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     Grammar Search "heti" has 6 results.
hetī: masculine nominative dual stem: heti
hetī: feminine nominative dual stem: heti
hetī: masculine accusative dual stem: heti
hetī: feminine accusative dual stem: heti
hetī: masculine vocative dual stem: heti
hetī: feminine vocative dual stem: heti
     Amarakosha Search  
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jvālaḥUbhaya-lingaSingulararciḥ, heti, śikhā, kīlaḥflame
37 results for heti
hetif. (fr.1. hi-;in later language also m.) a missile weapon, any weapon (also personified) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetif. stroke, wound View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetif. agni-'s weapon, flame, light etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetif. a ray of the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetif. rapid motion, shot, impact (of a bow-string) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetif. an implement, instrument View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetif. a young shoot or sprout View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetim. Name of the first rākṣasa- king (represented as occupying the Sun's chariot in the month caitra- or madhu-) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetim. of an asura- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetika(in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound') equals heti- (see śakti--, svadhiti-h-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetimantram. Name of a mantra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetimatmfn. armed with missiles, possessed of weapons View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
hetimatmfn. illuminated by the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
asihetim. a swordsman or soldier armed with a sword View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
asyaheti View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
asyaheti(See /asyahaitika-.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
devahetif. divine weapon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dhṛtahetimfn. bearing weapons, armed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dūrehetimfn. (r/e--) whose arrows fly to a distance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
dūrehetim. a particular form of agni- commentator or commentary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harihetif. indra-'s weapon id est the rainbow, (or) viṣṇu-'s weapon id est the cakra- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harihetihūtim. "named after the cakra-", Anas Casarca (see cakra-vāka-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
harihetimamfn. adorned with a rainbow View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nirhetimfn. weaponless, unarmed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prahetim. a missile, weapon View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prahetim. Name of. a king of the rākṣasa-s View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prahetim. of an asura- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
prahetietc. See pra-hi-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahetimfn. with the particle iti-, followed by it View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahetikāramfn. (or n. scilicet pada-,a word) followed by the particle iti- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sahetikaraṇamfn. followed by the particle iti- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śaktihetikamfn. armed with a spear or lance View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
svadhitihetikam. "axe-armed", a soldier armed with an axe View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śvāsahetif. "remedy for asthma", sound sleep View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tigmahetimfn. (m/a--) having sharp weapons (agni-), View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
tigmahetimfn. forming a sharp weapon (agni-'s horn) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
viṣahetim. "whose weapon is poison", a serpent View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
     Apte Search  
1 result
heti हेतिः m., f. [हन्-करणे क्तिन् नि˚] A weapon, a missile; समरविजयी हेतिदलितः Bh.2.44; R.1.12; Ki.3.56;14.3. -2 A stroke, injury. -3 A ray of the sun. -4 Light, splendour. -5 Flame; वहन्ति सर्वभूतानि त्वत्तो निष्क्रम्य हेतयः Mb.5.16.6; Śi.14.25. -6 An implement, instrument; सध्ऱ्यङ् नियम्य यतयो यमकर्तहेतिं जह्युः स्वराडिव निपानखनित्रमि Bhāg.2.7.48. -7 Shot, impact (of a bow-string). -8 A young sprout.
     Macdonell Vedic Search  
1 result
heti he-tí, f. dart, ii. 33, 14 [hi impel].
     Macdonell Search  
1 result
heti f. (V., C.), m. (C.) [√ hi] missile, weapon (V., C.); Agni's weapon, flame (C.); shot, impact (of the bowstring; RV.).
     Vedic Index of
     Names and Subjects  
2 results
varṇa (lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
vājapeya Is the name of a ceremony which, according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa and later authorities, is only per­formed by a Brahmin or a Kṣatriya. The same Brāhmaṇa insists that this sacrifice is superior to the Rājasūya, but the consensus of other authorities assigns to it merely the place of a preliminary to the Bphaspatisava in the case of a priest, and to the Rājasūya in the case of a king, while the śatapatha is compelled to identify the Bṛhaspatisava with the Vājapeya. The essential ceremony is a chariot race in which the sacrificer is victorious. There is evidence in the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra® showing that once the festival was one which any Aryan could perform. Hillebrandt, indeed, goes so far as to compare it with the Olympic games; but there is hardly much real ground for this: the rite seems to have been developed round a primitive habit of chariot racing, transformed into a ceremony which by sympathetic magic secures the success of the sacrificer. In fact Eggeling seems correct in holding that the Vājapeya was a preliminary rite performed by a Brahmin prior to his formal installation as a Purohita, or by a king prior to his consecration. The Kuru Vājapeya was specially well known.
       Bloomfield Vedic
49 results
agnir hetīnāṃ pratidhartā VS.15.10; TS.; MS.2.8.9: 113.5; KS.17.8; śB.
amitrebhyo hetim asyan (also asyantaḥ, asyanti, asyantī, asyantau, asyantyaḥ) AVP.10.13.1--10; 10.14.1--10 (10.14.7--9, asyan; 10.13.7,8 and 10.14.1--4, asyantaḥ; 10.14.10, asyanti; 10.13.1,10, asyantī; 10.13.2--6,9, asyantau; 10.14.5,6, asyantyaḥ).
amūn hetiḥ patatriṇī ny etu AVś.6.29.1a. P: amūn hetiḥ Kauś.46.7.
anyasmai hetim asyata AVP.9.4.7d.
āpo hetiḥ VS.15.18; TS.; MS.2.8.10: 115.4; KS.17.9; śB.
āre hetīr adevīḥ RV.8.61.16d.
avasphūrjan hetiḥ (TS. prahetiḥ) VS.15.19; TS.; śB. See prec. but one.
bṛhaspatir hetīnāṃ pratidhartā VS.15.14; TS.; MS.2.8.9: 114.7; KS.17.8; śB.
devānāṃ hetiḥ pari tvā vṛṇaktu AVś.8.2.9a.
indro hetīnāṃ pratidhartā VS.15.11; TS.; MS.2.8.9: 113.10; KS.17.8; śB.
jyāyā hetiṃ paribādhamānaḥ (AVP. hetim apabādh-) RV.6.75.14b; AVP.15.11.4b; VS.29.51b; TS.; MS.3.16.3b: 187.4; KSA.6.1b; N.9.15b.
maruto hetim ichata Kauś.128.4d.
pari hetiḥ pakṣiṇī no vṛṇaktu RV.10.165.2d; AVś.6.27.2d; MG.2.17.1d.
punar hetiḥ kimīdinaḥ AVś.2.24.1--4. See punar jūtiḥ.
punar hetiḥ kimīdinīḥ AVś.2.24.5--8.
yātudhānā hetiḥ VS.15.16; TS.; MS.2.8.10: 114.14; KS.17.9; śB.
agnir na śuṣkaṃ vanam indra hetiḥ # RV.6.18.10a; śś.14.29.8.
amṛḍayo dūrehetir mṛtyur gandharvaḥ # MS.2.12.2: 145.9. P: amṛḍayo dūrehetiḥ Mś. See dūrehetir amṛḍayo.
avasphūrjad dhetiḥ # MS.2.8.10: 115.7; KS.17.9. See next but one.
asinvā te vartatām indra hetiḥ # RV.10.89.12b.
astu svadheti vaktavyam # Vait.9.12c. Cf. oṃ svadhocyatām, and prakṛtebhyaḥ svadhocyatām.
ādityānāṃ prasitir (MS.KA. prasṛtir) hetir ugrā # MS.4.9.12c: 133.9; TB.; TA.4.20.3c; KA.1.198.13c.
oṃ svadhocyatām # AG.4.7.30. Cf. under astu svadheti.
kṛtyākṛte duṣkṛte vidyutaṃ devahetim # AVś.10.1.23b.
gambhīrāya rakṣase hetim asya # RV.6.62.9c.
chandonāmānāṃ (VSK. chandomānānāṃ; TSṃś. chandomānāṃ) sāmrājyaṃ gacheti (VSK. gachatād iti; Mś. gached iti) me somāya brūtāt # VS.4.24; VSK.4.8.1; TS.; śB.; Mś. (mss. -nāmānaṃ, and -mānaṃ).
tam adrivaḥ phaligaṃ hetim asya # RV.1.121.10b.
tigmāyudhau tigmahetī suśevau # RV.6.74.4a; AVś.5.6.5b--7b; AVP.1.109.2a; 6.11.7a; MS.4.11.2a: 165.13.
tīkṣṇeṣavo brāhmaṇā hetimantaḥ # AVś.5.18.9a; AVP.9.18.2a.
daṅkṣṇavaḥ paśavo hetiḥ # VS.15.15; TS.; MS.2.8.10: 114.17; KS.17.9; śB.
dūregavyūtī stuvann emy ugrau # AVś.4.28.3b. See dūrehetī.
na bibheti kadā cana # TA.8.4.1d; TU.2.4.1d.
na bibheti kutaś cana # TA.8.9.1d; TU.2.9.1d.
pari ṇo rudrasya hetir vṛṇaktu # TS.; KS.17.16a. P: pari ṇo rudrasya hetiḥ TB. See pari ṇo hetī, pari no rudrasya, and cf. pari no heḍo and pari vo rudrasya.
pari ṇo hetī rudrasya vṛjyāḥ (VSK. vṛjyāt) # RV.2.33.14a; VSK.17.8.4a. See under pari ṇo rudrasya.
pari te dhanvano hetiḥ # AVP.14.4.6a; VS.16.12a; TS.; MS.2.9.2a: 122.5; KS.17.11a; NīlarU.16a.
pari no rudrasya hetir vṛṇaktu # VS.16.50a; MS.2.9.9a: 127.13. See under pari ṇo rudrasya.
pari vo rudrasya hetir vṛṇaktu # AVś.4.21.7d; 7.75.1d; KS.1.1; 30.10. See next but one, and cf. under pari ṇo rudrasya.
pari vo hetī rudrasya vṛjyāḥ (TB. vṛñjyāt) # RV.6.28.7d; TB. See under prec. but one.
punar jūtiḥ kimīdinaḥ (AVP.2.91.1--5, kimīdinīḥ) # AVP.2.42.1c--5c; 2.91.1--5. See punar hetiḥ kimīdinaḥ.
pauruṣeyo vadhaḥ prahetiḥ # VS.15.15; TS.; MS.2.8.10: 114.18; KS.17.9; śB.
prakṛtebhyaḥ svadhocyatām # YDh.1.243. Cf. under astu svadheti.
brahmadviṣe tapuṣiṃ hetim asya # RV.3.30.17d; 6.52.3d; N.6.3d.
bhavāśarvau tapuṣīṃ hetim asmai # AVP.8.9.13c.
te hetiṃ taviṣīṃ cukrudhāma # RV.10.142.3d.
no 'bhi srā matyaṃ devahetim # AVś.11.2.19a.
no hetir vivasvataḥ # RV.8.67.20a.
yasya takmā kāsikā hetir ekam # AVś.11.2.22a.
te hetir mīḍhuṣṭama (VSK. mīlhuṣṭama) # AVP.14.4.7a; VS.16.11a; VSK.17.1.10a; TS.; MS.2.9.2a: 122.7; KS.17.11a; NīlarU.17a.
     Vedabase Search  
27 results
heti HetiSB 6.10.19-22
SB 8.10.19-24
heti the wheel of eternal timeSB 3.8.20
heti weaponCC Madhya 22.162
SB 3.25.38
heti by the swordSB 11.29.39
heti swordSB 12.4.34
heti with a weaponSB 4.5.22
heti with HetiSB 8.10.28
bibheti fearsSB 1.1.14
bibheti is afraidSB 1.8.31
bibheti is afraid ofSB 2.7.7
bibheti fearsSB 6.9.21
na bibheti does not fearSB 11.23.56
bibheti is afraidSB 12.8.43
dhātā kṛtasthalī heti Dhātā, Kṛtasthalī and HetiSB 12.11.33
dhātā kṛtasthalī heti Dhātā, Kṛtasthalī and HetiSB 12.11.33
yama-karta-hetim the process of spiritual cultureSB 2.7.48
yama-karta-hetim the process of spiritual cultureSB 2.7.48
dhātā kṛtasthalī heti Dhātā, Kṛtasthalī and HetiSB 12.11.33
na bibheti does not fearSB 11.23.56
praheti PrahetiSB 6.10.19-22
praheti PrahetiSB 8.10.19-24
prahetiḥ puñjikasthalī Praheti and PuñjikasthalīSB 12.11.34
praheti with PrahetiSB 8.10.28
prahetiḥ puñjikasthalī Praheti and PuñjikasthalīSB 12.11.34
yama-karta-hetim the process of spiritual cultureSB 2.7.48
     DCS with thanks   
6 results
heti noun (feminine) Agni's weapon (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a ray of the sun (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a young shoot or sprout (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
an implement (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
flame (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
impact (of a bow-string) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
instrument (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
light (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
rapid motion (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
shot (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
stroke (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
wound (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 11872/72933
heti noun (masculine) name of an Asura (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of the first Rākṣasa king (represented as occupying the sun's chariot in the month Caitra or Madhu) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 16329/72933
nirheti adjective unarmed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
weaponless (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 56357/72933
praheti noun (masculine) a missile (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of a king of the Rākṣasas (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of an Asura (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
weapon (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 15942/72933
bibheti noun (masculine) [gramm.] the root bhī
Frequency rank 60251/72933
rakṣoheti noun (masculine) name of a Rākṣasa
Frequency rank 29855/72933
Ayurvedic Medical
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one of tantrayuktis; presumption; inference from circumstances; disjunctive hypothetical syllogism; logical implication.


area which has no sensation, anesthetic patches on the skin.

     Wordnet Search "heti" has 11 results.


dhūmikā, dhūlikā, dhūpikā, śīkaraḥ, khabāṣpaḥ, mṛgatṛṣṇā, mṛgatṛṣā, mṛgatṛṭ, kūhā, kuheḍikā, kujhaṭikā, kujhaṭiḥ, himajhatiḥ, rubheṭiḥ, dhūmamahiṣī   


śītakāle dhūmikayā āvāgamanasya kṛte kāṭhinyaṃ jāyate।


ḍhālam, khaḍgarāṭ, kheṭikā, ajjhalam   

khaḍgādibhiḥ rakṣaṇārthe upayujyamānā astraviśeṣaḥ।

yoddhā ḍhālena svasaṃrakṣaṇaṃ karoti।


vajram, kuliśam, bhaduram, paviḥ, śatakoṭiḥ, svaruḥ, śambaḥ, dambholiḥ, aśaniḥ, kulīśam, bhidiram, bhiduḥ, svarus, sambaḥ, saṃvaḥ, aśanī, vajrāṃśaniḥ, jambhāriḥ, tridaśāyudham, śatadhāram, śatāram, āpotram, akṣajam, girikaṇṭakaḥ, gauḥ, abhrottham, meghabhūtiḥ, girijvaraḥ, jāmbaviḥ, dambhaḥ, bhidraḥ, ambujam, hlādinī, didyut, nemiḥ, hetiḥ, namaḥ. sṛkaḥ, vṛkaḥ, vadhaḥ, arkaḥ, kutasaḥ , kuliśaḥ, tujaḥ, tigmam, meniḥ, svadhitiḥ sāyakaḥ, paraśuḥ   

indrasya pradhānaṃ śastram।

ekadā indreṇa hanumān vajreṇa prahṛtaḥ।


asihetiḥ, khaḍgikaḥ   

yaḥ aseḥ pracalanaṃ samyak jānāti।

śivājīrājaḥ ekaḥ kuśalaḥ asihetiḥ āsīt।


vyādhaḥ, ākheṭakaḥ, ākheṭikaḥ, kulikaḥ, kṣāntaḥ, khaṭṭikaḥ, gulikaḥ, drohāṭaḥ, nirmanyuḥ, nirvairaḥ, naiṣādaḥ, pāparddhikaḥ, balākaḥ, mārgikaḥ, mṛgadyūḥ, lubdhakaḥ, vyādhakaḥ, śvagaṇikaḥ, saunikaḥ   

yaḥ mṛgayāṃ karoti।

śvāpadaḥ na prāptaḥ ataḥ vyādhaḥ riktahastaḥ eva pratyāgacchat।



ekaḥ rākṣasaḥ yaḥ hetyāḥ bhrātā āsīt।

praheteḥ varṇanaṃ rāmāyaṇe vartate।



ekā rākṣasī।

hetyāḥ varṇanaṃ rāmāyaṇe vartate।


dhūmikā, dhūpikā, khabāṣpaḥ, kuñjhaṭikā, kuñjhaṭiḥ, himañjhatiḥ, kūhā, kuhelikā, kuhelī, kuheḍikā, kuheḍī, rubheṭī, ratāndhrī, nabhoreṇuḥ   

dhūmasadṛśāḥ bāṣpakaṇāḥ ye sūryaprakāśam apahṛtya janān kuhayanti;

śiśire prātaḥ dhūmikā dṛśyate


karṣita, kheṭita, halya   

yasya karṣaṇaṃ jātam।

kṛṣakaḥ karṣite kṣetre bījāni vapati।


sūryakiraṇaḥ, sūryaraśmiḥ, sūryamayūkhaḥ, sūryakaraḥ, sūryāṃśuḥ, arkakaraḥ, gabhastiḥ, tapanakaraḥ, ravikiraṇaḥ, sūryapādaḥ, heti   

sūryasya raśmiḥ।

uṣaḥkāle sūryakiraṇāḥ dharām āvṛṇvanti।



ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

kheṭikasya varṇanaṃ pravare samupalabhyate

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