛ, an Abhigara, and an Apagara. The later ritual places the Brahman at the head of all the priests, but this is probably not the early view (see Brahman). The sacrifice ensured, if properly performed, primarily the advantages of the sacrificer (yajamāna), but the priest shared in the profit, besides securing the Daksiṇās. Disputes between sacrificers and the priests were not rare, as in the case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas, or Janamejaya and the Asitamrgras and the Aiçāvīras are referred to as undesirable priests. Moreover, Viśvāmitra once held the post of Purohita to Sudās, but gave place to Vasiṣtha. The position of Purohita differed considerably from that of the ordinary priest, for the Purohita not merely might officiate at the sacrifice, but was the officiator in all the private sacrifices of his king. Hence he could, and undoubtedly sometimes did, obtain great influence over his master in matters of secular importance; and the power of the priesthood in political as opposed to domestic and religious matters, no doubt rested on the Purohita. There is no recognition in Vedic literature of the rule later prevailing by which, after spending part of his life as a Brahma- cārin, and part as a householder, the Brahmin became an ascetic (later divided into the two stages of Vānaprastha, ‘forest-dweller,’ and Samnyāsin, ‘mystic ’). Yājñavalkya's case shows that study of the Absolute might empty life of all its content for the sage, and drive him to abandon wife and family. In Buddhist times the same phenomenon is seen applying to other than Brahmins. The Buddhist texts are here confirmed in some degree by the Greek authorities. The practice bears a certain resemblance to the habit of kings, in the Epic tradition,of retiring to the forest when active life is over. From the Greek authorities it also appears what is certainly the case in the Buddhist literature that Brahmins practised the most diverse occupations. It is difficult to say how far this was true for the Vedic period. The analogy of the Druids in some respects very close suggests that the Brahmins may have been mainly confined to their professional tasks, including all the learned professions such as astronomy and so forth. This is not contradicted by any Vedic evidence ; for instance, the poet of a hymn of the Rigveda says he is a poet, his father a physician (Bhiṣaj), and his mother a grinder of corn (Upala-prakṣiṇī). This would seem to show that a Brahmin could be a doctor, while his wife would perform the ordinary household duties. So a Purohita could perhaps take the field to assist the king by prayer, as Viśvāmitra, and later on Vasiṣtha do, but this does not show that priests normally fought. Nor do they seem normally to have been agriculturists or merchants. On the other hand, they kept cattle: a Brahmacarin’s duty was to watch his master’s cattle.129 It is therefore needless to suppose that they could not, and did not, on occasion turn to agricultural or mercan¬tile pursuits, as they certainly did later. But it must be remembered that in all probability there was more purity of blood, and less pressure of life, among the Brahmins of the Vedic age than later in Buddhist times, when the Vedic sacrificial apparatus was falling into grave disrepute. It is clear that the Brahmins, whatever their defects, represented the intellectual side of Vedic life, and that the Kṣatriyas, if they played a part in that life, did so only in a secondary degree, and to a minor extent. It is natural to suppose that the Brahmins also composed ballads, the precursors of the epic; for though none such have survived, a few stanzas of this character, celebrating the generosity of patrons, have been preserved by being embedded in priestly compositions. A legend in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa shows clearly that the Brahmins regarded civilization as being spread by them only: Kosala and Videha, no doubt settled by Aryan tribes, are only rendered civilized and habitable by the influence of pious Brahmins. We need not doubt that the non-Brahminical tribes (see Vrātya) had attained intellectual as well as material civilization, but it is reasonable to assume that their civilization was inferior to that of the Brahmins, for the history of Hinduism is the conquest by the Brahmins not by arms, but by mind of the tribes Aryan and non-Aryan originally beyond the pale.
bharata Is the name of a people of great importance in the Rigveda and the later literature. In the Rigveda they appear prominently in the third and seventh Maṇdalas in connexion with Sudās and the Tftsus, while in the sixth Maṇdala they are associated with Divodāsa. In one passage the Bharatas are, like the Tṛtsus, enemies of the Pūrus: there can be little doubt that Ludwig’s view of the identity of the Bharatas and and Tṛtsus is practically correct. More precisely Oldenberg considers that the Tṛtsus are the Vasiṣhas, the family singers of the Bharatas; while Geldner recognizes, with perhaps more probability, in the Tṛtsus the royal family of the Bharatas. That the Tṛtsus and Bharatas were enemies, as Zimmer holds, is most improbable even on geographical grounds, for the Tṛtsus in Zimmer’s view occupied the country to the east of the Paruçṇī (Ravi), and the Bharatas must therefore be regarded as coming against the Tṛtsus from the west, whereas the Rigveda recognizes two Bharata chiefs on the Sarasvatī, Ápayā, and Dpçadvatī that is, in the holy land of India, the Madhyadeśa. Hillebrandt sees in the connexion of the Tṛtsus and the Bharatas a fusion of two tribes; but this is not supported by any evidence beyond the fact that in his opinion some such theory is needed to explain Divodāsa's appearing in connexion with the Bharadvāja family, while Sudās, his son, or perhaps grandson {cf. Pijavana), is connected with the Vasiṣthas and the Viśvāmitras. In the later literature the Bharatas appear as especially famous. The śatapatha Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as a king, sacrificer of the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and śatānīka Sātrājita, as another Bharata who offered that sacrifice. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as receiving the kingly coronation from Dlrghatamas Māmateya, and śatānīka as being consecrated by Somaśuçman Vājaratnāyana, a priest whose name is of quite late origin. The geographical position of the Bharata people is clearly shown by the fact that the Bharata kings win victories over the Kāśis, and make offerings on the Yamunā (Jumna) and Gañgfā (Ganges). Moreover, in the formula of the king’s proclamation for the people, the variants recorded include Kuravah, Pañcālāh, Kuru-Pañcālāh,, and Bharatāh ; and the Mahābhārata consistently recognizes the royal family of the Kurus as a Bharata family. It is therefore extremely probable that Oldenberg is right in holding that the Bharatas in the times of the Brāhmaṇas were merging in the Kuru-Pañcāla people. The ritual practices of the Bharatas are repeatedly mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, and the Taittirīya Aranyaka. Already in the Rigveda there is mention made of Agni Bhārata (‘of the Bharatas’). In the Apr! hymns occurs a goddess Bhāratī, the personified divine protective power of the Bharatas : her association in the hymns with Sarasvatī reflects the connexion 'of the Bharatas with the Sarasvatī in the Rigveda. Again, in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Agni is referred to as brāhmana Bhārata, ‘priest of the Bharatas,’ and is invited to dispose of the offering Manusvat Bharatavat, ‘like Manu,’ ‘like Bharata.’ In one or two passages Sudās or Divodāsa and, on the other hand, Purukutsa or Trasadasyu appear in a friendly relation. Possibly this points, as Oldenberg suggests, to the union of Bharatas and Pūrus with the Kurus. A Bharata is referred to in the fifth Mandala of the Rigveda who he was is uncertain.
bhāllaveya ‘Descendant of Bhāllayi,’ is the patronymic of Indradyumna in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. Probably the same person is meant by the Bhāllaveya, who is cited frequently as an authority in the same Brāhmaṇa.
bhiṣaj ‘Physician is a word of common occurrence in the Rigveda and later. There is no trace whatever in the former text of the profession being held in disrepute: the Aśvins, Varuṇa, aṇd Rudra are all called physicians. On the other hand, in the Dharma literature this profession is utterly despised. This dislike is found as early as the Yajurveda Sarphitās, where the Aśvins are condemned because of their having to do with the practice of medicine (bhe§aja), on the ground that it brings them too much among men, an allusion to the caste dislike of promiscuous contact. despised. This dislike is found as early as the Yajurveda Sarphitās, where the Aśvins are condemned because of their having to do with the practice of medicine (bheṣaja), on the ground that it brings them too much among men, an allusion to the caste dislike of promiscuous contact. The Rigveda contains a hymn in which a physician celebrates his plants and their healing powers. Moreover, wonder¬ful cures are referred to as performed by the Aśvins: the healing of the lame and of the blind ; the rejuvenation of the aged Cyavana and of Puramdhi’s husband; the giving of an iron leg {jañghā āyasī) to Viśpalā, a deed only more wonderful if we assume that Viśpalā was a mare, as has been suggested by Pischel. It would in all probability be a mistake to assume that the Vedic Indians had any surgical skill: they no doubt applied simples to wounds, but both their medicine and their surgery must have been most primitive. All that the Atharvaveda shows in regard to medicine is the use of herbs combined with spells, and of water {cf. Jalāça), remedies Indo-European in character, but not of much scientific value. On the other hand, the knowledge of anatomy shown (see śarīra), though betraying grave inaccuracies, is not altogether insignificant; but that was due no doubt mainly to the practice of dissecting animals at the sacrifice.There is some evidence in the Rigveda that the practice of medicine was already a profession; this is supported by the inclusion of a physician in the list of victims at the Puruṣa- medha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda. According to Bloomfield, a hymn of the Atharvaveda contains a physician’s deprecation of the use of home-made remedies instead of reliance on his professional training.
bhūti Is the term used in the Rigveda and later for ‘ prosperity.’
bhrātṛvya Is found in one passage of the Atharvaveda, where, being named with brother and sister, it must be an expression of relationship. The sense appears to be ‘(father’s) brother’s son,’ ‘cousin,’ this meaning alone accounting for the sense of ‘rival,’ ‘enemy,’ found elsewhere in the Atharvaveda, and repeatedly in the other Samhitās and the Brāhmanas. In an undivided family the relations of cousins would easily develop into rivalry and enmity. The original meaning may, however, have been ‘nephew,’ as the simple etymological sense would be brother’s son ’; but this seems not to account for the later meaning so well. The Kāthaka Samhitā pre­scribes the telling of a falsehood to a Bhrātṛvya, who, further, is often given the epithets ‘hating’ (dυisan) and ‘evil’ (apriya, pāpman) in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmaṇas. The Athar­vaveda8 also contains various spells, which aim at destroying or expelling one’s rivals.’
magadha Is the name of a people who appear throughout Vedic literature as of little repute. Though the name is not actually found in the Rigveda, it occurs in the Atharvaveda, where fever is wished away to the Gandhāris and Mūjavants, northern peoples, and to the Añgfas and Magadhas, peoples of the east. Again, in the list of victims at the Purusamedha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Yajurveda,3 the Māgadha, or man of Magadha, is included as dedicated to ati-krusta, ‘ loud noise ’ (?), while in the Vrātya hymn of the Atharvaveda[1] the Māgadha is said to be connected with the Vrātya as his Mitra, his Mantra, his laughter, and his thunder in the four quarters. In the śrauta Sūtras6 the equipment characteristic of the Vrātya is said to be given, when the latter is admitted into the Aryan Brahminical community, to a bad Brahmin living in Magadha ·(brahma-bandhu Māgadha-deśīya), but this point does not occur in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa. On the other hand, respectable Brahmins sometimes lived there, for the Kausītaki Araṇyaka mentions Madhyama, Prātībodhī-putra, as Magadha-vāsin, ‘living in Magadha.’ Oldenberg, however, seems clearly right in regarding this as unusual. The Magadhas are evidently a people in the Baudhāyana and other Sūtras, possibly also in the Aitareya Araṇyaka. It is therefore most improbable that Zimmer can be right in thinking that in the Yajurveda and the Atharvaveda the λlāgadha is not a man of Magadha, but a member of the mixed caste produced by a Vaiśya marrying a Kṣatriya woman. But the theory of mixed castes, in any case open to some doubt, cannot be accepted when used to explain such obviously tribal names as Māgadha. The fact that the Māgadha is often in later times a minstrel is easily accounted for by the assumption that the country was the home of minstrelsy, and that wandering bards from Magadha were apt to visit the more western lands. This class the later texts recognize as a caste, inventing an origin by intermarriage of the old-established castes. The dislike of the Magadhas, which may be Rigvedic, since the Kīkatas were perhaps the prototype of the Magadhas, was in all probability due, as Oldenberg13 thinks, to the fact that the Magadhas were not really Brahminized. This is entirely in accord with the evidence of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa14 that neither Kosala nor Videha were fully Brahminized at an early date, much less Magadha. Weber15 suggests two other grounds that may have influeṇced the position—the persistence of aboriginal blood and the growth of Buddhism. The latter consideration is hardly applicable to the Yajurveda or the Atharvaveda; but the imperfect Brahminization of the land, if substituted for it in accordance with Oldenberg’s suggestion, would have some force. The former motive, despite Olden- berg’s doubt, seems fully justified. Pargiter18 has gone so far as to suggest that in Magadha the Aryans met and mingled with a body of invaders from the east by sea. Though there is no evidence for this view in the Vedic texts, it is reason¬able to suppose that the farther east the Aryans penetrated, the less did they impress themselves upon the aborigines. Modern ethnology confirms this a priori supposition in so far as it shows Aryan types growing less and less marked as the eastern part of India is reached, although such evidence is not decisive in view of the great intermixture of peoples in India.
maṇḍūka Is the name of ‘frog’ in the Rigveda and later, the feminine Maṇdūkī also occurring. The famous frog hymn of the Rigveda compares with Brahmins the frogs croaking as they awake to activity at the beginning of the rains. It has been explained by Max Mūller as a satire on the Brahmins. Geldner, agreeing with this view, thinks that it is directed by its Vasiçtha composer against rival Brahmins, probably the Viśvāmitras. The view, however, which interprets the hymn as a rain charm seems on the whole more likely. The frog, from its connexion with water, was considered to have cooling properties. Thus after the burning of the dead body the frog is invited to come to the spot where the cremation has taken place in order to cool it down. Similarly the frog is invoked in the Atharvaveda against the fire of fever.
madragāra śauṅgāyani (‘Descendant of śuñga’) is the name of a teacher, whose pupil was Kāmboja Aupamanyava in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa. Zimmer concludes, with probability, that these names point to a connexion of the Kambojas and the Madras.
madhyadeśa The ‘Middle Country,’ is, according to the Mānava Dharma śāstra, the land between the Himālaya in the north, the Vindhya in the south, Vinaáana in the west, and Prayāga (now Allahabad) in the east that is, between the place where the Sarasvatī disappears in the desert, and the point of the confluence of the Yamunā (Jumna) and the Gañgā (Ganges). The same authority defines Brahmarsi-deśa as denoting the land of Kuruksetra, the Matsyas, Pañcālas, and śūrasenakas, and Brahmāvarta as meaning the particularly holy land between the Sarasvatī and the Drṣadvatī. The Baudhāyana Dharma Sūtra4 defines Áryāvarta as the land east of Vinaśana; west of the Kālaka-vana, ‘ Black Forest,’ or rather Kanakhala, near Hardvār; south of the Himālaya; and north of the Pāriyātra or the Pāripātra Mountains; adding that, in the opinion of others, it was confined to the country between the Yamunā and the Gañgā, while the Bhāllavins took it as the country between the boundary-river (or perhaps the Saras-vatī) and the region where the sun rises. The Mānava Dharma śāstra, in accord with the Vasiṣṭha Dharma Sūtra, defines Áryāvarta as the region between the Vindhya and the Himālaya, the two ranges which seem to be the boundaries of the Aryan world in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad also. The term Madhyadeśa is not Vedic, but it is represented in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa by the expression madhyamā pratisthā diś, ‘ the middle fixed region,’ the inhabitants of which are stated to be the Kurus, the Pañcālas, the Vaśas, and the Uśīnaras. The latter two peoples practically disappear later on, the Madhyadeśa being the country of the Kuru-Pañcālas, the land where the Brāhmaṇas and the later Samhitās were produced, bounded on the east by the Kosala-Videhas, and on the west by the desert. The western tribes are mentioned with disapproval both in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, while the tradition of the Brahminization of the Kosalas and the Videhas from the Kuru-Pañcāla country is preserved in the former Brāhmaṇa.
manu In the Rigveda and later has no claim to historical reality. He is simply the first man, father of the race, and its guide in all matters, sacrificial and other. Hence the views of the texts on inheritance are foisted on Manu and his youngest son, Nābhānediṣṭha. He also plays the part of the hero in the Vedic legend of the flood. Manu is called Vivasvan or Vaivasvata, ‘ son of Vivasvant ’ (the god); Sāvarni, ‘ descendant of Savarnā ’ (the substitute of Saraηyū in the legend of her wedding); and Sāmvarani, ‘ descendant of Samvarana.’ The first name is, of course, mythical. The other two have been regarded as historical, Sāvarni being taken by Ludwig as a king of the Turvaśas, but this is very doubtful.
maṣṇāra Is the name of a locality, the scene of the victory of a Kuru king, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa.
mahāvṛṣa Is the name of a tribe mentioned along with the ! Mμjavants in the Atharvaveda as a locality to which fever is to be relegated. It is reasonable to suppose that they were northerners, though Bloomfield suggests that the name may be chosen more for its sound and sense (as ‘of mighty strength’ to resist the disease) than for its geographical position. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad3 the place Raikvaparṇa is said to be in the Mahāvrṣa country. The king of the Mahāvrṣas in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa is said to be Hrtsvāśaya. The Mahāvṛṣas are also known from a Mantra in the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra.
māṃsa ‘Flesh.’ The eating of flesh appears as something quite regular in the Vedic texts, which show no trace of the doctrine of Ahimsā, or abstaining from injury to animals. For example, the ritual offerings of flesh contemplate that the gods will eat it, and again the Brahmins ate the offerings.1 Again, the slaying of a ‘ great ox ’ (mahoksa) or a ‘ great goat ’ (mahāja) for a guest was regularly prescribed ; and the name Atithigva probably means ‘slaying cows for guests.’The great sage Yājñavalkya was wont to eat the meat of milch cows and bullocks (dhenv-anaduha) if only it was amsala (‘ firm ’ or ‘ tender ’).The slaughter of a hundred bulls (uksan) was credited to one sacrificer, Agastya. The marriage ceremony was accompanied by the slaying of oxen, clearly for food. That there was any general objection to the eating of flesh is most improbable. Sometimes it is forbidden, as when a man is performing a vow, or its use is disapproved, as in a passage of the Atharvaveda, where meat is classed with Surā, or intoxicating liquor, as a bad thing. Again, in the Rigveda® the slaying of the cows is said to take place in the Aghās, a deliberate variation for Maghās; but this may be the outcome merely of a natural association of death with gloom, even when cows alone are the victims in question. The Brāhmaṇas also contain the doctrine of the eater in this world being eaten in the next, but this is not to be regarded as a moral or religious disapproval of eating flesh, though it no doubt contains the germ of such a view, which is also in harmony with the persuasion of the unity of existence, which becomes marked in the Brāhmaṇas. But Ahimsā as a developed and articulate doctrine would seem to have arisen from the acceptance of the doctrine of transmigration, which in its fundamentals is later than the Brāhmaṇa period. On the other hand, it is to be noted that the cow was on the road to acquire special sanctity in the Rigveda, as is shown by the name aghnyā, ‘not to be slain,’ applied to it in several passages. But this fact cannot be regarded as showing that meat eating generally was condemned. Apart from mythical considerations, such as the identification of the cow with earth or Aditi (which are, of course, much more than an effort of priestly ingenuity), the value of the cow for other purposes than eating was so great as to account adequately for its sanctity, the beginnings of which can in fact be traced back to Indo-Iranian times. Moreover, the ritual of the cremation of the dead required the slaughter of a cow as an essential part, the flesh being used to envelope the dead body. The usual food of the Vedic Indian, as far as flesh was concerned, can be gathered from the list of sacrificial victims: what man ate he presented to the gods—that is, the sheep, the goat, and the ox. The horse sacrifice was an infrequent exception: it is probably not to be regarded as a trace of the use of horseflesh as food, though the possibility of such being the case cannot be overlooked in view of the widespread use of horseflesh as food in different countries and times. It is, however, more likely that the aim of this sacrifice was to impart magic strength, the speed and vigour of the horse, to the god and his worshippers, as Oldenberg argues.
māsa Denotes a 'month' a period of time repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda and lateṛ The Characteristic days (or rather nights) of the month were those of new moon, Amā-vasya, 'home-staying (night),' and 'of the full moon,' Paurṇa-māsi. Two hymns of the Atharvveda celebrate these days respectively. A personification of the phases of the moon is seen in the four names Sinīvālī the day before new moon; Kuhū also called Guṅgū, the new moon day;Anumati, the day before full moon; and Rākā, the day of new mooṇ The importance of the new and full moon days respectively. One special day in the month, the Ekāṣṭakā, or eighth day after full moon, was importanṭ In the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa there stated to be in the year twelve such, mentioned between the twelve days of full moon and twelve days of new moon. But one Ekāṣṭakā is referred to in the Yajurveda Saṃhitas and elsewhere as of quite special importance. This was, in the accordant opinion of most comentators, the eighth day after the full moon of Magha. It marked the end of the year, or the begining of the new year. Though the Kauṣītaki Brāmaṇa places places the winter solstice in the new moon of Māgha, the latter date probably means the new moon preceding full moon in Māgha, not the new moon following full moon; but it is perhaps possible to account adequately for the importance of the Ekāstakā as being the first Aṣṭakā after the beginning of the new year. It is not certain exactly how the month was reckoned, whether from the day after new moon to new moon—the system known as amānta, or from the day after full moon to full moon—the pūr- nimānta system, which later, at any rate, was followed in North India, while the other system prevailed in the south. Jacobi argues that the year began in the full moon of Phālguna, and that only by the full moon’s conjunction with the Nakṣatra could the month be known. Oldenberg12 points to the fact that the new moon is far more distinctively an epoch than the full moon; that the Greek, Roman, and Jewish years began with the new moon; and that the Vedic evidence is the division of the month into the former (j>ūrva) and latter (apara) halves, the first being the bright (śukla), the second the dark (krsna) period. Thibaut considers that to assume the existence of the pīirnimānta system for the Veda is unnecessary, though possible. Weber assumes that it occurs in the Kausītaki Brāhmaṇa as held by the scholiasts. But it would probably be a mistake to press that passage, or to assume that the amānta system was rigidly accepted in the Veda: it seems at least as probable that the month was vaguely regarded as beginning with the new moon day, so that new moon preceded full moon, which was in the middle, not the end or. the beginning of the month. That a month regularly had 30 days is established by the conclusive evidence of numerous passages in which the year is given 12 months and 360 days. This month is known from the earliest records, being both referred to directly and alluded to. It is the regular month of the Brāhmaṇas, and must be regarded as the month which the Vedic Indian recognized. No other month is mentioned as such in• the Brāhmaṇa literature ; it is only in the Sūtras that months of different length occur. The Sāmaveda Sūtras10 refer to (i) years with 324 days—i.e., periodic years with 12 months of 27 days each; (2) years with 351 days—i.e., periodic years with 12 months of 27 days each, plus another month of 27 days; (3) years with 354 days—i.e., 6 months of 30 days, and 6 with 29 days, in other words, lunar synodic years; (4) years with 360 days, or ordinary civil (sāvana) years; (5) years with 378 days, which, as Thibaut clearly shows, are third years, in which, after two years of 360 days each, 18 days were added to bring about correspondence between the civil year and the solar year of 366 days. But even the Sāmasūtras do not mention the year of 366 days, which is first known to the Jyotiṣa and to Garga. That the Vedic period was acquainted with the year of 354 days cannot be affirmed with certainty. Zimmer, indeed, thinks that it is proved by the fact that pregnancy is estimated at ten months, or sometimes a year. But Weber may be right in holding that the month is the periodic month of 27 days, for the period is otherwise too long if a year is taken. On the other hand, the period of ten months quite well suits the period of gestation, if birth takes place in the tenth month, so that in this sense the month of 30 days may well be meant. The year of 12 months of 30 days each being admittedly quite unscientific, Zimmer23 is strongly of opinion that it was only used with a recognition of the fact that intercalation took place, and that the year formed part of a greater complex, normally the five year Yuga or cycle. This system is well known from the Jyotiṣa: it consists of 62 months of 29£4 days each = 1,830 days (two of these months being intercalary, one in the middle and one at the end), or 61 months of 30 days, or 60 months of 30^ days, the unit being clearly a solar year of 366 days. It is not an ideal system, since the year is too long; but it is one which cannot be claimed even for the Brāhmaṇa period, during which no decision as to the true length of the year seems to have been arrived at. The references to it seen by Zimmer in the Rigveda are not even reasonably plausible, while the pañcaka yuga, cited by him from the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, occurs only in a quotation in a commentary, and has no authority for the text itself. On the other hand, there was undoubtedly some attempt to bring the year of 360 days—a synodic lunar year—roughly into connexion with reality. A Sāmasūtra27 treats it as a solar year, stating that the sun perambulates each Naxatra in days, while others again evidently interpolated 18 days every third year, in order to arrive at some equality. But Vedic literature, from the Rigveda downwards,29 teems with the assertion of the difficulty of ascertaining the month. The length is variously given as 30 days, 35 days,31 or 36 days. The last number possibly indicates an intercalation after six years (6x6 = 36, or for ritual purposes 35), but for this we have no special evidence. There are many references to the year having 12 or 13 months. The names of the months are, curiously enough, not at all ancient. The sacrificial texts of the Yajurveda give them in their clearest form where the Agnicayana, ‘building of the fire-altar,’ is described. These names are the following: (1) Madhu, (2) Mādhava (spring months, vāsantikāv rtū); (3) Sukra, (4) Suci (summer months, graismāv rtū); (5) Nabha (or Nabhas), (6) Nabhasya (rainy months, vārsikāv rtū); (7) Iṣa, (8) ūrja (autumn months, śāradāυ rtū); (9) Saha (or Sahas),35 (10) Sahasya (winter months, haimantikāυ rtū); (II) Tapa (or Tapas),35 (12) Tapasya (cool months, śaiśirāv rtū). There are similar lists in the descriptions of the Soma sacrifice and of the horse sacrifice, all of them agreeing in essentials. There are other lists of still more fanciful names, but these have no claim at all to represent actual divisions in popular use. It is doubtful if the list given above is more than a matter of priestly invention. Weber points out that Madhu and Mādhava later appear as names of spring, and that these two are mentioned in the Taittirīya Aranyaka as if actually employed; but the evidence is very inadequate to show that the other names of the months given in the list were in ordinary use. In some of these lists the intercalary month is mentioned. The name given to it in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā is Amhasas- pati, while that given in the Taittirīya and Maitrāyaṇī Sarphitās is Sarpsarpa. The Kāthaka Sarphitā gives it the name of Malimluca, which also occurs elsewhere, along with Samsarpa, in one of the lists of fanciful names. The Atharvaveda describes it as sanisrasa, ‘slipping,’ owing no doubt to its unstable condition. The other method of naming the months is from the Nakçatras. It is only beginning to be used in the Brāhmaṇas, but is found regularly in the Epic and later. The Jyotisa mentions that Māgha and Tapa were identical: this is the fair interpretation of the passage, which also involves the identifica¬tion of Madhu with Caitra, a result corresponding with the view frequently found in the Brāhmanas, that the full moon in Citrā, and not that in Phalgunī, is the beginning of the year. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa are found two curious expressions, yava and ayava, for the light and dark halves of the month, which is clearly considered to begin with the light half. Possibly the words are derived, as Eggling thinks, from yu, ‘ ward off,’ with reference to evil spirits. The word Parvan (‘ joint ’ = division of time) probably denotes a half of the month, perhaps already in the Rigveda. More precisely the first half, the time of the waxing light, is called pūrva-paksa, the second, that of the waning light, apara-paka. Either of these might be called a half-month (ardha-ināsa).
māhārājya The dignity of a great king ’ (mahā-rāja), is mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmana.
mitrabhūti lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is mentioned in the Vaṃśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmaṇa as a pupil of Krçṇadatta Lauhitya.
mṛgayu Hunter,’ occurs in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmaṇas, but not very often. The Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, however, in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘ human sacrifice ’) include a number of names which seem to be those of persons who make a liveli­hood by fishing or by hunting, such as the Mārgāra, ‘ hunter,’ the Kaivarta or Kevarta, Pauñji§tha, Dāśa, Maināla, * fisher-man,’ and perhaps the Bainda and the Ánda, who seem to have been some sort of fishermen. It is not probable that even in the earliest Vedic period hunting formed the main source of livelihood for any of the Vedic tribes: pastoral pursuits and agriculture (Κṛṣί) were, no doubt, the mainstay of their existence. But it would be unreasonable to suppose that not much hunting was done, both for recreation and for purposes of food, as well as for protection of flocks from wild beasts. The Rigveda is naturally our chief source of information in regard to hunting. The arrow was sometimes employed, but, as is usual with primitive man, the normal instruments of capture were nets and pitfalls. Birds were regularly caught in nets (Pāśa, Nidhā, Jāla ), the bird-catcher being called nidhā-pati, ‘master of snares.’ The net was fastened on pegs (as is done with modern nets for catching birds). Another name of net is apparently Mukṣījā. Pits were used for catching antelopes (Rśya), and so were called rśya-da, ‘antelope-catching.’ Elephants were captured as in Greek times, perhaps through the instrumentality of tame females (see Mpga Hastin). Apparently the boar was captured in the chase, dogs being used, but the passage from which this view is deduced is of uncertain mythological content. There is also an obscure reference to the capture of the buffalo (Gaura), but it is not clear whether the reference is to shooting with an arrow or capturing by means of ropes, perhaps a lasso, or a net. The lion was captured in pitfalls, or was surrounded by the hunters and slain ; one very obscure passage refers to the lion being caught by ambuscade, which perhaps merely alludes to the use of the hidden pit. The modes of catching fish are little known, for the only evidence available are the explanations of the various names mentioned in the Yajurveda. Sāyana18 says that Dhaivara is one who takes fish by netting a tank on either side; Dāśa and śauçkala do so by means of a fish-hook (badiśa); Bainda, Kaivarta, and Maināla by means of a net (jāla); Mārgāra catches fish in the water with his hands; Anda by putting in pegs at a ford (apparently by building a sort of dam); Parṇaka by putting a poisoned leaf on the water. But none of these explanations can claim much authority.
mṛgavyādha ‘The hunter,’ is the name of Sirius in the legend of Prajāpati’s daughter in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. Prajāpati (Orion) pursues his daughter (Rohiṇī), and is shot by the archer Sirius. The transference of the legend of Prajāpati to the sky is no doubt secondary, caused by the obvious similarity of the constellation in question to the idea of an archer.
yaśasvin jayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Kṛṣṇarāta Triveda Lauhitya in the Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāh­mana.
yājñavalkya ‘Descendant of Yajñavalkya,’ is repeatedly mentioned in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as an authority on questions of ritual. He is, however, also given as an authority on questions of philosophy in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upanisad, but Oldenberg is, no doubt, right in thinking that no possible importance can be attached to the mention of Yājñavalkya in the latter capacity. He is said to have been a pupil of Uddālaka Arum, whom he opposed successfully in a dispute.5 His two wives, Maitreyī and Kātyāyanī, are mentioned in the Brhadāraṇyaka Upanisad, which concludes with a passage ascribing to Yājñavalkya Vājasaneya the ‘white Yajus ’ {śuklāni yajUmsi). It is remarkable that Yājñavalkya is never mentioned in any other Vedic text outside the śatapatha Brāhmana y except the śāñkhāyana Aranyaka, where, however, both/\ references are merely transcripts from the śatapatha. It has been supposed by Oldenberg10 and others that Yājñavalkya belonged to Videha, but despite the legend of Janaka’s patronage of him, his association with Uddālaka, the Kuru-Pañcāla, renders this doubtful.
yudhyāmadhi Is apparently the name of a king who was defeated by Sudās. The mention of him occurring only in the verses added at the end of the hymn celebrating the victory of Sudās over the ten kings can claim little authenticity as a notice of Sudās.
ratha in the Rigveda and later denotes ‘chariot’ as opposed to Anas, ‘cart,’ though the distinction is not absolute. Of differences in the structure of the two we have no information, except that the Kha, or nave hole, in the wheel of the chariot was greater than in that of the cart. The chariot has, as a rule, two wheels (Cakra), to which reference is frequently made. The wheel consisted of a rim (Pavi), a felly (Pradhi), spokes (Ara), and a nave (Nabhya). The rim and the felly together constitute the Nemi. The hole in the nave is called Kha: into it the end of the axle was inserted; but there is some uncertainty whether Ani denotes the extremity of the axle that was inserted in the nave, or the lynch-pin used to keep that extremity in the wheel. Sometimes a solid wheel was used. The axle (Akṣa) was, in some cases, made of Araψu. wood; round its ends the wheels revolved. To the axle was attached the body of the chariot (Kośa). This part is also denoted by the word Vandhura, which more precisely means the ‘ seat ’ of the chariot. The epithet tri-vandhura is used of the chariot of the Aśvins, seemingly to correspond with another of its epithets, tri-cakra: perhaps, as Weber thinks, a chariot with three seats and three wheels was a real form of vehicle; but Zimmer considers that the vehicle was purely mythical. Garta also denotes the seat of the warrior. At right angles to the axle was the pole of the chariot (īçā, Praiiga). Normally there was, it seems, one pole, on either side of which the horses were harnessed, a yoke (Yuga) being laid across their necks; the pole was passed through the hole in the yoke (called Kha or Tardman ), the yoke and the pole then being tied together. The horses were tied by the neck (grīva), where the yoke was placed, and also at the shoulder, presumably by traces fastened to a bar of wood at right angles to the pole, or fastened to the ends of the pole, if that is to be regarded, as it probably should, as of triangular shape, wide at the foot and coming to a point at the tip. The traces seem to be denoted by Raśmi and Raśanā. These words also denote the ‘ reins,’ which were fastened to the bit (perhaps śiprū) in the horse’s mouth. The driver controlled the horses by reins, and urged them on with a whip (Kaśā). The girths of the horse were called Kakṣyā. The normal number of horses seems to have been two, but three or four10 were often used. It is uncertain whether, in these cases, the extra horse was attached in front or at the side; possibly both modes were in use. Even five steeds could be employed. Horses were normally used for chariots, but the ass (gardabha) or mule (aśvatarī) are also mentioned. The ox was employed for drawing carts, and in fact derived its name, Anadvāh, from this use. Sometimes a poor man had to be content with a single steed, which then ran between two shafts. In the chariot the driver stood on the right, while the warrior was on the left, as indicated by his name, Savyeṣtha or Savyaṣhā. He could also sit when he wanted, for the chariot had seats, and an archer would naturally prefer to sit while shooting his arrows. The dimensions of the chariot are given in the śulba Sūtra of Apastamba at Angulis (finger-breadths) for the pole, for the axle, and 86 for the yoke. The material used in its construction was wood, except for the rim of the wheel. Many other parts of the chariot are mentioned, their names being often obscure in meaning: see Añka, Nyanka, Uddhi, Paksas, Pātalya, Bhurij, Rathopastha, Rathavāhana.
rājan King,' is a term repeatedly occuring in the rigveda and the later literature. It is quite clear that the normal, though not universal form of government, in early India was that by kings, as might be expected in view of the fact that the Āryan Indian were invaders in a hostile territory : a situation which, as in the case of Ārayan invaders of Greece and German invaders of England, resulted almost necessarily in strengthening the monarchic element of the constitution. The mere patriarchal organization of society is not sufficient, as Zimmer assumes, to explain the Vedic kingship. Tenure of Monarchy.—Zimmer is of opinion that while the Vedic monarchy was sometimes hereditary, as is indeed shown by several cases where the descent can be traced,® yet in others the monarchy was elective, though it is not clear whether the selection by the people was between the members of the royal family only or extended to members of all the noble clans. It must, however, be admitted that the evidence for the elective monarchy is not strong. As Geldner argues, all the passages cited can be regarded not as choice by the cantons (Viś), but as acceptance by the subjects (viś): this seems the more prob¬able sense. Of course this is no proof that the monarchy was not sometimes elective: the practice of selecting one member of the family to the exclusion of another less well qualified is exemplified by the legend in Yāska of the Kuru brothers, Devāpi and śantanu, the value of which, as evidence of contemporary views, is not seriously affected by the legend itself being of dubious character and validity. Royal power was clearly insecure: there are several references to kings being expelled from their realms, and their efforts to recover their sovereignty, and the Atharvaveda contains spells in the interest of royalty. The King in War.—Naturally the Vedic texts, after the Rigveda, contain few notices of the warlike adventures that no doubt formed a very considerable proportion of the royal functions. But the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa contains the statement that the Kuru-Pañcāla kings, who, like the Brahmins of those tribes, stand as representatives of good form, used to make their raids in the dewy season. The word Udāja, too, with its variant Nirāja, records that kings took a share of the booty of war. The Rigveda13 has many references to Vedic wars: it is clear that the Kṣatriyas were at least as intent on fulfilling their duty of war as the Brahmins on sacrificing and their other functions. Moreover, beside offensive war, defence was a chief duty of the king: he is emphatically the ‘ protector of the tribe* (gopā janasya), or, as is said in the Rājasūya (‘royal consecration’), ‘protector of the Brahmin.’14 His Purohita was expected to use his spells and charms to secure the success of his king’s arms. The king no doubt fought in person: so Pratardana met death in war according to the Kausītaki Upanisad;16 and in the Rājasūya the king is invoked as ‘sacker of cities’ (purāψ bhettā). The King in Peace.—In return for his warlike services the king received the obedience—sometimes forced—of the people, and in particular their contributions for the maintenance of royalty. The king is regularly regarded as ‘ devouring the people,’ but this phrase must not be explained as meaning that he necessarily oppressed them. It obviously has its origin in a custom by which the king and his retinue were fed by the people’s contributions, a plan with many parallels. It is also probable that the king could assign the royal right of mainten¬ance to a Ksatriya, thus developing a nobility supported by the people. Taxation would not normally fall on Kṣatriya or Brahmin; the texts contain emphatic assertions of the exemption of the goods of the latter from the royal bounty. In the people, however, lay the strength of the king. See also Bali. In return the king performed the duties of judge. Himself immune from punishment (a-daiidya), he wields the rod of punishment (Daṇda). It is probable that criminal justice remained largely in his actual administration, for the Sūtras preserve clear traces of the personal exercise of royal criminal jurisdiction. Possibly the jurisdiction could be exercised by a royal officer, or even by a delegate, for a Rājanya is mentioned as an overseer (adhyaksa) of the punishment of a śūdra in the Kāthaka Samhitā. In civil justice it may be that the king played a much less prominent part, save as a court of final appeal, but evidence is lacking on this head. The Madhyamaśi of the Rigveda was probably not a royal, but a private judge or arbitrator. A wide criminal jurisdiction is, however, to some extent supported by the frequent mention of Varuna’s spies, for Varuṇa is the divine counterpart of the human king. Possibly such spies could be used in' war also. There is no reference in early Vedic literature to the exercise of legislative activity by the king, though later it is an essential part of his duties. Nor can we say exactly what executive functions devolved on the king. In all his acts the king was regularly advised by his Purohita ; he also had the advantage of the advice of the royal ministers and attendants (see Ratnin). The local administration was entrusted to the Grāmartī, or village chief, who may have been selected or appointed by the'king. The outward signs of the king’s rank were his palace and his brilliant dress. The King as Landowner.—The position of the king with regard to the land is somewhat obscure. The Greek notices,30 in which, unhappily, it would be dangerous to put much trust, since they were collected by observers who were probably little used to accurate investigations of such matters, and whose statements wore based on inadequate information, vary in their statements. In part they speak of rent being paid, and declare that only the king and no private person could own land, while in part they refer to the taxation of land. Hopkins is strongly of opinion that the payments made were paid for protection —i.e., in modern terminology as a tax, but that the king was recognized as the owner of all the land, while yet the individual or the joint family also owned the land. As against Baden- Powell, who asserted that the idea of the king as a landowner was later, he urges for the Vedic period that the king, as we have seen, is described as devouring the people, and that, according to the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Vaiśya can be devoured at will and maltreated (but, unlike the śūdra, not killed); and for the period of the legal Sūtras and śāstras he cites Bṛhaspati and Nārada as clearly recognizing the king’s overlordship, besides a passage of the Mānava Dharma Sāstra which describes the king as ‘lord of all a phrase which Būhler35 was inclined to interpret as a proof of landowning. The evidence is, however, inadequate to prove what is sought. It is not denied that gradually the king came to be vaguely con¬ceived—as the English king still is—as lord of all the land in a proprietorial sense, but it is far more probable that such an idea was only a gradual development than that it was primitive. The power of devouring the people is a political power, not a right of ownership; precisely the same feature can be traced in South Africa,3® where the chief can deprive a man arbitrarily of his land, though the land is really owned by the native. The matter is ultimately to some extent one of terminology, but the parallel cases are in favour of distinguishing between the political rights of the crown, which can be transferred by way of a grant, and the rights of ownership. Hopkins37 thinks that the gifts of land to priests, which seems to be the first sign of land transactions in the Brāhmaṇas, was an actual gift of land; it may have been so in many cases, but it may easily also have been the grant of a superiority : the Epic grants are hardly decisive one way or the other. For the relations of the king with the assembly, see Sabhā ; for his consecration, see Rājasūya. A rāja-tā, lack of a king,’ means‘anarchy.’
rājanya Is the regular term in Vedic literature for a man of the royal family, probably including also those who were not actually members of that family, but were nobles, though it may have been originally restricted to members of the royal family. This, however, does not appear clearly from any passage; the term may originally have applied to all the nobles irrespective of kingly power. In the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa the Rājanya is different from the Rājaputra, who is literally a son of the king. The functions and place of the Rājanya are described under Kçatriya, which expression later normally takes the place of Rājanya as a designation for the ruling class. His high place is shown by the fact that in the Taittirlya Samhitā he is ranked with the learned Brahmin and the Grāmaṇī (who was a Vaiśya) as having reached the height of prosperity (gata-śrī).
rājya In the Atharvaveda and later regularly denotes ‘sovereign power,’ from which, as the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa notes, the Brahmin is excluded. In addition to Rājya, the texts give other expressions of sovereign power. Thus the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa4 contends that the Rājasūya sacrifice is that of a king, the Vājapeya that of a Samrāj or emperor, the status of the latter (Sāmrājya) being superior to that of the former (Rājya). The sitting on a throne (Ásandī) is given in the same text6 as one of the characteristics of the Samrāj. Elsewhere® Svārājya, ‘ uncon¬trolled dominion,’ is opposed to Rājya. In the ritual of the Rājasūya the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa7 gives a whole series of terms: Rājya, Sāmrājya, Bhaujya, Svārājya, Vairājya, Pāra- meṣṭhya, and Māhārājya, while Adhipatya, ‘ supreme power,’ is found elsewhere.8 But there is no reason to believe that these terms refer to essentially different forms of authority. A king might be called a Mahārāja or a Samrāj, without really being an overlord of kings; he would be so termed if he were an important sovereign, or by his own entourage out of compliment,' as was Janaka of Videha. That a really great monarchy of the Aśoka or Gupta type ever existed in the Vedic period seems highly improbable.
raikvaparṇa Masc. plur., is the name of a locality in the Mahāvpṣa country according to the Chāndogya Upanisad.
romaśā Is mentioned in the Bṛhaddevatā as the wife of king Bhāvayavya, and is credited with the authorship of a Rigvedic verse. But in reality the word romaśā in that verse, which is the source of the legend, is merely an adjective meaning * hairy.’
rohitakakūla Is in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana the name of a locality after which a Sāman or chant was called.
lavaṇa Salt,' is never mentioned in the Rigveda, only once in the Atharvaveda, and not after that until the latest part of the Brāhmaṇas, where it is regarded as of extremely high value. This silence in the early period is somewhat surprising if the regions then occupied by the Indians were the Panjab and the Indus valley, where salt abounds; it would at first sight seem less curious if the home of the early Vedic Indian is taken to be Kurukçetra. It is, however, quite conceivable that a necessary commodity might happen to be passed over without literary mention in a region where it is very common, but to be referred to in a locality where it is not found, and consequently becomes highly prized.
lāji In the Vājasaneyi Saiphitā and the Taittirlya Brāhmaṇa is a word of uncertain meaning: according to Sāyaṇa, it is a vocative of Lājin, * having parched grain’; according to Mahīdhara, it denotes a ‘quantity of parched grain.’
lāmakāyana Descendant of Lamaka,’ is often mentioned as an authority in the Lātyāyana śrauta Sūtra, the Nidāna Sūtra, and the Drāhyāyaṇa śrauta Sūtra; also with the name Samvargajit in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa.
lauhitya ‘Descendant of Lohita,’ is the patronymic of a large number of teachers in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, which clearly must have been the special object of study of the Lauhitya family. See Kpçṇadatta, Kpçṇarāta, Jayaka, Tri- veda Kyçṇarāta, Dakṣa Jayanta, Palligupta, Mitrabhūti, Yaśasvin Jayanta, Vipaácit Dpdhajayanta, Vaipaścita Dārdhajayanti, Vaipaścita Dārdhajayanti Dpdhajayanta, śyā- majayanta, śyāmasujayanta, Satyaáravas. A Lauhitya or Lauhikya is also mentioned as a teacher in the śāñkhāyana Araṇyaka. The form of name (Jayanta) affected by the family, and the silence of the older texts, proves that they were modern.
vatsa Occurs several times in the Rigveda as the name of a singer, a son or descendant of Kaṇva. In the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is said to have passed successfully through a fire ordeal to which he resorted for the purpose of proving to his rival, Medhātithi, the purity of his descent. He is also mentioned in the Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra as the recipient of bounty from Tirindara Pāraśavya.
vadhrimatī ‘Having an impotent man as a husband,’ seems in the Rigveda to be the name of a woman who owed the restoration of her husband’s virility to the Aśvins, and obtained a son, Hiraṇyahasta. The word is, however, possibly only descriptive.
vamraka Is mentioned in one passage of the Rigveda, where Roth thinks that an 'ant' is meant. But Pischel, with more probability, thinks that it is a proper name, perhaps equivalent to Vamra, and denoting the child of a maiden who was saved from being devoured by ants.
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
vasiṣṭha Is the name of one of the most prominent priestly figures of Vedic tradition. The seventh Maṇdala of the Rigveda is ascribed to him ; this ascription is borne out by the fact that the Vasisthas and Vasistha are frequently mentioned in that Maṇdala, besides being sometimes referred to elsewhere. That by the name Vasiṣçha a definite individual is always meant is most improbable, as Oldenberg shows; Vasiṣtha must normally mean simply ‘ a Vasiṣtfia.’ But it is not necessary to deny that a real Vasiṣtha existed, for one hymn seems to show clear traces of his authorship, and of his assist­ance to Sudās against the ten kings. The most important feature of Vasiṣtha’s life was apparently his hostility to Viśvāmitra. The latter was certainly at one time the Purohita (‘ domestic priest ’) of Sudās, but he seems to have been deposed from that post, to have joined Sudās’ enemies, and to have taken part in the onslaught of the kings against him, for the hymn of Sudās’ triumph has clear references to the ruin Viśvāmitra brought on his allies. Oldenberg, however, holds that the strife of Viśvāmitra and Vasistha is not to be found in the Rigveda. On the other hand, Geldner is hardly right in finding in the Rigveda a compressed account indicating the rivalry of śakti, Vasiṣṭha’s son, with Viśvāmitra, the acquisition by Viśvāmitra of special skill in speech, and the revenge of Viśvāmitra, who secured the death of śakti by Sudās’ servants, an account which is more fully related by Sadguruśiṣya, which appeared in the śātyāya- naka, and to which reference seems to be made in the brief notices of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa regarding Vasiṣtha's sons having been slain, and his overcoming the Saudāsas. But it is important to note that no mention is made in these authorities of Sudās himself being actually opposed to Vasistha, while in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa Vasiṣtha appears as the Purohita and consecrator of Sudās Paijavana. Yāska recognizes Viśvāmitra as the Purohita of Sudās; this accords with what seems to have been the fact that Viśvāmitra originally held the post. Probably, however, with the disappearance of Sudās, Viśvāmitra recovered his position, whereupon Vasiṣtha in revenge for the murder of his sons secured in some way unspecified the defeat of the Saudāsas. At any rate it is hardly necessary to suppose that the enmity of the Saudāsas and Vasiṣthas was permanent. There is evidence that the Bharatas had the Vasisthas as Purohitas, while other versions regard them as Purohitas for people (prajāh) generally. It seems that the Vasiṣthas were pioneers in adopting the rule that Purohitas should act as Brahman priest at the sacrifice: the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa states that the Vasiṣthas were once the only priests to act as Brahmans, but that later any priest could serve as such. A rivalry with Jamadgni and Viśvāmitra is reported in the Taittirīya Samhitā. Parāśara and śatayātu are associated with Vasiṣtha in the Rigveda, being apparently, as Geldner thinks, the grandson and a son of Vasiṣtha. According to Pischel, in another hymn, Vasiṣtha appears as attempting to steal the goods of his father Varuṇa; Geldner also shows that the Rigveda contains a clear reference to Vasistha’s being a son of Varuṇa and the nymph Urvaśī. Perhaps this explains the fact that the Vasiṣthas are called the Tptsus in one passage of the Rigveda; for being of miraculous parentage, Vasistha would need adoption into a Gotra, that of the princes whom he served, and to whom Agastya seems to have introduced him. There are numerous other references to Vasistha as a Ṛṣi in Vedic literature, in the Sūtras, and in the Epic, where he and Viśvāmitra fight out their rivalry.
vāja From the meaning of ‘strength,’ ‘speed,’ in its appli­cation to horses derives the sense of ‘race’ and ‘prize,’ or merely ‘prosperity.’ That it ever means ‘horse’ is most improbable, that sense being given by Vājin.
vidatha Is a word of obscure sense, confined mainly to the Rigveda. According to Roth, the sense is primarily ‘order,’ then the concrete body which gives orders, then ‘assembly’ for secular or religious ends, or for war. Oldenberg once thought that the main idea is ‘ordinance’ (from υi-dhā, ‘ dispose,’ ‘ordain’), and thence ‘sacrifice.’ Ludwig thinks that the root idea is an ‘ assembly,’ especially of the Mag’havans and the Brahmins. Geldner considers that the word primarily means ‘ knowledge,’ ‘wisdom,’ ‘priestly lore,’ then ‘sacrifice’ and ‘spiritual authority.’ Bloomfield, on the other hand, insists that Vidatha refers to the ‘house’ in the first place (from vid, ‘acquire’), and then to the ‘sacrifice,’ as connected with the house; this interpretation, at any rate, appears to suit all the passages. The term vidathya, once applied to the king (samrāt), might seem to be against this view, but it may refer to his being ‘rich in homesteads and the connexion of the woman with the Vidatha, as opposed to the Sabhā, tells in favour of Bloomfield’s explanation. That the word ever denotes an asylum, like the house of the brahmin, as Ludwig suggests, is doubtful.
vinaśana ‘Disappearance,’ is the name of the place where the Sarasvatī is lost in the sands of the desert. It is mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa1 and the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. The locality is the Patiala district of the Panjab. Cf. Plakça Prāsravaṇa.
vipaścit dṛḍhajayanta lauhitya ('Descendant of Lohita') is mentioned in the Jaiminlya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa as the pupil of Dakṣa Jayanta Lauhitya.
vimada Is mentioned in several passages of the Rigveda as a protágá of the Aśvins, who gave him a wife, Kamadyū. His identity with the preceding is improbable.
vivadha Seems to denote a yoke borne on the shoulders to enable one to carry a weight. But it is found in the Brāhmaṇas used only metaphorically in such phrases as vi-vivadha, ‘with the weight unequally distributed,’ and sa- vīvadhata, ‘equality of burden.’
viś Is an expression of somewhat doubtful significance. In many passages of the Rigveda the sense of ‘settlement’ or ‘dwelling’ is adequate and probable, since the root viś means to enter’ or ‘settle.’ In other passages, where the Viśaḥ stand in relation to a prince, the term must mean ‘subject’; so, for example, when the people of Tṛṇaskanda or of the Trtsus are mentioned. ' Again, in some passages the general sense of ‘ people ’ is adequate; as when the Rigveda speaks of the ‘Aryan people,’ or the ‘divine people,’ or the ‘ Dāsa people,’ and so on. Sometimes, however, the Viś appear in a more special sense as a subdivision of the Jana or whole people. This is, however, not common, for in most passages one or other of the senses given above is quite possible. Moreover, it is very difficult to decide whether the Viś as a subdivision of the Jana is to be considered as being a local subdivision (canton) or a blood kinship equivalent to a clan in the large sense of the word, while the relation of the Viś to the Grāma or to the Gotra is quite uncertain. In one passage of the Atharvaveda the Viśah are mentioned along with the sabandhavah or relatives, but no definite conclusion can be drawn from that fact. Nor does the analogy of the Roman curia or the Greek φpηrpη throw much light, as these institutions are themselves of obscure character, and the parallelism need not be cogent. It is, at any rate, possible that the Viś may in some cases have been no more than a Gotra or clan, or different clans may sometimes have made up a Viś, while Grāma is more definitely, perhaps, a local designation. But the Vedic evidence is quite inconclusive. Cf. Viśpati. In the later period the sense of Viś is definitely restricted in some cases to denote the third of the classes of the Vedic polity, the people or clansmen as opposed to the nobles (Kṣatra, Kṣatriya) and the priests (Brahman, Brāhmaṇa). For the position of this class, see Vaiśya.
viśpati Is a word çf somewhat uncertain signification, reflecting in this respect the nature of Viś. Zimmer holds that in its strict sense it denotes the head of a canton, but he admits that there is no passage requiring this sense, the only one quoted by him being certainly indecisive. In the great majority of passages the word simply means the ‘ lord of the dwelling,’ whether used of a man or of the god Agni as the householder par excellence, or possibly as the fire of the Sabhā or assembly house of the people. This sense suits even the passage of the Rigveda[2] in which the Viśpati, as well as the father and the mother of a maiden,[3] are to be lulled to sleep in order to allow her lover to approach her, for the household may well be deemed to have been a joint family, in which the Viśpati could easily be different from the father pf the girl e.g., a grandfather or uncle. In other passages the Viśpati is the king as ‘lord of the subject-people’ (viśām), though here Zimmer thinks reference is made to the election of a king. Or again, the Viśpati is the chief of the Viś, probably in the sense of ‘subjects.’
viṣūvant Denotes in the Atharvaveda and later the middle day in the Sattra or sacrificial session of a year’s duration. Tilak argues that the Viṣūvant literally means the day when night and daylight are equal—i.e., the equinoctial day—and that this is the true sense of the word. But the theory is without probability.
visras Denotes the ‘decay’ of old age, ‘decrepitude,’ ‘senility.’
vīṇā In the later Samhitās and the Brāhmaṇas denotes a ‘lute.’ A Vīṇā-vāda, ‘lute-player,’ is included in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajur­veda, and is also mentioned elsewhere. The Aitareya Áraṇ- yaka, which states that the instrument was once covered with a hairy skin, enumerates its parts as śiras, ‘head ’ (i.e., neck); Udara, ‘cavity’; Ambhaαa, ‘sounding board’; Tantra, ‘string’; and Vādana, ‘ plectrum.’ In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa6 the Uttaramandrā is either a tune or a kind of lute. Cf. Vāṇa.
vṛjana According to Roth, denotes in several passages of the Rigveda the ‘settlement’ or ‘village,’ the German ‘Mark’ and its inhabitants. Zimmer, accepting this view, sees in Vṛjana the ‘secure abode’ (ksiti dhruvā) where the clan lives,4 the clan itself as a village community (like Grāma), and the clan in war. Geldner, on the other hand, takes the literal sense of Vṛjana to be ‘ net,’ developing all the other senses from that idea, but the traditional view seems more natural.
vaitahavya ‘Descendant of Vītahavya,’ is the name of a family who are said in the Atharvaveda to have come to ruin because they devoured a Brahmin’s cow. They are said to be Spñjayas, but as the exact form of the legend here referred to does not occur elsewhere, its authenticity is open to some doubt. According to Zimmer, Vaitahavya is a mere epithet of the Sṛñjayas, but this is not probable in view of the existence of a Vītahavya.
vaipaścita ('Descendant of Vipaścit') Dārdha-jayanti ('descendant of Dr Hιajayanta') Gupta Lauhitya (‘ descendant of Lohita ’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Vaipaácita Dārdhajayanti Drdhajayanta Lauhitya, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa (iii. 42, 1).
vaipaścita (‘Descendant of Vipaścit ’) Dārdhajayanti (‘descendant of Drdhajayanta’) Drdhajayanta Lauhitya (‘descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Vipaścit Drdhajayanta Lauhitya, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.
vaiyāska Is read in one passage of the Rigveda Prātiśākhya, as the name of an authority on the metres of the Rigveda. Roth is clearly right in thinking that Yāska is meant.
vaira Seem to have in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmaṇas the definite and technical sense of ‘wergeld,’ the money to be paid for killing a man as a compensation to his relatives. This view is borne out by the Sūtras of Apa­stamba and Baudhāyana. Both prescribe the scale of 1,000 cows for a Kṣatriya, 100 for a Vaiśya, 10 for a śūdra, and a bull over and above in each case. Apastamba leaves the destination of the payment vague, but Baudhāyana assigns it to the king. It is reasonable to suppose that the cows were intended for the relations, and the bull was a present to the king for his intervention to induce the injured relatives to abandon the demand for the life of the offender. The Apa­stamba Sūtra allows the same scale of wergeld for women, but the Gautama Sūtra puts them on a level with men of the śūdra caste only, except in one special case. The payment is made for the purpose of vaira-yātana or vaira-niryātana, 'requital of enmity,' 'expiation' he Rigveda preserves, also, the important notice that a man’s wergeld was a hundred (cows), for it contains the epithet śata-dāya, ‘one whose wergeld is a hundred/ No doubt the values varied, but in the case of śunaháepa the amount is a hundred (cows) in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. In the Yajurveda Samhitās śata-dāya again appears. The fixing of the price shows that already public opinion, and perhaps the royal authority, was in Rigvedic times diminishing the sphere of private revenge; on the other hand, the existence of the system shows how weak was the criminal authority of the king (cf. Dharma).
vaiśya Denotes a man, not so much of the people, as of the subject class, distinct from the ruling noble (Kṣatriya) and the Brāhmaṇa, the higher strata of the Aryan community on the one side, and from the aboriginal śūdra on the other. The name is first found in the Puruṣa-sūkta (‘ hymn of man ’) in the Rigveda, and then frequently from the Atharvaveda onwards, sometimes in the form of Viśya. The Vaiśya plays singularly little part in Vedic literature, which has much to say of Kṣatriya and Brahmin. His characteristics are admirably summed up in the Aitareya Brāh¬maṇa in the adjectives anyasya bali-krt, ‘tributary to another’; anyasyādya, ‘to be lived upon by another’; and yathakāma- jyeyafr, ‘to be oppressed at will.’ He was unquestionably taxed by the king (Rājan), who no doubt assigned to his retinue the right of support by the people, so that the Kṣatriyas grew more and more to depend on the services rendered to them by the Vaiśyas. But the Vaiśya was not a slave: he could not be killed by the king or anyone else without the slayer incurring risk and the payment of a wergeld (Vaira), which even in the Brahmin books extends to 100 cows for a Vaiśya. Moreover, though the Vaiśya could be expelled by the king at pleasure, he cannot be said to have been without property in his land. Hopkins® thinks it is absurd to suppose that he could really be a landowner when he was subject to removal at will, but this is to ignore the fact that normally the king could not remove the landowner, and that kings were ultimately dependent on the people, as the tales of exiled kings show. On the other hand, Hopkins is clearly right in holding that the Vaiśya was really an agriculturist, and that Vedic society was not merely a landholding aristocracy, superimposed upon an agricultural aboriginal stock, as Baden Powell8 urged. Without ignoring the possibility that the Dravidians were agriculturists, there is no reason to deny that the Aryans were so likewise, and the goad of the plougher was the mark of a Vaiśya in life and in death. It would be absurd to suppose that the Aryan Vaiśyas 'did not engage in industry and com¬merce (cf. Paṇi, Vaṇij), but pastoral pursuits and agriculture must have been their normal occupations. In war the Vaiśyas must have formed the bulk of the force under the Kṣatriya leaders (see Kçatriya). But like the Homeric commoners, the Vaiśyas may well have done little of the serious fighting, being probably ill-provided with either body armour or offensive weapons. That the Vaiśyas were engaged in the intellectual life of the day is unlikely; nor is there any tradition, corresponding to that regarding the Kṣatriyas, of their having taken part in the evolution of the doctrine of Brahman, the great philosophic achievement of the age. The aim of the Vaiśya's ambition was, according to the Taittirīya Samhitā, to become a Grāmariī, or village headman, a post probably conferred by the king on wealthy Vaiśyas, of whom no doubt there were many. It is impossible to say if in Vedic times a Vaiśya could attain to nobility or become a Brahmin. No instance can safely be quoted in support of such a view, though such changes of status may have taken place (see Kṣatriya and Varṇa). It is denied by Fick that the Vaiśyas were ever a caste, and the denial is certainly based on good grounds if it is held that a caste means a body within which marriage is essential, and which follows a hereditary occupation (cf. Varṇa). But it would be wrong to suppose that the term Vaiśya was merely applied by theorists to the people who were not nobles or priests. It must have been an early appellation of a definite class which was separate from the other classes, and properly to be compared with them. Moreover, though there were differences among Vaiśyas, there were equally differences among Kṣatriyas and Brāhmaṇas, and it is impossible to deny the Vaiśyas’ claim to be reckoned a class or caste if the other two are such, though at the present day things are different.
vrātya Is included in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda, where, however, no further explanation of the name is given. Fuller information is furnished by the Atharvaveda, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, and the Sūtras, which describe at length a certain rite intended for the use of Vrātyas. According to the Pañcavimśa Brāh­maṇa, there are four different kinds of ‘outcasts’—viz., the hīna, who are merely described as ‘depressed’; those who have become outcasts for some sin (nindita); those who become out­casts at an early age, apparently by living among outcasts; and those old men who, being impotent (śama-nīcamedhra), have gone to live with outcasts. The last three categories are by no means of the same importance as the first. The motive of the fourth is hard to understand: according to Rājārām Rām- krishṇa Bhāgavat,5 they were men who had enfeebled their constitutions by undue intercourse with women in the lands of the outcasts, and returned home in a debilitated state. But this is not stated in the text. It seems probable that the really important Vrātyas were those referred to as Itlna, and that the other classes were only subsidiary. According to Rāj'ārām,® there were two categories of the first class: (a) The depressed (hīna), who were non- Aryan ; and (6) degraded Aryans (gara-gir). This, however, is a mere guess, and devoid of probability. There seems to have been but one class of Vrātyas. That they were non-Aryan is not probable, for it is expressly said7 that, though unconse¬crated, they spoke the tongue of the consecrated: they were thus apparently Aryans. This view is confirmed by the state-ment that ‘they call what is easy of utterance, difficult to utter’: probable they had already a somewhat Prakritic form of speech (cf. Vāc). The Sūtras mention their Arhants (‘saints’) and Yaudhas (‘warriors’), corresponding to the Brahminical Brāhmana and Kṣatriya. Other particulars accord with the view that they were Aryans outside the sphere of Brahmin culture. Thus they are said not to practise agriculture or commerce (an allusion to a nomadic life), nor to observe the rules of Brahmacarya—i.e., the principle regulating the Brahminic order of life. They were also allowed to become members of the Brahminical community by performance of the ritual prescribed, which would hardly be so natural in the case of non-Aryans. Some details are given of the life and dress of the Vrātyas. Their principles were opposed to those of the Brahmins: they beat those unworthy of correction. Their leader (Gṛhapati) or householder wore a turban (Uçṇīçε), carried a whip (Pratoda), a kind of bow (Jyāhroda), was :lothed in a black (krçnaśa) garment and two skins (Ajina), blxk and white (krsna-valaksa), and owned a rough wagon (Vijatha) covered with planks (phalakāstīrna). The others, subordinate to the leader, had garments with fringes of red (valūkāntāni dāmatūsām), two fringes on each, skins folded double (dvisamhitāny ajinūni), and sandals (Upānah). The leader wore also an ornament (Niçka) of silver, which Rājārām converts into a silver coinage. The Vrātyas, on becoming consecrated, were expected to hand over their goods to the priest. Many other details are given in the Sūtras (e.g., that the shoes or sandals were of variegated black hue and pointed), but these are not authenticated by the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa. The locality in which the Vrāiyas lived cannot be stated with certainty, but their nomad life suggests the western tribes beyond the Sarasvatī. But they may equally well have been in the east: this possibility is so far supported by the fact that the Sūtras make the Brahmin receiving the gift of the Vrātya's outfit an inhabitant of Mag’adha. The Atharvaveda does not help, for it treats the Vrātya in so mystical a way that he is represented as being in all the quarters. Indeed, Roth believed that it was here not a case of the Vrātya of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa at all, but of a glorification of the Vrātya as the type of the pious vagrant or wandering religious mendicant (Parivrājaka). This view is clearly wrong, as the occurrence of the words usnīsa, vipatha, and pratoda shows. It is probable that the 15th Book of the Atharvaveda, which deals with the Vrātya, and is of a mystical character, exalts the converted Vrātya as a type of the perfect Brahmacārin, and, in so far, of the divinity.
śarīra ‘Body,’ is a word of frequent occurrence in Vedic literature. The interest of the Vedic Indians seems early to have been attracted to the consideration of questions connected with the anatomy of the body. Thus a hymn of the Atharva­veda enumerates many parts of the body with some approach to accuracy and orderly arrangement. It mentions the heels (pārsnf), the flesh (māmsa), the ankle-bones (gulphau), the fingers (angulīh), the apertures (kha), the two metatarsi (uchlakau), the tarsus (pratisthā), the two knee-caps (astliī- vantau), the two legs {janghe), the two knee-joints (jānunoh sandhī). Then comes above the two knees (jānū) the four­sided (catuçtaya), pliant (śithira) trunk (kabandha). The two hips (śronī) and the two thighs (ūrū) are the props of the frame (ktisindha). Next come the breast-bone (uras), the cervical cartilages (grīvāh), the two breast pieces (stanau), the two shoulder-blades (/kaphodau), the neck-bones (skandhau), and the backbones (prstīh), the collar-bones (amsau), the arms (bāhu), the seven apertures in the head (sapta khāni śīrsani), the ears (karnau), the nostrils (nāsike), the eyes (caksanī), the mouth (mukha), the jaws (hanū), the tongue (jihvā), the brain (mas- tiska), the forehead (lalāta), the facial bone (kakātikā), the cranium (kapāla), and the structure of the jaws (cityā hanvoh). This system presents marked similarities with the later system of Caraka and Suśruta,4 which render certain the names ascribed to the several terms by Hoernle. Kaphodau, which is variously read in the manuscripts,5 is rendered ‘ collar-bone ’ by Whitney, but ‘ elbow ’ in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Skandha in the plural regularly denotes 'neck-bones,’ or, more precisely, ‘cervical vertebrae,’ a part denoted also by usnihā in the plural. Prsii denotes not * rib,’ which is parśu, but a transverse process of a vertebra, and so the vertebra itself, there being in the truncal portion of the spinal column seventeen vertebrae and thirty-four transverse processes. The vertebrae are also denoted by kīkasā in the plural, which sometimes is limited to the upper portion of the vertebral column, sometimes to the thoracic portion of the spine. Anūka also denotes the vertebral column, or more specially the lumbar or thoracic portion of the spine; it is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa that there are twenty transverse processes in the lumbar spine (udara) and thirty-two in the thoracic, which gives twenty-six vertebrae, the true number (but the modern division is seven cervical, twelve thoracic, five lumbar, and two false—the sacrum and the coccyx). The vertebral column is also denoted by karūkara, which, however, is usually found in the plural denoting the transverse processes of the vertebrae, a sense expressed also by kuntāpa. Grīvā, in the plural, denotes cervical vertebrae, the number seven being given by the Satapatha Brāhmana, but usually the word simply means windpipe, or, more accurately, the cartilaginous rings under the skin. Jatru, also in the plural, denotes the cervical cartilages, or possibly the costal cartilages, which are certainly so called in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, where their number is given as eight. Bhamsas, which occurs thrice in the Atharvaveda, seems to denote the pubic bone or arch rather than the ‘buttocks’ or ‘fundament,’ as Whitney takes it. In the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the number of bones in the the human body is given as 360. The number of the bones of the head and trunk are given in another passage as follows: The head is threefold, consisting of skin (tvac), bone (1asthi), brain (matiska); the neck has 15 bones : 14 transverse processes (karūkara) and the strength (vīrya)—i.e., the bone of the centre regarded as one—as the 15th ; the breast has 17: 16 cervical cartilages (Jatru), and the sternum (uras) as the 17th ; the abdominal portion of the spine has 21 : 20 transverse processes (kimtāpa), and the abdominal portion (udara) as the 21st; the two sides have 27: 26 ribs (parśu), and the two sides as the 27th; the thoracic portion of the spine (anūka) has 33: 32 transverse processes, and the thoracic portion as 33rd. There are several enumerations of the parts of the body, not merely of the skeleton, in the Yajurveda Samhitās. They include the hair (lomāni), skin (tvac), flesh (māinsá), bone (1asthi), marrow (majjan), liver (yakrt), lungs (kloman), kidneys (matasne), gall (pitta), entrails (āntrāni), bowels (gudāh), spleen (ptīhan), navel (nābht), belly (udara), rectum (vanisthu), womb (yoni), penis (plāśi and śepa), face (mukha), head (śiras), tongue (jihvā), mouth (āsan), rump (pāyu), leech (vāla), eye (caksus), eyelashes (paksmāni), eyebrows (utāni), nose (was), breath (iiyāna), nose-hairs (nasyāni), ears (karnau), brows (bhrū), body or trunk (ātman), waist (upastha), hair on the face (śmaśrūni), and on the head (keśāh). Another enumeration gives śiras, mukha, keśāh, śmaśrūni, prāna (breath), caksus, śrotra (ear), jihvā, vāc (speech), manas (mind), arigulik, añgāni (limbs), bāhū, hastau (hands), karnau, ātmā, uras (sternum), prstllj, (vertebrae), udara, amsau, grīvāh, śronī, ūrū, aratnī (elbows), jānūni, nūbhi, pāyu, bhasat (fundament), āndau (testicles), pasas (membrum virile), jañghā, pad (foot), lomāni, tvac, māmsa, asthi, majjan. Another set of names includes vanisthu, purītat (pericardium), lomāni, tvac, lohita (blood), medas (fat), māmsāni, snāvāni (sinews), asthīni, majjānah, ret as (semen), pāyu, kośya (flesh near the heart), pārśvya (intercostal flesh), etc. The bones of the skeleton of the horse are enumerated in the Yajurveda Samhitās. In the Aitareya Araṇyaka the human body is regarded as made up of one hundred and one items ; there are four parts, each of twenty-five members, with the trunk as one hundred and first. In the two upper parts there are five four-jointed fingers, two kakçasī (of uncertain meaning), the arm (dos), the collar-bone (akça), and the shoulder-blade (artisa-phalaka). In the two lower portions there are five four-jointed toes, the thigh, the leg, and three articulations, according to Sāyaṇa’s commentary. The śānkhāyana Araṇyaka enumerates three bones in the head, three joints (parvāni) in the neck, the collar-bone {akṣa), three joints in the fingers, and twenty-one transverse processes in the spine (anūka).sg The Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā enumerates four constituents in the head {prāna, caksns, śrotra, vāc), but there are many variations, the number going up to twelve on one calculation. In the Taittirīya Upaniṣad an enumeration is given consisting of carma (skin), māinsa, snāvan, asthi, and majjan; the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has lomāni, mānμa, tvac, asthi, majjan, and the Aitareya Araṇyaka couples majjānah, snāvāni, and asthīni. Other terms relating to the body are kañkūsa, perhaps a part of the ear, yoni (female organ), kaksa (armpit), Danta (tooth), nakha (nail), prapada (forepart of the foot), hallks'tia (gall).
śāñkhāyana As the name of a teacher is not mentioned in the Kausītaki Brāhmaṇa, but it occurs in the Vaipśa (list of teachers) at the end of the śāñkhāyana Araṇyaka, where Gunākhya is given as the authority for that work. In the śrauta Sūtras the name of śāñkhāyana never occurs, but the Gṛhya Sūtras seem to recognize as a teacher Suyajña śāñkhā¬yana. In later times the school flourished in Northern Gujarat, śāñkhāyana appears in the Taittirīya Prātiśākhya along with Kāṇdamāyana.
śāṇḍa ‘Descendant of śaṇda,’ is the name of a man in the Rigveda who is praised for his generosity. It is not likely that he is identical with Purupanthā mentioned in the next verse.
śāṇḍilya ‘Descendant of śaṇdila,’ is the patronymic of several teachers (see Udara and Suyajña). The most important śāṇdilya is the one cited several times as an authority in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, where his Agni, or ‘sacrificial fire,’ is called śaṇdila. From this it appears clearly that he was one of the great teachers of the fire ritual which occupies the fifth and following books of the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. In the Vamśa (list of teachers) at the end of the tenth book he is given as a pupil of Kuśri and a teacher of Vātsya ; another list at the end of the last book in the Kāṇva recension gives him as a pupil of Vātsya, and the latter as a pupil of Kuśri. In the confused and worthless lists of teachers at the end of the second and fourth books of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad he is said to be the pupil of various persons—Kaiśorya Kāpya, Vaiṣtapureya, Kauśika, Gautama, Bayavāpa, and Ánabhimlāta. No doubt different śāndilyas may be meant, but the lists are too confused to claim serious consideration.
śiva As the name of a people occurs once in the Rigveda, where they share with the Alinas, Pakthas, Bhalanases, and Viṣāiúns the honour of being defeated by Sudās, not of being, as Roth thought, his allies. There can hardly be any doubt of their identity with the Χίβαι3 or Sιβoi4 of the Greeks, who dwelt between the Indus^nd the Akesines (Asiknī) in Alexander’s time. The village of śiva-pura, mentioned by the scholiast on Pānini6 as situated in the northern country, may also preserve the name. Cf. śibi.
śiśnadeva Occurring twice in the Rigveda in the plural, means ‘those who have the phallus for a deity.’ The term most probably refers to the phallus worship of the aborigines.
śūdra Is the designation of the fourth caste in the Vedic state (see Varṇa). It is quite unknown in the Rigveda except in the Purusasūkta (‘hymn of man’) in the tenth Maṇdala, where in the earliest version of the origin of the castes the śūdra for the first time appears. The Rigveda, on the other hand, knows Dasyu and Dāsa, both as aborigines independent of Aryan control and as subjugated slaves: it is reasonable to reckon the śūdra of the later texts as belonging to the aborigines who had been reduced to subjection by the Aryans. Strictly speaking, the defeated aborigines must have been regarded as slaves, but it is obvious that, except on occasions when most of the men were slain, which may have occurred quite often, there must have remained too many of them to be used as slaves of individual owners. The villages of the aborigines must have continued to subsist, but under Aryan lordship and control: there may be this amount of truth in Baden Powell’s theory, which practically traced all the early cultivating villages in India to Dravidian origin. On the other hand, the term śūdra would also cover the wild hill tribes which lived by hunting and fishing, and many of which would acknowledge the superiority of their Aryan neighbours: it could, in fact, be applied to all beyond the pale of the Aryan state. This view of the śūdra suits adequately the Vedic references to his condition, which would not apply adequately to domestic slaves only. The śūdra is continually opposed to the Aryan, and the colour of the śūdra is compared with that of the Aryan, just as his ways are so contrasted. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, in its account of the castes, declares that the śūdra is anyasya presya, ‘the servant of another’; kāmotthāpya, ‘to be expelled at will’; andyathākāmaυadhya, ‘to be slain at will.’ All these terms well enough describe the position of the serf as the result of a conquest: the epithets might have been applied to the English serf after the Norman Conquest with but slight inaccuracy, especially if his master had received a grant of jurisdiction from the Crown. The Pañcavimśa Brāh- mapa explains that even if prosperous (bahu-paśu, having many cows’) a śūdra could not be other than a servant: his business was pādāvanejya, ‘ the washing of the feet ’ of his superiors. The Mahābhārata says out and out that a śūdra has no property (a hi svam asti śūdrasya, ‘ the śūdra has nothing he can call his own’). On the other hand, just as in England the royal justice would protect the serf in life and limb,8 so it appears that the slaying of a śūdra involved a wergeld of ten cows according to both Baudhāyana and Ápastamba. It may, indeed, be held that this wergeld was only due in case of murder by another than the master, but such limitation is nowhere stated. In sacred matters the distinction between Aryan and śūdra was, of course, specially marked. The texts do not hesitate to declare that the upper castes were ‘all,’ ignoring the śūdras; the śūdra is prohibited from milking the cow for the milk required at the Agnihotra (‘oblation to Agni ’); and the śatapatha Brāhmana forbids a man who has been consecrated (1dlksita) for a sacrifice to speak to a śūdra at all for the time, though the śāṭyāyanaka seems to have relaxed this rule by confining it to cases in which the śūdra was guilty of some sin. At the sacrifice itself the śūdra could not be present in the śālā, ‘hall’; he is definitely classed in the śatapatha Brāh¬mana and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana10 as unfit for ‘ sacrifice ’ (ayajñtya); and declared in the Kāçhaka Samhitā not to be admitted to drink Soma. At the Pravargya (introductory Soma) rite the performer is not allowed to come in contact with a śūdra, who here, as in the Kāthaka Samhitā,17 is reckoned as excluded from a share in the Soma-draught. On the other hand, the śūdra is one of the victims at the Puruṣa- medha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Yaj’urveda, and a fight between an Aryan and a śūdra, in which, of course, the former wins, forms a part of the Mahāvrata rite, being perhaps a precursor of the Indian drama. Other indications, however, exist, showing that it would be undesirable to ignore the real importance of the śūdra, which again reminds us of the condition of the serf, who, though legally restrained, still gradually won his way to the rank of a free man. Rich śūdras are mentioned in the early texts, just as śūdra gahapatis, ‘householders,’ occur in the Buddhist texts, and śūdra kings in the legal literature. Sin against śūdra and Aryan is mentioned; prayers for glory on behalf of śūdras, as well as of the other castes occur; and the desire to be dear to śūdra as well as to Aryan is expressed. The Sūtras also, while they emphasize as general rules points earlier not insisted on, such as their inferiority in sitting, etc., their exclusion from the study of the Vedas, the danger of contact with them or their food, still recognize that śūdras can be merchants, or even exercise any trade.Moreover, the Sūtras permit the marriage of a śūdrā woman with members of all castes. Though it was a reproach to Vatsa and to Kavaṣa that they were the sons of a śūdrā and a Dāsī respectively, still the possibility of such a reproach shows that marriages of this kind did take place. Moreover, illicit unions of Arya and śūdrā, or śūdra and Aryā, are referred to in the Samhitās of the Yajurveda. The origin of the term śūdra is quite obscure, but Zimmer points out that Ptolemy mentions tvBpoi as a people, and he thinks that the Brāhui may be meant. Without laying any stress on this identification, it is reasonable to accept the view that the term was originally the name of a large tribe opposed to the Aryan invasion. See also Niṣāda.
śūṣa vārṣṇa (‘Descendant of Vṛṣnr) is mentioned in the - Taittirīya Brāhmaṇaas having been honoured by }\ jl ^ J- a consecration with Aditya.
śaunaka ‘Descendant of śunaka,’ is a common patronymic. It is applied to Indrota and Svaidāyana. A śaunaka appears as a teacher of Rauhiṇāyána in the Brhadāranyaka Upaniṣad. A śaunaka-yajña, or śaunaka sacrifice, occurs in the Kausītaki Brāhmana. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad Atidhanvan śaunaka appears as a teacher. That Upaniṣad and the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmana mention a śaunaka Kāpeya who was a contemporary of Abhipratārin Kakçaseni, whose Purohita śaunaka was according to another passage of the latter Upaniṣad. In the Sūtras, the Bṛhaddevatā, etc., a śaunaka appears as a great authority on grammatical, ritual, and other matters.
śyāma (‘Swarthy’) with Ayas (‘metal’) in all probability denotes ‘ iron ’ in the Atharvaveda. śyāma alone has the same sense in the Atharvaveda and later.
śyāmajayanta lauhitya (‘Descendant of Lohita’) is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Jayanta Pārāśarya, in a Vamśa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa. Another man of the same name occurs in the same place as a pupil of Mitpabhūti Lauhitya.
śrī Is the regular word for ‘prosperity,’ found once in the Rigveda and often later. Śreṣṭhln.
śrutarvan árkṣa (‘Descendant of Rkṣa’) is the name of a prince whose liberality is celebrated in one hymn of the Rig­veda, and whose victory over Mpg’aya is mentioned in another.
śvetaketu áruṇeya (‘Descendant of Aruṇa’) or Auddālaki (‘son of Uddālaka’) is mentioned repeatedly in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. In the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad he appears as śvetaketu, son of Áruṇi, and as a Gautama. In the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa he is quoted as an authority on the vexed question of the duty of the Sadasya, or the seventeenth priest, at the ritual of the Kauṣītakins, to notify errors in the sacrifice; Áruṇi, his father, is also cited. He was a person of some originality, for he insisted on eating honey despite the general prohibition of the use of that delicacy by Brahmacārins or religious students. He was a contemporary of, and was instructed by the Pañcāla king Pravāhaṇa Jaivala. He was also a contemporary of Janaka, of Videha, and figured among the Brahmin disputants at his court. A story is told of him in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra:[6] Jala Jātūkarṇyā was lucky enough to become the Purohita of three peoples or kings, of Kāśi, Kosala, and Videha. Seeing this, śvetaketu felt annoyed and reproached his father with his excessive devotion to sacrifice, which merely enriched and glorified others, not himself. His father replied, forbidding him to speak thus: he had learned the true method of sacrificing, and his ambition in life had been to discuss it with every Brahmin. All the references to śvetaketu belong to the latest period of Vedic literature. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Ápa- stamba Dharma Sūtra should refer to him as an Avara, or person of later days, who still became a Rṣi by special merit. His date, however, must not be fixed too low, because the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa in which he plays so marked a part is certainly earlier than Pāṇini, and was apparently even in that grammarian’s time believed to be an ancient work; hence 500 B.c. is probably rather too late than too early a period for śvetaketu as a rough approximation to a date.
saṃvatsara ‘Year,’ is repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda onwards. Its duration was, according to the concurrent evidence of the Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, 360 days, divided into months, being, no doubt, roughly a lunar synodic year, which, however, it exceeded in length by days. As a solar year it appears only in the Nidāna Sūtra of the Sāmaveda, where the sun is stated to spend days in each of the Nakṣatras. The year being obviously out of harmony with the solar year (whether sidereal or tropical), efforts were certainly made to effect an assimilation of the natural and the accepted year. As has been seen (see Māsa), the evidence goes strongly to show that the intercalation was not an easy matter in the Brāh¬maṇa period, though there are traces of what may be re¬garded as a five-yearly or six-yearly intercalation. But there is no conclusive evidence that these periods were really observed. Zimmer,4 indeed, considers that the evidence required is afforded by the lists of the years, which are sometimes enumerated as five : Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvatsara, Idvatsara, and Vatsara ;δ or Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvat- sara, Iduvatsara, Vatsara;® or Samvatsara, Idāvatsara, Iduvat- sara, Idvatsara, Vatsara;7 or Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvat- sara, Anuvatsara, Udvatsara;8 or Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvatsara, Anuvatsara, Idvatsara.9 But it must be noted not merely that the names vary considerably, but that four only are mentioned in some places,10 in others11 three, in others12 two, and in yet others13 six. Moreover, in none of these enumera¬tions is there any reference to the names being connected with a system of intercalation. It is most probable that here we have no more that a mere series of priestly variations of Vatsara, based on the older and more genuine Saipvatsara and Parivatsara as variants of the simple Vatsara, ‘year.’ The key to the invention of the series is probably to be found in passages like that of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, where the several Cāturmāsya ( four-monthly ’) sacrifices are equated with the different years. Particularly unjustifiable is the attempt of Zimmer to see in the two-year series a series of two years of 354 days each, with an intercalary month in the second; for the year of 354 days, as such, is not known to have existed before the Sūtra period. Zimmer ® also finds an attempt at intercalation in the famous 12 days in which the Rbhus are said to have slept in the house of Agohya. He thinks that they represent twelve days added at the winter solstice to equate the lunar year of 354 days and the solar year of 366 days ; and from the rever¬ence paid in German antiquity to the ‘ 12 nights,’ he infers that this mode of intercalation is Indo-Germanic. There can be little doubt that this view is wrong, and that the 12 days are merely the ' reflexion of the year ’ (samvatsarasya pratima) in the sense that they represent the twelve months, and have no relation to chronology at all. A reference to the use of Samvatsara alone as the fifth year of the cycle is seen by Shamasastry in the peculiar dating of certain notices in the Baudhāyana śrauta Sūtra, but this view is improbable.
satyakāma (‘Lover of truth’) Jābāla ('descendant of Jabālā') is the name of a teacher, the son of a slave girl by an unknown father. He wás initiated as a Brahmacārin, or religious student, by Gautama Hāridrumata according to the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. He is often cited as an authority in that Upaniṣad and in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, where he learns a certain doctrine from Jānaki Áyasthūṇa. He is also mentioned in the Aitareya and the Satapatha Brāhmaṇas.
sabhā Is the name of an ‘ assembly ’ of the Vedic Indians as well as of the ‘hall’ where they met in assembly. It is often mentioned in the Rigveda and later, but its exact character is not certain. The hall was clearly used for dicing presumably when the assembly was not transacting public business: a dicer is called sabhā-sthānu, ‘pillar of the assembly hall,’ doubt­less because of his constant presence there. The hall also served, like the Homeric Xecrχη, as a meeting-place for social intercourse and general conversation about cows and so forth, possibly for debates and verbal contests. According to Ludwig, the Sabhā was an assembly not of all the people, but of the Brahmins and Maghavans (‘ rich patrons ’). This view can be supported by the expressions sabheya, ‘ worthy of the assembly,’ applied to a Brahmin,8 rayih sabhāvātt, ‘wealth fitting for the assembly,’ and so on. But Bloomfield plausibly sees in these passages a domestic use of Sabhā, which is recognized by the St. Petersburg Dictionary in several passages11 as relating to a house, not to the assembly at all. Zimmer is satisfied that the Sabhā was the meeting- place of the village council, presided over by the Grāmaṇī. But of this there is no trace whatever. Hillebrandt seems right in maintaining that the Sabhā and the Sāmiti cannot be distinguished, and that the reference to well-born (su-jāta) men being there in session is to the Aryan as opposed to the Dāsa or Sūdra, not to one class of Aryan as opposed to the other. Hillebrandt also sees in Agni ‘ of the hall ’ (sabhya) a trace of the fire used in sacrifice on behalf of the assembly when it met. Women did not go to the Sabhā, for they were, of course, excluded from political activity. For the Sabhā as a courthouse, cf. Grāmyavādin. There is not a single notice of the work done by the Sabhā.
samana Is a word of somewhat doubtful sense in the Rig­veda. Roth renders it either * battle’ or ‘festival.' Pischel thinks that it was a general popular festivity to which women went to enjoy themselves, poets to win fame, bowmen to gain prizes at archery, horses to run races; and which lasted until morning or until a conflagration, caused by the fires kept burning all night, scattered the celebrators. Young women, elderly women, sought there to find a husband, and courtezans to make profit of the occasion.
samiti Denotes an ‘assembly’ of the Vedic tribe. It is alreadv mentioned in the Rigveda, and often later, sometimes in connexion with Sabhā. Ludwig considers that the Samiti included all the people, primarily the viśafy, 'subjects,' but also the Mag’havans and Brahmins if they desired, though the Sabhā was their special assembly. This view is not probable, nor is that of Zimmer, that the Sabhā was the village assembly. Hillebrandt appears to be right in holding that Samiti and Sabhā are much the same, the one being the assembly, the other primarily the place of assembly. The king went to the assembly just as he went to the Sabhā. That he was elected there, as Zimmer thinks, is as uncertain as whether he was elected at all (see Rājan). But there are clear signs that concord between king and assembly were essential for his prosperity. It is reasonable to assume that the business of the assembly was general deliberation on policy of all kinds, legislation so far as the Vedic Indian cared to legislate, and judicial work (cf. Sabhāsad). But of all these occupations there is, perhaps as a result of the nature of the texts, little or no evidence directly available.The gods had a Samiti, hence called daivī, ‘divine,’ just as they had a Sabhā. The assembly disappears as an effective part of government in the Buddhist texts, the Epic, and the law-books.
samrāj In the Rigveda and later means ‘superior ruler,’ 'sovereign,' as expressing a greater degree of power than king ’ (Rājan). In the śatapatha Brāhmana, in accordance with its curious theory of the Vājapeya and Rājasūya, the Samrāj is asserted to be a higher authority than a king, and to have become one by the sacrifice of the Vājapeya. There is, however, no trace of the use of the word as ‘ emperor ’ in the sense of an 'overlord of kings,' probably because political conditions furnished no example of such a status, as for instance was attained in the third century B.C. by Aśoka. At the same time Samrāj denotes an important king like Janaka of Videha. It is applied in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa as the title of the eastern kings. Cf Rājya.
sarasvatī Is the name of a river frequently mentioned in the Rigveda and later. In many passages of the later texts it is certain the river meant is the modern Sarasvatī, which loses itself in the sands of Patiala (see Vinaśana). Even Roth admits that this river is intended in some passages of the Rigveda. With the Drṣadvatī it formed the western boundary of Brahmāvarta (see Madhyadeśa). It is the holy stream of early Vedic India. The Sūtras mention sacrifices held on its banks as of great importance and sanctity. In many other passages of the Rigveda, and even later, Roth held that another river, the Sindhu (Indus), was really meant: only thus could it be explained why the Sarasvatī is called the ‘foremost of rivers’ (nadītamā), is said to go to the ocean, and is referred to as a large river, on the banks of which many kings, and, indeed, the five tribes, were located. This view is accepted by Zimmer and others. On the other hand, Lassen and Max Muller maintain the identity of the Vedic Sarasvatī with the later Sarasvatī. The latter is of opinion that in Vedic times the Sarasvatī was as large a stream as the Sutlej, and that it actually reached the sea either after union with the Indus or not, being the 'iron citadel,’ as the last boundary on the west, a frontier of the Panjab against the rest of India. There is no conclusive evidence of there having been any great change in the size or course of the Sarasvatī, though it would be impossible to deny that the river may easily have diminished in size. But there are strong reasons to accept the identification of the later and the earlier Sarasvatī throughout. The insistence on the divine character of the river is seen in the very hymn which refers to it as the support of the five tribes, and corresponds well with its later sacredness. Moreover, that hymn alludes to the Pārāvatas, a people shown by the later evidence of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa to have been in the east, a very long way from their original home, if Sarasvatī means the Indus. Again, the Pūrus, who were settled on the Sarasvatī, could with great difficulty be located in the far west. Moreover, the five tribes might easily be held to be on the Sarasvatī, when they were, as they seem to have been, the western neighbours of the Bharatas in Kurukçetra, and the Sarasvatī could easily be regarded as the boundary of the Panjab in that sense. Again, the ‘seven rivers’ in one passage clearly designate a district: it is most probable that they are not the five rivers with the Indus and the Kubhā (Cabul river), but the five rivers, the Indus and the Sarasvatī. Nor is it difficult to see why the river is said to flow to the sea: either the Vedic poet had never followed the course of the river to its end, or the river did actually penetrate the desert either completely or for a long distance, and only in the Brāhmaṇa period was its disappear ance in the desert found out. It is said, indeed, in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā21 that the five rivers go to the Sarasvatī, but this passage is not only late (as the use of the word Deśa shows), but it does not say that the five rivers meant are those of the Panjab. Moreover, the passage has neither a parallel in the other Samhitās, nor can it possibly be regarded as an early production; if it is late it must refer to the later Sarasvatī. Hillebrandt,22 on the whole, adopts this view of the Saras¬vatī,23 but he also sees in it, besides the designation of a mythical stream, the later Vaitaraṇī,24 as well as the name of the Arghandab in Arachosia.25 This opinion depends essentially on his theory that the sixth Mandala of the Rigveda places the scene of its action in Iranian lands, as opposed to the seventh Maṇdala: it is as untenable as that theory itself. Brunn-hofer at one time accepted the Iranian identification, but later decided for the Oxus, which is quite out of the question. See also Plakṣa Prāsravaṇa.
sinīvālī Denotes the day of new moon and its presiding spirit, which, in accordance with widespread ideas concerning the connexion of the moon and vegetation, is one of fertility and growth. It occurs very frequently from the Rigveda onwards.
sudās Is the name of the Tṛtsu king who won a famous victory over the ten kings, as described in a hymn of the Rigveda. At one time Viśvāmitra was his Purohita, and accompanied him in his victorious raids over the Vipāś (Beās) and śutudrī (Sutlej). The Aśvins gave him a queen, Sudevī, and also helped him on another occasion. He appears with Trasadasyu in a late hymn without hint of rivalry, but elsewhere he seems to be referred to as defeated by Pupukutsa, Trasadasyu’s father. In the Aitareya Brāhmana he is recognized as a great king, with Vasiṣha as his Puro­hita, and similarly in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra, where his generosity to his priest is related. His exact ancestry is a little uncertain, because he is called Paijavana, ‘son of Pijavana,’ as Yāska explains the patro¬nymic. If this explanation is correct, Divodāsa must have been his grandfather. If he was the son of Divodāsa, Pijavana must be understood as a more remote ancestor. The former alternative seems the more probable. Cf. Turvaśa, Dāśarājña. Paijavana, Bharata, Saudāsa.
sudeva kāśyapa (‘Descendant of Kaśyapa’) is the name of a teacher in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka who set forth the expiation for lack of chastity.
supitrya A word occurring once in the Rigveda, is prob­ably an adjective (‘maintaining his paternal character well’). Ludwig, however, regards it, but without any great prob­ability, as a proper name.
soma Was the famous plant which was used for the prepara­tion of the libation of Soma made at the Vedic sacrifice. Its importance is sufficiently shown by the fact that the whole of the ninth Maṇdala of the Rigveda, and six hymns in other Maṇdalas, are devoted to its praise. Nevertheless, little is actually known of the plant. Its twigs or shoots are described as brown (babhru), ruddy (aruna), or tawny (hari).s Possibly its twigs hang down if the epithet Naicāśākha refers to the plant as Hillebrandt thinks. The shoot is called amśu, while the plant as a whole is called andhas, which also denotes the juice. Parvan is the stem. Kξip, ‘finger,’ is used as a designation of the shoots, which may therefore have resembled fingers in shape; vaksanā and vāna also seem to have the sense of the shoot. There is some slight evidence to suggest that the stem was not round, but angular. The plant grew on the mountains, that of Mūjavant being specially renowned. These notices are inadequate to identify the plant. It has been held to be the Sarcostemma viminalc or the Asclepias acida (Sarcostemma brevistigma). Roth held that the Sarcostemma acidiim more nearly met the requirements of the case. Watt suggested the Afghan grape as the real Soma, and Rice thought a sugar-cane might be meant, while Max Mūller and Rājendralāla Mitra suggested that the juice was used as an ingredient in a kind of beer—i.e., that the Soma plant was a species of hop. Hillebrandt considers that neither hops nor the grape can explain the references to Soma. It is very probable that the plant cannot now be identified. In the Yajurveda the plant is purchased ere it is pressed. Hillebrandt considers that the sale must be assumed for the Rigveda. It grew on a mountain, and could not be obtained by ordinary people: perhaps some special tribe or prince owned it, like the Kīkatas. As it stands, the ritual performance is clearly an acquisition of the Soma from the Gandharvas (represented by a śūdra), a ritual imitation of the action which may have been one of the sources of the drama. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining the real plant from a great distance, several substitutes were allowed in the Brāhmaṇa period. The plant was prepared for use by being pounded with stones or in a mortar. The former was the normal method of pro¬cedure, appearing in the Rigveda as the usual one. The stones are called grāvan or αdn, and were, of course, held in the hands. The plant was laid on boards one beside the other (Adhiṣavana), and, according at least to the later ritual, a hole was dug below, so that the pounding of the plant by means of the stones resulted in a loud noise, doubtless a prophylactic against demoniac influences. The plant was placed on a skin and on the Vedi—-which was no longer done in the later ritual—Dhiṣaṇā in some passages denoting the Vedi. Sometimes the mortar and pestle were used in place of the stones. This use, though Iranian, was apparently not common in Vedic times. Camū denotes the vessel used for the offering to the god, Kalaśa and Camasa those used for the priests to drink from. Sometimes the Camū denotes the mortar and pestle. Perhaps the vessel was so called because of its mortar-like shape. The skin on which the shoots were placed was called Tvac, or twice go (‘cow-hide). Kośa, Sadhastha, Dru, Vana, Droṇa, are all terms used for Soma vessels, while Sruva denotes the ladle.’ Apparently the plant was sometimes steeped in water to increase its yield of juice. It is not possible to describe exactly the details of the process of pressing the Soma as practised in the Rigveda. It was certainly purified by being pressed through a sieve (Pavitra). The Soma was then used unmixed (βukra, śuci) for Indra and Vāyu, but the Kanvas seem to have dropped this usage. The juice is described as brown (babhru)," tawny (hart), or ruddy (aruna), and as having a fragrant smell, at least as a rule. Soma was mixed with milk (Gavāśir), curd or sour milk (Dadhyāśir), or grain (Yavāśir). The admixtures are alluded to with various figurative expressions, as Atka, ‘ armour ’j Vastra or Vāsas, 'garment'; Abhiśrī, 'admixturerūpa, ‘beautyJ; śrl, ‘splendour’; rasa, ‘flavour’; prayas, ‘ dainty ’; and perhaps nabhas, ‘ fragrance.’ The adjective tīvra denotes the ‘ pungent ’ flavour of Soma when so mixed. The Soma shoots, after the juice has been pressed out, are denoted by rjīsa, ‘residue.’ It seems probable that in some cases honey was mixed with Soma: perhaps the kośa madhti-ścut, ' the pail distilling sweetness,’ was used for the mixing. It seems doubtful if Surā was ever so mixed. There were three pressings a day of Soma, as opposed to the two of the Avesta. The evening pressing was specially connected with the Rbhus, the midday with Indra, the morning with Agni, but the ritual shows that many other gods also had their share. The drinker of Soma and the nondrinker are sharply discriminated in the texts. Localities where Soma was consumed were Árjīka, Pastyāvant, śaryaṇāvant, Suṣomā, the territory of the Pañcajanāh or ‘five peoples,’ and so on. The effects of Soma in exhilarating and exciting the drinkers are often alluded to. It is difficult to decide if Soma was ever a popular, as opposed to a hieratic drink. The evidence for its actual popularity is very slight, and not decisive.
strī Is the ordinary word in poetry and prose for 'woman,' without special reference to her as a wife or as a maiden. Nārī has the same sense, but disappears in later prose, while Gnā refers only to the wives of the gods, and Yoçit, with its cognate words, denotes the young woman as ripe for marriage. In the Rigveda Strī stands opposed to Pumāms, ‘ man,’ and once to vrsan, ‘ male person not until the Atharvaveda does it mean ‘ wife ’ as opposed to Pati, ‘ husband,’ and even in the Sūtras it is sharply opposed to Jāyā. In Vedic India by far the greater part of a woman’s life was taken up in her marriage and marital relations (see Pati and Mātj?). There is no trace in the Rigveda of the seclusion of women, which was practically complete in all but the earliest Epic: the maiden may be assumed to have grown up in her father’s house, enjoying free intercourse with the youth of the village, and sharing in the work of the house. Educa¬tion was not denied to them, at any rate in certain cases, for we hear in the Upaniṣads of women who could take no unimportant part in disputations on philosophical topics. Moreover, women were taught to dance and sing, which were unmanly accomplishments. Of the exact legal position of daughters the notices are few and meagre. The Rigveda, however, shows that in the place of a father the brother was looked to for aid, and that brother- less maidens were apt to be ruined, though religious terrors were believed to await the man who took advantage of their defencelessness. Moreover, women could not take an inheritance, and were not independent persons in the eyes of the law, whether married or not. Presumably before marriage they lived on their parents or brothers, and after that on their husbands, while in the event of their husbands predeceasing them, their relatives took the property, burdened with the necessity of maintaining the wife. Their earnings would be appropriated by their nearest relative—usually father or brother —in the few cases in which unmarried women could earn anything, as in the case of courtezans.
sthapati Is the name of a royal official mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and often later. Revottaras Cākra was the Sthapati of the exiled Duçtarītu Paumsāyana, a king of the Sp\jayas, and succeeded in restoring him to his royal dignity.8 The exact sense of the term is not certain: ‘governor’ is possible, but perhaps ‘chief judge’ is more likely; as in the case of the early English judges, his functions may have been both executive and judicial. He is inferior in position to the king’s brother.
sthūri Has in the Rigveda and later the sense of drawn by one animal ’ instead of the usual two (see Ratha), and always with an implication of inferiority.
harmya Denotes the Vedic ‘house’ as a unity including the stabling and so forth, and surrounded by a fence or wall of some sort. It is several times referred to in the Rigveda and later. Cf. Gpha.
hastin ‘Having a hand,’ with Mrga, ‘beast,’ denotes in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda the ‘elephant.’ Later the adj'ective alone comes to mean ‘elephant.’ The animal was famed for its strength as well as its virility. It is mentioned with man and monkey as one of the beasts that take hold by the hand (hastādāna), as opposed to those that take hold by the mouth (mukhādāna). It was tamed, as the expression Hastipa,* elephant-keeper,’ shows, and tame elephants were used to catch others (see Vāraṇa). But there is no trace of its use in war, though Ktesias and Megasthenes both record such use for their times. The Atharvaveda alludes to its being pestered by mosquitoes.
       Bloomfield Vedic
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351 results
     
ity ajināḥ TB.3.9.14.4; Apś.20.6.14.
ity adadāḥ (śB. -dāt) śB.13.1.5.6; 4.2.8,11,14; TB.3.9.14.3; Apś.20.6.5; Mś.9.2.2.7.
ity apacaḥ (Mś. -cathāḥ) TB.3.9.14.3; Apś.20.6.5; Mś.9.2.2.7.
ity amuṃ saṃgrāmam ahan (Mś. ajayathāḥ; śB. ajayat) śś.13.1.5.6; 4.3.5; TB.3.9.14.4; Apś.20.6.14; Mś.9.2.2.7.
ity ayajathāḥ (śB. ayajata) śB.13.1.5.6; 4.2.8,11,14; TB.3.9.14.3; Apś.20.6.5; Mś.9.2.2.7.
ity ayaṃ brahmaṇo dūtaḥ (ApMB. brahmaṇas putraḥ) HG.2.3.7b; ApMB.2.13.12b.
ity ayudhyathāḥ (śB. -yata) śB.13.1.5.6; 4.3.5; TB.3.9.14.4; Apś.20.6.14; Mś.9.2.2.7.
ity avocan daśatayasya naṃśe RV.1.122.12b.
ity āhur brāhmaṇīḥ prajāḥ ApMB.2.11.13b; HG.2.1.3b. See imā mānuṣīḥ.
ity etāṃ vyāhṛtiṃ japan GB.1.5.24d.
ityā ca me gatiś ca me (VS. me yajñena kalpantām) VS.18.15; MS.2.11.5: 142.10; KS.18.10. See itiś.
ityahe kraye śB.9.5.1.8.
ityahe sutyām āgacha maghavan ṣB.1.1.25. P: ityahe sutyām śB.3.3.4.19.
ityāṃ te mayi dadhe KBU.2.15.
ityāṃ me tvayi dadhāni KBU.2.15.
acityā citim ā pṛṇa # TB.3.10.4.2.
athāditya vrate vayaṃ tava # ArS.1.4c; SMB.1.7.10c. See athā (and adhā) vayam āditya.
adityā ahaṃ devayajyayā pratiṣṭhāṃ gameyam # KS.5.1; 32.1.
adityā ahaṃ devayajyayā pra prajayā ca paśubhiś ca janiṣīya # Apś.4.10.1. Cf. devānāṃ patnīnām.
adityā uṣṇīṣam asi # MS.4.9.7: 127.8; TA.4.8.2; 5.7.2; KA.2.119; Apś.15.9.5; Mś.4.3.5. Cf. adityai (adityā) rāsnāsi and indrāṇyā uṣṇī-.
adityāḥ (VS. adityai) pañcamī # VS.25.4; MS.3.15.4: 178.12.
adityāḥ (VSṭS.KSA. adityai) pājasyam # VS.25.8; TS.5.7.16.1; MS.3.15.7: 179.11; KSA.13.6.
adityāḥ putraṃ nāthakāma upa yāmi bhītaḥ # AVś.13.2.37b.
adityāḥ putrā ādityāḥ # AVP.11.2.3c.
adityā dvādaśī # KSA.13.12. See adityai etc.
adityā (VS. adityai) bhasat # VS.25.8; MS.3.15.7: 179.11.
adityā (VSṭS.śB. adityai; VSK. aditer) bhāgo 'si # VS.14.25; VSK.15.8.4; TS.4.3.9.1; 5.3.4.3; MS.2.8.5: 109.13; KS.17.4; 21.1; śB.8.4.2.9; Mś.6.2.1.24.
adityā yat tanvaḥ saṃbabhūva # AVś.3.22.1b; AVP.3.18.1b.
adityā rāsnāsi # see adityai etc.
adityā va upasthe sādayāmi # MS.1.1.5: 3.7; 4.1.5: 7.13; Mś.1.2.1.42. See under adityās tvopasthe etc.
adityās tvag asi # VS.1.14,19; 4.30; TS.1.1.5.1; 6.1; MS.1.1.6: 3.11 (bis); 1.1.7 (bis): 4.2,3; 4.1.6: 8.1; 4.1.7: 9.4; KS.1.5,6; 2.6,7; 3.1; 24.6; 26.2; 31.4,5; śB.1.1.4.5; 2.1.14; 3.3.4.1; TB.3.2.5.5; 6.1; Apś.1.19.4; Mś.1.2.2.5,7; 2.1.4.20; 2.4.34. P: adityās tvak Kś.2.4.3; 7.9.6.
adityās tvā pṛṣṭhe sādayāmi # VS.14.5; MS.1.1.2: 2.4; 2.8.1: 107.5; 4.1.2: 4.3; KS.17.1; 20.10; śB.8.2.1.10; Mś.1.1.1.50; VārG.11.16.
adityās tvā mūrdhann ājigharmi devayajane pṛthivyāḥ # VS.4.22; śB.3.3.1.4. P: adityās tvā Kś.7.6.18. See pṛthivyās tvā etc.
adityās tvopasthe sādayāmi # TS.1.1.4.2; MS.4.1.13: 18.5; TB.3.2.4.7; Apś.1.5.2; 18.5. See adityā va, and pṛthivyās tvā nābhau sādayāmy.
adityāḥ (VS.śB.Kś. adityai) sada (MS. sadā) āsīda # VS.4.30; TS.1.2.8.1; 10.1; 3.4.2; 6.1.11.2; 3.2.4; MS.1.2.6: 15.6; 1.2.13: 22.12; 3.7.8: 86.5; 3.9.1: 113.11. śB.3.3.4.1; Apś.10.27.10; Mś.2.1.4.21; 2.2.4.35. P: adityai sadaḥ Kś.7.9.7. See next.
adityāḥ sadane sīda # KS.2.6,7; 3.1; 24.6; 26.2. See prec.
adityāḥ sado 'si # TS.1.2.8.1; 10.1; 3.4.2; 6.1.11.2; 3.2.4; Apś.10.27.10.
adityāḥ skambho 'si # MS.1.1.7: 4.4; 4.1.7: 9.7; Mś.1.2.2.27. Cf. diva skambhanir.
adityai trayo rohitaitāḥ # TS.5.6.18.1; KSA.9.8.
adityai tvā # KS.30.5 (bis).
adityai tvā caturūdhnyai # KS.30.4 (quater); Mś.7.2.6.7 (bis). The reading of Mś. is corrupt.
adityai dvādaśī # TS.5.7.22.1. See adityā etc.
adityai pañcamī # see adityāḥ etc.
adityai pājasyam # see adityāḥ etc.
adityai bhasat # see adityā etc.
adityai bhāgo 'si # see adityā etc.
adityai mahyai svāhā # VS.22.20; TS.7.3.15.1; MS.3.12.5: 162.1; KSA.3.5; śB.13.1.8.4; TB.3.8.11.2.
adityai (MS.KSṃś. adityā) rāsnāsi # VS.1.30; 11.59; 38.1,3; TS.1.1.2.2; 4.1.5.4; MS.1.1.2: 2.2; 1.1.3: 2.7; 2.7.6: 81.3; 3.1.7: 8.19; 4.1.2: 3.14; 4.9.7: 127.5; KS.1.2; 16.5; 19.6; 31.1; śB.1.3.1.15; 6.5.2.13; 14.2.1.6,8; TB.3.2.2.7; TA.4.8.1; 5.7.1; Apś.1.4.10,12; 12.7; 15.9.3; 16.5.1; Mś.1.1.1.41; 1.1.3.17; --4.3.9; 6.1.2.9. P: adityai rāsnā Kś.2.7.1; 16.3.30; 26.5.3. Cf. adityā uṣṇīṣam.
adityai viṣṇupatnyai carum (KS. caruḥ) # VS.29.60; TS.7.5.14.1; MS.3.15.10: 180.14; KSA.5.10.
adityai vyundanam asi # VS.2.2; śB.1.3.3.4. P: adityai vyundanam Kś.2.7.20.
adityai ṣoḍaśākṣarāya chandase svāhā # MS.1.11.10: 173.10. Cf. under aditiḥ ṣoḍaśākṣarayā etc.
adityai sada etc. # see adityāḥ etc.
adityai sumṛḍīkāyai (VSK. sumṛlīkāyai) svāhā # VS.22.20; VSK.24.26--28; TS.7.3.15.1; MS.3.12.5: 162.2; KSA.3.5; śB.13.1.8.4; TB.3.8.11.2.
adityai svāhā # VS.22.20; TS.7.3.15.1; MS.3.12.5: 162.1; KSA.3.5; śB.13.1.8.4; TB.3.1.4.5; 6.6; 8.11.2. See aditaye svāhā.
adityai haṃsasāciḥ # TS.5.5.20.1; KSA.7.10.
antarāditye manasā carantam # TA.3.11.6b.
anvityā divā (MS. dive) divaṃ jinva # VS.15.6; MS.2.8.8: 112.5; śB.8.5.3.3. See prec.
apacityāvijānatā # AVP.12.10.4d.
apamitya dhānyaṃ yaj jaghasāham # AVś.6.117.2c.
apamityam apratīttaṃ yad asmi # AVś.6.117.1a. P: apamityam apratīttam GB.2.4.8; Vait.24.15; Kauś.67.19; 133.1. See yat kusīdam etc., and yāny apāmityāny.
apamityam ivābhṛtam # AVP.1.48.3c.
apāmityam (Aś. erroneously, apām ittham) iva saṃbhara # MS.1.10.2c: 142.9; KS.9.5e; Aś.2.18.13c.
apaity asyāḥ praticakṣyeva # RV.1.124.8b.
abhijityai svāhā # TB.3.1.4.3,13,14; 5.1,2,4,5,6,14.
ācityam agniṃ vy aśnuhi # AVP.14.7.6d.
āditya ūrdhva uccaran # AVP.8.20.1c.
āditya eṣām astraṃ vi nāśayatu # AVś.11.10.16e.
ādityaḥ parvatebhyaḥ # RV.1.191.9c; AVś.6.52.1c.
ādityaḥ paśur āsīt tenāyajanta (KSA. -yajata) sa etaṃ lokam ajayad yasminn ādityaḥ sa te lokas taṃ jeṣyasi yady avajighrasi (KSA. jeṣyasy athāvajighra) # TS.5.7.26.1; KSA.5.4. See sūryaḥ paśur etc.
ādityaḥ pratipaśyati # Mś.11.1.5d.
ādityaṃ viṣṇuṃ sūryam # AVś.3.20.4c; AVP.3.34.6c; SV.1.91c; VSK.10.5.5c; KS.14.2c. See ādityān etc.
ādityaṃ śarma marutām aśīmahi # RV.10.36.4c.
āditya kuṇapaṃ bahu # AVś.11.10.4b.
ādityagrahasāvitrau # Aś.5.5.21c; Vait.20.4c.
ādityaṃ garbhaṃ payasā sam aṅgdhi (VS. aṅdhi; TS.KS. -añjan) # VS.13.41a; TS.4.2.10.1a; MS.2.7.17a: 101.17; KS.16.17a; śB.7.5.2.17. P: ādityaṃ garbham Kś.17.5.17; Mś.6.1.7.27; Apś.16.27.7; BṛhPDh.9.5.8; PG.1.13 (crit. notes; see Speijer, Jātakarma, p. 18).
āditya cakṣur ā datsva # AVś.5.21.10a.
ādityajūta edhate # RV.8.46.5b.
ādityaṃ jyotiṣāṃ jyotir uttamam # TB.3.7.4.3c; Apś.4.1.8c.
ādityadevato 'śvatthaḥ # GG.4.7.24a.
āditya nāvam ārukṣaḥ (SMB. ārokṣam) # AVś.17.1.25a; SMB.2.5.14a. P: āditya nāvam GG.4.6.12; KhG.4.1.25. See imāṃ su nāvam, imāṃ nāvam, sunāvam ā ruheyam, and sūrya nāvam.
ādityaṃ tarpayāmi # BDh.2.5.9.9.
āditya prāyaścitte tvaṃ devānāṃ prāyaścittir asi # ApMB.1.10.5 (ApG.3.8.10); HG.1.24.1. P: āditya prāyaścitte HG.1.24.1 (bis). See sūrya prāyaścitte.
ādityam eva te parivadanti sarve # AVś.10.8.17c; TA.2.15.1c.
ādityarathavegena # RVKh.1.191.2a.
ādityavadgaṇasya soma deva te matividas tṛtīyasya savanasya jagatīchandasa indrapītasya narāśaṃsapītasya pitṛpītasya madhumata upahūtasyopahūto bhakṣayāmi (Mś. savanasya jagacchandaso 'gnihuta indrapītasya) # TS.3.2.5.3; Mś.2.5.1.33. P: ādityavadgaṇasya (followed by fragments ... narāśaṃsapītasya ... indrapītasya ...) Apś.12.24.7,9. Cf. under tasya ta.
ādityavarṇaṃ tamasaḥ parastāt (TA.3.12.7b, tamasas tu pāre) # VS.31.18b; TA.3.12.7b; 13.1b; śvetU.3.8b; Bhagavadgītā 8.9.
ādityavarṇe tapaso 'dhi jātaḥ # RVKh.5.87.6a. P: ādityavarṇe Rvidh.2.19.3.
āditya vratapate vrataṃ cariṣyāmi (vrataṃ cariṣyāmi is implied in all texts but JG.) # TB.3.7.4.7; TA.4.41.4; Apś.4.3.2; HG.1.7.8; JG.1.12. See sūrya vratapate vrataṃ cariṣyāmi.
āditya vratapate vratam acāriṣam # TA.4.41.6. See āditya vratapate vratam acāriṣam.
ādity cakṣuṣe # Svidh.3.8.2.
ādity caturthe # VS.39.6.
ādity ca divā prājapatiś ca # Kauś.73.2b.
ādity ca dyauś ca saṃnate te me saṃnamatām adaḥ # VS.26.1. Cf. dive sam, divy ādityāya, sūryāya sam anamat, and sūryāya sam anaman.
ādity ca me sāvitraś ca me # TS.4.7.7.2. Cf. ādityāś ca mā, and sāvitraś ca me.
ādityaḥ śāntiḥ # TA.4.42.5.
ādityaḥ śukra udagāt purastāt # MS.4.14.14a: 239.15; MG.1.19.3. Cf. under ādityo deva.
ādityas te vasubhir ādadhātu # HG.1.7.11d. See ādityais te.
ādityas te vājin yuṅ # TS.7.5.19.2; KSA.5.15.
ādityasya nṛcakṣasaḥ # AVś.13.2.1c.
ādityasya mā saṃkāśaḥ (sc. avatām) # Vait.11.16. ūha of nakṣatrāṇāṃ mā etc.
ādityasya vratam upakṣiyantaḥ (TB. upakṣyantaḥ) # RV.3.59.3c; MS.4.10.2c: 146.16; TB.2.8.7.5c.
ādityasyāvṛtam anvāvarte # śś.1.6.5; 4.12.10; śG.2.3.2; KBU.2.9.
ādityaḥ satyam om (TB. om iti) # TB.2.4.6.7d; Aś.5.13.14d.
ādityaḥ sarvāgniḥ pṛthivyāṃ vāyur antarikṣe sūryo divi candramā dikṣu nakṣatrāṇi svaloke # TA.1.20.1.
ādityaḥ sāmavedasya # GB.1.5.25c.
ādityaḥ supathā karat # RV.1.25.12b.
ādityā aṅgirasaḥ svargam # AVP.5.14.8c.
ādityā adbhutainasaḥ # RV.8.67.7c.
ādityā apa durmatiḥ # RV.8.67.15b.
ādityā ava hi khyata # RV.8.47.11a; śG.1.4.2.
ādityā asti mṛḍata # RV.8.18.19b.
ādityā ājyaiḥ # MS.1.9.2: 132.2; KS.9.10. Cf. ādityā dakṣiṇābhiḥ.
ādityā iṣavaḥ # AVś.3.27.1; AVP.3.24.1.
ādityā ūtibhir vayam # RV.8.67.16b.
ādityā ṛjunā pathā # RV.1.41.5b.
ādityā ekaṃ vasavo dvitīyam # AVP.1.101.2c.
ādityā (sc. etad vaḥ tṛtīyaṃ savanam etc.) # Kś.25.13.27. Cf. Kś.25.13.26.
ādityā enam aṅgirasaḥ sacantām # AVś.12.3.43d.
ādityā enām anv āyan # AVP.12.10.10c.
ādityāḥ # see ādityā (etad vaḥ etc.).
ādityāḥ kāma prayatāṃ vaṣaṭkṛtim # TB.2.8.2.2c.
ādityāḥ kāmaṃ pitumantam asme # TB.2.8.2.1d.
ādityāḥ kāma haviṣo juṣāṇāḥ # TB.2.8.2.3d.
ādityāḥ kṛtrimā śaruḥ # RV.8.67.20b.
ādityāḥ pañcadaśam # KS.14.4 (ter).
ādityāḥ pañcadaśākṣarayā pañcadaśaṃ māsam udajayan # MS.1.11.10 (bis): 172.7,21. Cf. ādityebhyaḥ pa-.
ādityāḥ pañcadaśākṣarām # MS.1.11.10: 171.18.
ādityāḥ pañcadaśākṣareṇa pañcadaśaṃ stomam udajayan (VS. udajayaṃs tam uj jeṣam) # VS.9.34; TS.1.7.11.2.
ādityāḥ paścād gopsyanti # AVś.10.9.8c.
ādityāṃś ca tarpayāmi # BDh.2.5.9.3.
ādityāṅgiraso yajuḥ # AVP.12.11.1b.
ādityā ca yaśasvinī # MG.2.13.6b.
ādityāñ chmaśrubhiḥ (VS. ādityāṃ śma-; MS. ādityāñ śma-) # VS.25.1; TS.5.7.12.1; MS.3.15.1: 177.9; KSA.13.2.
ādityāñ jinva # TS.4.4.1.2; KS.17.7; 37.17; PB.1.9.11; Vait.22.17.
ādityā dakṣiṇābhiḥ # TA.3.8.2. Cf. ādityā ājyaiḥ.
ādityā dānunas patī # RV.1.136.3e; 2.41.6b; SV.2.262b; N.2.13.
ādityā devatā # VS.14.20; TS.4.3.7.2; MS.2.8.3: 108.17; KS.17.3; Apś.13.11.1.
ādityān aditiṃ devīm # TA.1.1.3c; 21.2c.
ādityānāṃ vasūnāṃ rudriyāṇām # RV.10.48.11a.
ādityānāṃ vo devānāṃ devatābhir gṛhṇāmi # KS.39.1; Apś.16.33.1.
ādityānāṃ śarmaṇi sthā bhuraṇyasi # RV.10.35.9c.
ādityānāṃ svasāraṃ rudramātaram # VārG.11.21b.
ādityānāṃ jagatī # TA.3.9.1. See jagaty ādityānam.
ādityānāṃ tṛtīyā # VS.25.6; TS.5.7.17.1; MS.3.15.6: 179.7; KSA.13.7.
ādityānāṃ tvā devānāṃ vratapate (omitted in KS.) vratenādadhāmi (KS. -dadhe) # KS.7.13 (ter); TB.1.1.4.8; Apś.5.11.7. Cf. under aṅgirasāṃ tvā.
ādityānāṃ nibodhata # TA.1.3.4b.
ādityānām aneha it # RV.8.31.12c.
ādityānām apūrvyaṃ savīmani # RV.8.18.1c.
ādityānām ayanaṃ gārhapatyaḥ # AVś.18.4.8b.
ādityānām araṃkṛte # RV.8.67.3c.
ādityānām avasā nūtanena # RV.7.51.1a; TS.2.1.11.6a; MS.4.14.14a: 238.12; Aś.3.8.1; 5.7.13; Mś.11.7.3.2. Ps: ādityānām avasā TB.2.8.1.6; śś.8.1.4; ādityānām Lś.2.8.1. Designated as ādityadaivatam (sc. sūktam) Rvidh.2.26.3.
ādityānām ahve cāru nāma # RV.3.56.4b.
ādityānām ādityānāṃ sthāne svatejasā bhāni # TA.1.15.1.
ādityānām utāvasi # RV.8.47.5d.
ādityānāṃ patvānv (PB. patmānv) ihi (KSA. ehi) # VS.22.19; TS.7.1.12.1; MS.3.12.4: 161.11; KSA.1.3; PB.1.7.2; śB.13.1.6.2; TB.3.8.9.3; Mś.9.2.1.30; ApMB.2.21.30 (ApG.8.22.16).
ādityānāṃ prasitir (MS.KA. prasṛtir) hetir ugrā # MS.4.9.12c: 133.9; TB.3.7.13.4c; TA.4.20.3c; KA.1.198.13c.
ādityānāṃ bhāgo 'si # VS.14.25; TS.4.3.9.2; 5.3.4.3; MS.2.8.5: 109.15; KS.17.4; 21.1; śB.8.4.2.8.
ādityānāṃ marutāṃ śardha ugram # RV.10.103.9b; AVś.19.13.10b; AVP.7.4.10b; SV.2.1207b; VS.17.41b; TS.4.6.4.3b; MS.2.10.4b: 136.8; KS.18.5b.
ādityān kāmam avase huvema # TB.2.8.2.2a.
ādityān devān yajñenāpiprem # Apś.4.12.3.
ādityān dyāvāpṛthivī apaḥ svaḥ # RV.7.44.1d; 10.36.1d.
ādityān maruto diśaḥ # AVś.10.9.10b.
ādityān mārutaṃ gaṇam # RV.1.14.3c; 6.16.24b; VS.33.45c.
ādityān yāciṣāmahe # RV.8.67.1b; TS.2.1.11.5b; MS.4.12.1b: 177.5.
ādityān yāmy aditiṃ duvoyu # RV.6.51.4d.
ādityān viṣṇuṃ sūryam # RV.10.141.3c; VS.9.26; TS.1.7.10.3c; MS.1.11.4c: 164.13; śB.5.2.2.8c. See ādityaṃ viṣṇuṃ.
ādityān sarvān brūmaḥ # AVP.15.13.6c. See viśvān ādityān.
ādityā bhāgaṃ vaḥ kariṣyāmy amum āmuṣyāyaṇam avagamayata # MS.2.2.1: 14.8; Mś.5.1.8.4. Cf. TS.2.3.1.1.
ādityā manavaḥ smasi # RV.8.18.22b.
ādityā mā viśve avantu devāḥ # ā.5.1.1.12a.
ādityā mā svaravo vardhayantu # AVś.18.3.12b.
ādityā yajataṃ bṛhat # RV.5.67.1b.
ādityāya namaḥ # GopālU.2. Cf. ādityāya svāhā.
ādityā yan mumocati # RV.8.18.12b; 67.18b.
ādityāya vidmahe # MahānU.3.10a. See bhāskarāya, and tad bhāskarāya.
ādityāya svāhā # Kauś.99.2; 135.9. Cf. ādityāya namaḥ.
ādityāyāgniṃ gṛhṇāmi rātryā ahaḥ # Apś.6.5.6.
ādityā ye yudho viduḥ # AVP.2.25.1b.
ādityā rakṣitāraḥ # see ādityās te goptāraḥ.
ādityā rāya īśate # RV.8.47.4d.
ādityā rudrā aśvinobhā # AVś.5.3.9c. See under imaṃ yajñam aśvinobhā.
ādityā rudrā uparispṛśo naḥ (AVP. mām; KS. -spṛśaṃ mā) # AVś.5.3.10c; AVP.5.4.14c; KS.40.14c. See vasavo rudrā ādityā uparispṛśaṃ mā.
ādityā rudrā vasava undantu sacetasaḥ # AVś.6.68.1c. Cf. āpa undantu jīvase.
ādityā rudrā vasavaḥ # AVś.11.6.13a; AVP.10.3.6a; 15.14.6a; ViDh.73.12. The quotation in ViDh. represents probably the pratīka of one of the following mantras.
ādityā rudrā vasavas tvelate (AB. tveḍate; GB. tenute) # AVś.20.135.9a; AB.6.35.15a; GB.2.6.14a; JB.2.117a; śś.12.19.2a.
ādityā rudrā vasavaḥ sudānavaḥ # RV.10.66.12c.
ādityā rudrā vasavaḥ sunīthāḥ # RV.3.8.8a.
ādityā rudrā vasavo juṣanta (AVś.AVP. juṣantām) # RV.7.35.14a; AVś.19.11.4a; AVP.12.17.4a.
ādityā rudrā vasavo me sadasyāḥ # TS.7.3.13.1c; KSA.3.3c.
ādityā rudrās tan mayi # Kauś.42.17c. Cf. next.
ādityā viśve tad devāḥ # TS.1.5.3.2c; MS.1.7.1c: 108.6; KS.8.14c. Cf. prec.
ādityā viśve marutaś ca viśve # RV.7.51.3a.
ādityā viṣṇur marutaḥ svar bṛhat # RV.10.65.1c.
ādityāś ca mā indraś ca me # MS.2.11.5: 142.16. Cf. under ādityaś ca me.
ādityāś ca yemire # AVP.9.12.7b.
ādityāḥ śarma yachata # AVP.2.70.5b.
ādityāsa utāmatim # RV.8.18.11b.
ādityāsa ṛtaṃ yate # RV.1.41.4b.
ādityāsaḥ kavayaḥ paprathānāḥ # RV.3.54.10d.
ādityāsaḥ pathibhir devayānaiḥ # TB.2.8.2.1b.
ādityāsaḥ purā hathāt # RV.8.67.5b; N.6.27b.
ādityāsaḥ śucayo dhārapūtāḥ # RV.2.27.2c.
ādityāsas te akrā na vāvṛdhuḥ # RV.10.77.2d.
ādityāsaḥ sajoṣasaḥ # AVP.9.12.9b.
ādityāsaḥ sadantu naḥ # RV.8.27.6d.
ādityāsaḥ saparyata # Kauś.73.15d.
ādityāsaḥ sumahasaḥ (SV. samahasaḥ) kṛṇotana # RV.8.18.18c; SV.1.395c.
ādityāsi # VS.4.21; TS.1.2.5.1; MS.1.2.4: 13.8; KS.2.5; śB.3.3.1.2.
ādityāso atiṣkade # RV.8.67.19b.
ādityāso ati sridhaḥ # RV.10.126.5a; AVP.5.39.5a.
ādityāso aditayaḥ syāma # RV.7.52.1a; KS.11.12a. Designated as ādityadaivatam (sc. sūktam) Rvidh.2.26.3.
ādityāso aditir mādayantām # RV.7.51.2a; AB.3.29.2; Aś.5.17.3. P: ādityāso aditiḥ śś.8.1.6.
ādityāso apākṛtim # RV.8.47.2b.
ādityāso arādhvam # RV.8.47.7d.
ādityāso bhavatā mṛḍayantaḥ (VSK. mṛlayantaḥ) # RV.1.107.1b; VS.8.4b; 33.68b; VSK.8.1.3b; 32.68b; TS.1.4.22.1b; 2.1.11.4b; MS.1.3.26b: 39.7; KS.4.10b; śB.4.3.5.15b.
ādityāso mumocata # RV.8.67.14b.
ādityāso yathā viduḥ # RV.8.67.2c.
ādityāso yad īmahe ati dviṣaḥ # AVP.5.39.4d. See yad īmahe etc.
ādityāso yuyotanā no aṃhasaḥ # RV.8.18.10c; SV.1.397c.
ādityāso varuṇenānuśiṣṭāḥ # AVś.19.56.4d; AVP.3.8.4d.
ādityāso vi saṃhitam # RV.8.67.21b.
ādityāso sadantu naḥ # RV.8.27.6d. Error for ādityāsaḥ etc. (Aufrecht's edition).
ādityās tad aṅgirasaś cinvantu # TB.3.11.6.1c. See viśve devā aṅgirasaś.
ādityās tasmān no (TB. mā) yūyam # AVś.6.114.1c; TB.2.4.4.8c. See next.
ādityās tasmān (TBṭA. tasmān mā) muñcata # MS.4.14.17c: 244.5; TB.3.7.12.1c; TA.2.3.1c. See prec.
ādityās te goptāraḥ (KS. ādityā rakṣitāraḥ) # TS.4.4.5.2; KS.40.5. Cf. viśve te devā goptāraḥ.
ādityās te citim āpūrayantu # KS.40.5d; Apś.16.34.4d. See viśve te devāś citim.
ādityās te devā adhipatayaḥ # VS.15.12; TS.4.4.2.2; MS.2.8.9: 113.15; KS.17.8; śB.8.6.1.7.
ādityās tvā kṛṇvantu (KS. kurvantu) jāgatena chandasāṅgirasvat (MS. -vad ukhe) # VS.11.58; TS.4.1.5.4; MS.2.7.6: 80.17; KS.16.5; śB.6.5.2.5. P: ādityās tvā Kś.16.3.28; Mś.6.1.2.8.
ādityās tvāchṛndantu jāgatena chandasāṅgirasvat (MS. -vad ukhe) # VS.11.65; TS.4.1.6.3; MS.2.7.6: 82.4; KS.16.6; śB.6.5.4.17.
ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā (sc. nirvapantu) # Kauś.68.2.
ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā punantu (JB. tvā punantu jāgatena chandasā suprajāvaniṃ rāyas poṣavanim) # PB.6.6.7; JB.1.73. P: ādityās tvā Lś.1.10.17.
ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā bhakṣayantu # AG.1.24.17. Cf. ādityās tvā varuṇa-.
ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasārohantu # ā.5.1.4.14; śś.17.16.3; Lś.3.12.8. See next.
ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā saptadaśena stomena vairūpeṇa sāmnārohantu # AB.8.12.4. See prec.
ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā saṃmṛjantu # PB.1.2.7. See ādityās tvā saṃmṛjantu.
ādityās tvāñjantu jāgatena chandasā # VS.23.8; TS.7.4.20.1; MS.3.12.19: 165.14; KSA.4.9; śB.13.2.6.6; TB.3.9.4.7. Ps: ādityās tvāñjantu Mś.9.2.3.23; ādityāḥ Apś.20.15.12.
ādityās tvā dhūpayantu jāgatena chandasāṅgirasvat (MS. dhūpayantv aṅgirasvat) # VS.11.60; TS.4.1.6.1; MS.2.7.6: 81.7; KS.16.5; śB.6.5.3.10.
ādityās tvā parigṛhṇantu jāgatena chandasā (KS. chandasāṅgirasvat) # TS.1.1.9.3; MS.1.1.10: 6.6; KS.1.9. Ps: ādityās tvā parigṛhṇantu jāgatena chandasā KS.25.5; ādityās tvā Mś.1.2.4.15; ādityāḥ Apś.2.2.3.
ādityās tvā paścād abhiṣiñcantu jāgatena chandasā # TB.2.7.15.5.
ādityās tvā punantu # see ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā pu-.
ādityās tvā prabṛhantu jāgatena chandasā # TS.3.3.3.1. Cf. ādityebhyas tvā pra-.
ādityās tvā prohantu jāgatena chandasā # JB.1.78.
ādityās tvā varuṇarājāno bhakṣayantu # śś.4.21.10. Cf. ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā bha-.
ādityās tvā viśvair devaiḥ paścāt (Mś. purastāt) pāntu # TS.5.5.9.4; Mś.6.2.4.1.
ādityās tvā (sc. saṃmṛjantu) # Mś.2.3.4.20.
ādityās tvā saṃmṛjantu jāgatena chandasā # JB.1.81. See ādityās tvā jāgatena chandasā saṃmṛjantu.
ādityās tvāstṛṇan # MS.1.4.3: 51.1.
ādityās tvā harantu jāgatena chandasā # MS.1.2.8: 17.14.
ādityās tvocchrayantu # KS.35.7.
ādityāḥ sarve tvā neṣan # AVP.1.50.2c.
ādityā ha jaritar aṅgirobhyo dakṣiṇām (JB.śś. 'śvaṃ dakṣiṇām) anayan # AVś.20.135.6; AB.6.35.5; GB.2.6.14 (bis); JB.2.116ab; Aś.8.3.25; śś.12.19.1. P: ādityā ha jaritaḥ Vait.32.28. Seems to be pādas a, b, of a stanza. AVś.20.135.6--10 are designated as devanītham AB.6.34.1 ff.; as ādityāṅgirasyaḥ (sc. ṛcaḥ) KB.30.6; śś.12.19.5.
āditye ca nṛcakṣasi # AVś.10.3.18b.
āditye candravarṇānām # TA.1.12.1c.
ādityena nāmnā śaṃbhaviṣṭhāḥ # RV.10.77.8b.
ādityena sahīyasā # RVKh.1.50.1b.
ādityebhir aditiṃ viśvajanyām # RV.7.10.4c.
ādityebhir devebhir devatayā jāgatena tvā chandasā yunajmi # TS.7.1.18.1; KSA.1.9.
ādityebhir vasubhir aṅgirobhiḥ # RV.7.44.4d; AVś.2.12.4b; AVP.2.5.4b.
ādityebhir vasubhiḥ saṃvidānaḥ # AVP.5.37.6b.
ādityebhiś ca rājabhiḥ # RV.1.20.5c; KB.26.13.
ādityebhyaḥ # śś.8.1.3. Cf. next but one.
ādityebhyaḥ pañcadaśākṣarāya chandase svāhā # MS.1.11.10: 173.9. Cf. ādityāḥ pa-.
ādityebhyaḥ preṣya (Mś. omits preṣya) priyebhyaḥ priyadhāmabhyaḥ priyavratebhyo mahasvasarasya (Mś. mahaḥ sva-) patibhya uror antarikṣasyādhyakṣebhyaḥ (Mś. adds preṣya) # śB.4.3.5.20; Mś.2.5.1.9; Apś.13.10.1. Short form: ādityebhyaḥ preṣya Kś.10.4.13 (comm.); Apś.13.10.1. Cf. prec. but one.
ādityebhyas tvā # VS.2.16; 8.1--4; TS.1.1.13.1; 4.22.1; 4.4.1.2; 6.2; MS.1.3.26 (bis): 39.3,6; 2.8.13: 117.6; KS.4.10 (ter); 17.7; 22.5; 37.17; PB.1.9.11; śB.1.8.3.8; 4.3.5.6,10,12,15; TB.3.3.9.2; Vait.22.17; Kś.9.9.20; Apś.3.5.7.
ādityebhyas tvā pravṛhāmi jāgatena chandasā # MS.1.3.36: 42.11. Cf. ādityās tvā pra-.
ādityebhyaḥ svāhā # VS.22.28; MS.1.7.1: 110.6; 1.7.5: 114.9; 3.12.7: 162.17; KS.8.14; 9.3.
ādityebhyo aṅgirobhyo madhv idam # AVś.12.3.44a. P: ādityebhyo aṅgirobhyaḥ Kauś.62.18.
ādityebhyo namaḥ # KSA.11.3.
ādityebhyo 'nubrūhi (Mś. ādityebhyaḥ) priyebhyaḥ priyadhāmabhyaḥ priyavratebhyo mahasvasarasya (Mś. mahaḥ sva-) patibhya uror antarikṣasyādhyakṣebhyaḥ (Mś. -bhyo 'nubrūhi) # Kś.10.4.12,13; Apś.13.10.1; Mś.2.5.1.8. Short form: ādityebhyo 'nubrūhi śB.4.3.5.20; Apś.13.10.1.
ādityebhyo nyaṅkūn # VS.24.27; MS.3.14.9: 174.3.
ādityeṣu pra varuṇe dhṛtavrate # RV.8.27.3c.
ādityeṣu marutsu yā # AVP.2.18.5b.
ādityaitaṃ te brahmacāriṇaṃ pari dadāmi # śG.2.3.1. Cf. sūryaiṣa.
ādityair aktaṃ vasubhiḥ sajoṣāḥ # VS.20.39d; MS.3.11.1d: 140.3; KS.38.6d; TB.2.6.8.2d.
ādityair indraḥ sagaṇo marudbhiḥ # RV.10.157.3a; AVś.20.63.2a; 124.5a; SV.2.462a; VS.25.46a; JB.3.171; TA.1.27.1a; Apś.21.22.1a.
ādityair indraḥ saha cīkḷpāti (SV.JBṭA.Apśṃś. sīṣadhātu; VS. sīṣadhāti) # RV.10.157.2b; AVś.20.63.1d; 124.4d; SV.2.461b; VS.25.46b; JB.3.171; TA.1.27.1b; Mś.7.2.6.6d; Apś.21.22.1d.
ādityai rudrair vasubhir na ā gahi # RV.10.150.1c.
ādityai rudrair vasubhiḥ sacābhuvā # RV.2.31.1b; 8.35.1b. Fragment: vasubhiḥ sacābhuvā N.5.5.
ādityair eka udyataḥ # AVś.8.8.12d.
ādityair no aditiḥ śarma yaṃsat # RV.1.107.2d; 4.54.6d.
ādityair no aditiḥ śarma yachatu # RV.10.66.3b. See ādityais te etc.
ādityair no aditiḥ śṛṇotu # RV.3.54.20c.
ādityair no bṛhaspatiḥ # Kauś.128.4a.
ādityair no bhāratī vaṣṭu yajñam # VS.29.8a; TS.5.1.11.3a; MS.3.16.2a: 184.12; KSA.6.2a.
ādityair no varuṇaḥ śarma yaṃsat (TS. varuṇaḥ saṃśiśātu) # TS.2.1.11.2d; MS.4.12.2d: 180.2; KS.10.12d; Aś.2.11.12d; śś.3.6.2d.
ādityair yātam aśvinā # RV.8.35.13d--15d.
ādityair vā yad vasubhir marutvān # RV.10.98.1c.
ādityais te aditiḥ śarma yachatu # AVP.15.5.4d. See ādityair no etc.
ādityais te vasubhir ā dadhātu # ApMB.2.4.4d. See ādityas te etc.
ādityo jāyatām # AB.8.28.13.
ādityo dīkṣito dyaur dīkṣā sā mā dīkṣā dīkṣayatu (JB. dīkṣeta) tayā dīkṣayā dīkṣe # JB.2.65; Apś.10.10.6. See yayādityo dīkṣayā dīkṣitas, and yayā dīkṣayādityo.
ādityo deva udagāt purastāt # MS.4.14.14a: 239.7. See aja ekapād udagāt, and cf. ādityaḥ śukra.
ādityo dyām adhyarukṣad vipaścit # Vait.14.1d.
ādityo 'dhvaryuḥ sa me 'dhvaryuḥ # Apś.10.3.1; Mś.2.1.1.4. See ādityo me 'dhvaryuḥ, and cf. ādityo me daiva.
ādityo navahotā sa tejasvī # TA.3.7.4.
ādityo 'nukhyātā # TS.3.3.8.5; TB.3.7.5.4; Apś.4.9.6; ApDh.2.3.6.2. See under asāv ādityo 'nukhyātā.
ādityo me daiva udgātā tvaṃ mānuṣaḥ # śś.5.1.5. Cf. under ādityo 'dhvaryuḥ.
ādityo me 'dhvaryuḥ sa me devayajanaṃ dadātu # ṣB.2.10. Short form: ādityo me 'dhvaryuḥ ṣB.2.10; Apś.10.1.14; AG.1.23.10. See under ādityo 'dhvaryuḥ.
ādityo me 'dhvaryuḥ sa mopahvayatām # ṣB.2.5. See under ādityo 'dhvaryuḥ.
ādityo viśvā bhuvanāni sarvā # MS.4.14.14b: 239.11.
ādityo viṣṇur ākrame # AVP.9.12.7d.
ādityo 'si divi śritaḥ, candramasaḥ pratiṣṭhā, tvayīdam antaḥ, viśvaṃ yakṣaṃ viśvaṃ bhūtaṃ viśvaṃ subhūtam, viśvasya bhartā viśvasya janayitā # TB.3.11.1.11.
ādityo 'si vṛṣṇo aśvasya retaḥ # KS.37.13,14.
utādityā jāgṛta yūyam asmin # AVś.1.30.1b; AVP.1.14.1b.
utādityā divyā pārthivasya # RV.5.69.4b.
ṛtasyartenādityāḥ # AVś.6.114.2a; TB.2.4.4.8a.
ṛtenādityā mahi vo mahitvam # RV.2.27.8c; TS.2.1.11.5c; MS.4.14.14c: 239.3; KS.11.12c.
ṛtenādityās tiṣṭhanti # RV.10.85.1c; AVś.14.1.1c; ApMB.1.6.1c.
kityā śataparvaṇā # AVP.5.9.2a.
cityagnibhyaḥ praṇīyamānebhyo 'nu brūhi # Apś.16.21.3. P: cityagnibhyaḥ Mś.6.1.6.14 (15). See citibhyaḥ.
cityā citim ā pṛṇa # TB.3.10.4.2.
tasyādityasya prasavaṃ manāmahe # MS.4.14.14c (bis): 239.10,14.
turīyāditya (VSK. turyā-) savanaṃ (RV. havanaṃ) ta indriyam # RV.8.52 (Vāl.4).7c; VS.8.3c; VSK.8.1.2c; TS.1.4.22.1c; MS.1.3.26c: 39.5; KS.4.10c; śB.4.3.5.12.
turyāditya etc. # see turīyāditya.
tenādityā adhi vocatā naḥ # RV.2.27.6c.
dityavāṭ ca dityauhī ca # MS.2.11.6: 143.15. See next.
dityavāṭ ca me dityauhī ca me # VS.18.26; TS.4.7.10.1; KS.18.12. See prec.
dityavāḍ gaur vayo dadhuḥ # VS.21.13d; MS.3.11.11b: 158.1; KS.38.10d; TB.2.6.18.1d. Cf. dityavāhaṃ.
dityavāḍ vayaḥ # VS.14.10; TS.4.3.3.1; 5.1; MS.2.7.20: 105.5; 2.8.2: 107.19; KS.17.2; 39.7; śB.8.2.4.12.
dityavāhaṃ gāṃ vayo dadhat # VS.28.25e; TB.2.6.17.2f. Cf. dityavāḍ gaur.
dityavāho jagatyai # VS.24.12; MS.3.13.17: 172.1; Mś.9.2.3.18.
nityaṃ rekṇo amartya # RV.8.4.18b.
nityaṃ na sūnuṃ tanayaṃ dadhānāḥ # RV.10.39.14d.
nityaṃ na sūnuṃ pitror upasthe # RV.1.185.2c; MS.4.14.7c: 224.12; TB.2.8.4.8c.
nityaṃ na sūnuṃ madhu bibhrata upa # RV.1.166.2a.
nityapuṣṭāṃ karīṣiṇīm # RVKh.5.87.9b; TA.10.1.10b; MG.2.13.6b; MahānU.4.8b.
nityam āditya raśmibhiḥ # AVP.4.16.7c.
nityaṃ mṛjanti vājinaṃ ghṛtena # RV.5.1.7d.
nity cākanyāt svapatir damūnāḥ # RV.10.31.4a.
nityastotro vanaspatiḥ # RV.9.12.7a; SV.2.552a.
nityasya rāyaḥ patayaḥ syāma # RV.4.41.10b; 7.4.7b; N.3.2b.
nityaḥ sūno sahaso jātavedaḥ # RV.3.25.5b.
nityahotāraṃ tvā kave # MS.1.1.12a: 7.14. P: nityahotāraṃ tvā Mś.1.2.6.10. Cf. vītihotraṃ.
nityād rāyo amaṃhata # RV.8.56 (Vāl.8).2c.
nityāritrāṃ padvatīṃ rāsy agne # RV.1.140.12b.
nityāsa īṃ pretāro arakṣan # RV.1.148.5d.
nityās te 'nucarās tava # TA.1.12.3d.
nitye cin nu yaṃ sadane jaghṛbhre # RV.1.148.3a.
nitye toke dīdivāṃsaṃ sve dame # RV.2.2.11d.
praketenādityebhya ādityān jinva # VS.15.6. See prec. and next.
pratiṣṭhityai tvā # KSA.5.9 (bis).
prādityaṃ divyaṃ rukmam amukthāḥ # AVP.14.8.8d. See prati tvaṃ divyās.
mātādityānāṃ duhitā vasūnām # AVś.9.1.4a; Kauś.92.14a. See mātā rudrāṇāṃ.
yatrādityā madhu bhakṣayanti # AVś.18.4.3d.
yatrādityā virājatha # RV.1.188.4c.
yatrādityāś ca rudrāś ca # AVś.10.7.22a.
yathādityā aṃśum (KS. yathādityam ādityā) āpyāyayanti # AVP.1.102.4a; MS.4.9.27a: 140.3; 4.12.2a: 181.7; KS.10.12a. P: yathādityāḥ Mś.5.1.10.18. See yathā devā aṃśum, yaṃ devā aṃśum, and yam ādityā aṃśum.
yathādityā vasubhiḥ saṃbabhūvuḥ # AVś.6.74.3a; TS.2.1.11.3a.
yathādityo 'kṣito 'nupadasta evaṃ mahyaṃ prapitāmahāyākṣito 'nupadasta (HG. -taḥ) svadhā bhava (HG. bhavatām) # ApMB.2.19.16; HG.2.13.1. Cf. dyaur darvir.
yayādityo dīkṣayā dīkṣitas tayā tvā dīkṣayā dīkṣayāmi # TB.3.7.7.5; Apś.10.11.1. See under ādityo dīkṣito.
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"ity" has 357 results.
     
anitya(1)not nitya or obligatory optional; said of a rule or paribhāṣā whose application is voluntary). Regarding the case and con= jugational affixes it can be said that those affixes can, in a way: be looked upon as nitya or obligatory, as they have to be affixed to a crude nominal base or a root; there being a dictum that no crude base without an affix can be used as also, no affix alone without a base can be usedition On the other hand, the taddhita and kṛt affixes as also compounds are voluntary as, instead of them an independent word or a phrase can be used to convey the sense. For a list of such nitya affixes see Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on V. 4.7; (2) the word अनित्य is also used in the sense of not-nitya, the word नित्य being taken to mean कृताकृतप्रसङ्गि occurring before as well as after another rule has been applied, the latter being looked upon as अनित्य which does not do so. This 'nityatva' has got a number of exceptions and limitations which are mentioned in Paribhāṣās 43-49 in the Paribhāṣenduśekhara.
jayādityaone of the famous joint authors ( जयादित्य and वामन ) of the well-known gloss ( वृत्ति ) on the Sutras of Panini, popularly called काशिकावृत्ति. As the काशिकावृत्ति is mentioned by It-sing, who has also mentioned Bhartrhari's Vakyapadiya, as a grammer treatise Written some 40 years before his visit, the time of काशिकावृत्ति is fixed as the middle of the 7th century A.D. Some scholars believe that जयादित्य was the same as जयापीड a king of Kasmira and बामन was his minister. For details, see pp. 386388 of the Vyakarana Mahabhasya Vol. VII published by the D.E. Society, Poona. See काशिका.
nitya(1)eternal, as applied to word or Sabda in contrast with sound or dhvani which is evanescent (कार्य ). The sound with meaning or without meaning,made by men and animals is impermanent; but the sense or idea awakened in the mind by the evanescent audible words on reaching the mind is of a permanent or eternal nature; confer, compare स्फोटः शब्दो ध्वनिस्तस्य व्यायामादुपजायते; confer, compare also व्याप्तिमत्त्वा्त्तु शब्दस्य Nir.I.1 ; (2) constant; not liable to be set aside by another; confer, compare उपबन्धस्तु देशाय नित्यम्, न रुन्धे नित्यम्। नित्यशब्दः प्राप्त्यन्तरानिषेधार्थः T.Pr.I.59, IV.14; (3) original as constrasted with one introduced anew such as an augment; confer, compare Taittirīya Prātiśākhya.VI.14; (4) permanently functioning, as opposed to tentatively doing so; confer, compare नित्यविरते द्विमात्रम् Ṛktantra Prātiśākhya.37; (5) unchangeable, permanent, imperishable; confer, compare अयं नित्यशब्दोस्त्येव कूटस्थेष्वविचालिषु भावेषु वर्तते M.Bh. on P. VIII. 1.4; (6) always or invariably applying, as opposed to optional; the word in this sense is used in connection with rules or operations that do not optionally apply; confer, compare उपपदसमासो नित्यसमासः, षष्ठीसमासः पुनार्वेभाषा; Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P.II.2.19; (7) constant,as applied to a rule which applies if another simultaneously applying rule were to have taken effect, as well as when that other rule does not take effect; confer, compare क्वचित्कृताकृतप्रसङ्गमात्रेणापि नित्यता Par. Sek. Pari 46. The operations which are nitya according to this Paribhasa take effect in preference to others which are not 'nitya', although they may even be 'para'; confer, compare परान्नित्यं बलवत् Par. Sek. Pari. 42.
nityabalīyastvapossession of greater force; the word is used in connection with rules that are called नित्य. See नित्य (7).
nityasamāsaan invariably effective compound; the term is explained as अस्वपदविग्रहो नित्यसमासः i. e. a compound whose dissolution cannot be shown by its component words as such; e. g. the dissolution of कुम्भकारः cannot be shown as कुम्भं कारः, but it must be shown as कुम्भं करोति स: । The upapadasamasa, the gatisamsa and the dative tatpurusa with the word अर्थ are examples of नित्यसमास.
nityānandaparvatīyaa scholar of Sanskrit Grammar who wrote glosses on the Mahabhasyapradipa, on the Laghusabdendusekhara and on the Paribhasendusekhara. He was a resident of Benares where he coached many pupils in Sanskrit Grammar. He lived in the first half of the nineteenth century.
śabdanityatvathe doctrine of the Vaiyakaranas as also of the Mimamsakas that word is permanent, as contrasted with that of tha Naiyayikas who advocate the impermanence of words,
śaityāyanaan ancient Grammarian and Vedic scholar who is quoted in the Taittiriya Pratisakhya for recommending a sharp and distinct nasalisation of the anusvara and the fifth class-consonants; confer, compare तत्रितरमानुनासिक्यमनुस्वारोत्तमेषु इति शैत्यायन: Taittirīya Prātiśākhya.XVII. 1.
a(1)the first letter of the alphabet in Sanskrit and its derived languages, representing the sound a (अ): (2) the vowel a (अ) representing in grammatical treatises, except when Prescribed as an affix or an augment or a substitute,all its eighteen varieties caused by accentuation or nasalisation or lengthening: (3) personal ending a (अ) of the perfeminine. second.pluraland first and third person.singular.; (4) kṛt affix c (अ) prescribed especially after the denominative and secondary roots in the sense of the verbal activity e. g. बुभुक्षा, चिन्ता, ईक्षा, चर्चा et cetera, and othersconfer, compare अ प्रत्ययात् et cetera, and others (P.III 3.102-106); (5) sign of the aorist mentioned as añ (अङ्) or cañ (चङ्) by Pāṇini in P. III i.48 to 59 exempli gratia, for example अगमत्, अचीकरत्; (6) conjugational sign mentioned as śap (शप्) or śa (श) by Pāṇini in P. III.1.68, 77. exempli gratia, for example भवति, तुदति et cetera, and others; (7) augment am (अम्) as prescribed by P. VI.1.58; exempli gratia, for example द्रष्टा, द्रक्ष्यति; (8) augment aṭ (अट्) prefixed to a root in the imperfeminine. and aorist tenses and in the conditional mood e. g. अभवत्, अभूत्, अभविष्यत् confer, compare P. VI.4.71; (8) kṛt affix a (अ) prescribed as अङ्, अच्, अञ्, अण्, अन्, अप्, क, ख, घ, ञ, ड् , ण, et cetera, and others in the third Adhyāya of Pāṇini's Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī.; (9) taddhita affix. affix a (अ) mentioned by Pāṇini as अच्, अञ् अण्, अ et cetera, and others in the fourth and the fifth chapters of the Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī. of Pāṇini; (10) the samāsānta affix a (अ), as also stated in the form of the samāsānta affixes (डच् , अच्, टच्, ष्, अष् and अञ्) by Pāṇini in V.4.73 to 121;(11) substitute a (अश्) accented grave for इदम before case-affixes beginning with the inst. instrumental case. case: (12) remnant (अ) of the negative particle नञ् after the elision of the consonant n (न्) by नलोपो नञः P. vi.3.73.
akathitanot mentioned by any other case-relation such as अपादान, संप्रदान and अधिकरण; stated with respect to the indirect object, governed by roots possessing two objects such as दुह्, याच् and others, which in the passive woice is put in the nominative case. The in-direct object is called akathita because in some cases there exists no other case-relation as, for example, in पौरवं गां याचते or भिक्षते, or माणवकं पन्थानं पृच्छति; while, in the other cases, the other case-relations (with the activity expressed by the verb) are wilfully suppressed or ignored although they exist, as for instance in गां दोग्धि पयः, अन्ववरुणद्धि गां व्रजम्; see अकथितं च P.1.4.51 and the Mahābhāṣya thereon.
akartṛa case-relation excepting that of the subject to the verbal activity. confer, compare अकर्तरि च कारके संज्ञायाम् P. III.3.I9.
akarmakaintransitive, without any object, (said with regard to roots which cannot possess an object or whose object is suppressed or ignored). The reasons for suppression are briefly given in the well-known stanza ; धातोरर्थान्तरे वृत्तेर्धात्वर्थेनोपसंग्रहात् । प्रसिद्धेरविवक्षातः कर्मणोऽकर्मिकाक्रिया ॥ In the case of intransitive roots, the verbal activity and its fruit are centred in one and the same individual viz. the agent or कर्ता confer, compare फलव्यापारयोरेकनिष्ठतायामकर्मकः Vāk. Pad.
akārakanot causing any verbal activity; different from the kārakas or instruments of action such as the agent, the object, the instrument, the recipient (संप्रदान), the separated (अपादान) and the location, (अधिकरण) confer, compare Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on I.4.23, 29 and 5l and on II.3.1.
akriyājanot a result of a verbal activity; the expression is used in connection with qualities ( on a substance) as opposed to the activities found in it. confer, compare अाधेयश्चाक्रियाजश्च सोs सत्त्वप्रकृतिर्गुणः Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on IV. 1.44.
agamakatvanon-communicativeness, inability to communicate adequately the intended meaning. confer, compare सविशेषणानां वृत्तिस्तर्हि कस्मान्न भवति । अगमकत्वात् M. Bh on II.1.1: confer, compare also अगमक: निर्देशः अनिर्देशः।
aṅThe vikaraṇa before luṅ affixes, substituted for the affix cvi ( च्वि ) in the case of the roots mentioned by Pāṇini in sūtras III.1.52-59:(2) the Vikaraṇapratyaya in Vedic Literature before the benedictive affixes prescribed by Pāṇini in Sūtra III.1.86; (3) kṛt affix in the feminine gender showing verbal activity applied to roots marked with the mute letter ष् and the roots भिद्, छिद् and others. P.III.3 104-106.exempli gratia, for example जरा, त्रपा, भिदा, छिदा et cetera, and others
aṇuthe minimum standard of the guantity of sound, which is not perceived by the senses, being equal to one-fourth of a Mātrā; confer, compare अणोस्तु तत्प्रमाणं स्यात् मात्रा तु चतुराणवात् ॥ see T.Pr. 21.3, Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya.1.60, A.Pr. III.65. Ṛk. tantra, however, defines अणु as half-a-mātrā. confer, compare अर्धमणु ( R.T. 1.41 ).
atipattiabsence of any possibility ; Sec क्रियातिपत्ति. confer, compare P. III.3.139 Cān. 1.3.107.
atyantagaticomplete contact of the verbal activity ( क्रिया ); confer, compareP. V.4.4.
athuckṛt (affix). affix अथु with उ accented, applied to roots marked by Pāṇini with the mute syllable टु in the sense of verbal activity: c. g. वेपथुः श्वयथुः, cf ट्वितोथुच् P.III.3.89.
adhika(1)additional or surplus activity which a rule in grammar sometimes shows; अधिकः कारः or अधिकं कार्यम्; confer, compare Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on I.3.11, Kāś. on III.2.124, Bh. Vṛ. on III.4.72; ( 2 ) surplus subject matter e. g. अथाख्याः समाम्नायाधिकाः प्राग्रिफितात् (V.Pr. I.33.)
adhikaraṇa(1)support: a grammatical relation of the nature of a location : place of verbal activity. confer, compare अाधारोsधिकरणम् P.I.4.45; (2) one of the six or seven Kārakas or functionaries of verbal activity shown by the locative case. cf सप्तम्यधिकरणे च P.II.4.36;(3)substance, 'dravya' confer, compare अनधिकरणवाचि अद्रव्यवाचि इति गम्यते M.Bh. on II.1.1.
adhikāragoverning rule consisting of a word (exempli gratia, for example प्रत्ययः, धातोः, समासान्ताः et cetera, and others) or words (exempli gratia, for example ङ्याप्प्रातिपदिकात्, सर्वस्य