mfn. struck, beaten (also said of a drum), smitten, killed, slain, destroyed, ended, gone, lost (often in the beginning of a compound = "destitute of","bereft of","-less") etc.
mf(ikā-)n. cursed, wretched, miserable (in fine compositi or 'at the end of a compound'exempli gratia, 'for example'cāṇakya-h-,"the wretched cāṇakya-") etc.
ind. secretly, covertly etc. etc. (withkṛ-,to place on the back ;to neglect, abandon, forsake, give up, renounce etc.;withgam-,to go behind, follow, pursue ;withbhū-,to be behind, be disregarded or of no account )
mfn. struck together, closely joined or united with (instrumental case), keeping together, contiguous, coherent, combined, compacted, forming one mass or body etc.
mfn. (han-) raised well up, uplifted, elevated, whirled up (as dust), flowing (as a river) high up on (compound), heaving, swelling (as waters), towering, lofty, high etc.
हत p. p. [हन्-क्त] 1 Killed, slain; सुषेणं च हतो$सीति ब्रुवन्नादत्त सायकम् Mb.8.48.31. -2 Hurt, struck, injured; चक्षुरादिषु हताः स्वार्थावबोधक्रियाः Mu.3.1. -3 Lost, perished; शमं न लेभे हृदयज्वरार्दितो नरर्षभो यूथहतो यथर्षभः Rām.2.85. 21. -4 Deprived or bereft of. -5 Disappointed, frustrated; वयं तत्त्वान्वेषात् हताः Ś.1.23. -6 Impeded, obstructed. -7 Utterly ruined, extinguished, destroyed. -8 Multiplied. -9 Whirled up, raised. -1 Suffering from. -11 Violated (sexually). -12 Miserable, wretched. -13 Defective. See हन्. It is often used as the first member of comp. in the sense of 'wretched', 'miserable', 'accursed', 'worthless'; अनुशयदुःखायेदं हतहृदयं संप्रति विबुद्धम् Ś.6.6; Māl.9.28; कुर्यामुपेक्षां हतजीविते$स्मिन् R.14.65; हतविधिलसितानां ही विचित्रो विपाकः Śi.11.64. -तम् 1 Killing, striking. -2 Multiplication. -ता 1 A violated woman. -2 A despised girl (unfit for marriage). -Comp. -आश a. 1 bereft of hope, hopeless, desponding. -2 weak, powerless. -3 cruel, merciless. -4 barren. -5 low, vile, wretched, accursed, villainous. -आश्रय a. one whose refuge is destroyed; Bu. Ch.13. 7. -ईक्षण a. blind; Bu. Ch.8.7. -उत्तर a. giving no answer. -उद्यम a. broken in purpose; Bu. Ch.13. 71. -कण्टक a. freed from thorns or foes. -किल्बिष a. freed from sins; धर्मप्रधानं पुरुषं तपसा हतकिल्बिषम् । परलोकं नयत्याशु भास्वन्तं स्वशरीरिणम् ॥ Ms.4.243. -चित्त a. bewildered, confounded. -च्छाया a. bereft of beauty. -जल्पितानि useless talk. -त्रप a. shameless. -त्विष् a. dimmed in lustre; निशीथदीपाः सहसा हतत्विषो बभूवुरालेख्य- समर्पिता इव R.3.15. -दैव a. ill-fated, luckless, ill-starred. -प्रभाव, -वीर्य a. bereft of power or vigour; मन्त्रेण हतवीर्यस्य फणिनो दैत्यमाश्रितः Ku.2.21. -प्रमाद a. freed from carelessness. -बुद्धिः a. deprived of sense, senseless. -भग, -भाग्यः a. ill-fated, unfortunate. -मूर्खः a dolt, blockhead. -युद्ध a. destitute of martial spirit. -रथः a chariot of which the horses and the charioteer are slain. -लक्षण a. devoid of auspicious marks, unlucky. -विनय a. lost to a sense of propriety, wicked; सेव्यानां हतविनयैरिवावृतानां संपर्क परिहरति स्म चन्दनानाम् Ki.7. 29. -शेष a. surviving. -श्री, -संपद् a. reduced to indigence, impoverished. -साध्वस a. freed from fear. -स्त्रीक a. one who has killed a woman.
हतक a. [हत इव नष्टप्रायत्वात् कन्] Miserable, ill-bred, wretched, low, vile; (mostly at the end of comp.); न खलु विदितास्ते तत्र निवसन्तश्चाणक्यहतकेन Mu.2; दूषिताः स्थ परिभूताः स्य रामहतकेन U.1. -कः A low person, coward.
अधिभतम् [अधिष्ठायिभूतं or भूतं प्राणिमात्रमधिकृत्य वर्तमानम्] The highest being; the Supreme Spirit or its all-pervading influence; the whole inanimate creation; अधिभूतं च किं प्रोक्तं Bg.8.1; अधिभूतं क्षरो भावः 8.4 'अधिभूत is all perishable things.'
अनाहत a. 1 Unbeaten, unwounded, intact. -2 [आहतं छेदो भोगो वा तन्नास्ति यस्य] New and unbleached (as cloth) (Mar. कोरें). -3 Not produced by beating (as sound). -4 Not multiplied. -तम्, -तः The 4th of the mystical Chakras in the body, (तन्त्रशास्त्रे प्रसिद्धं हृदयस्थितं सुषुम्णा- मध्यस्थं द्वादशदलपद्मम्); शब्दो ब्रह्ममयः शब्दो$नाहतो यत्र दृश्यते । अनाहताख्यं तत् पद्मं मुनिभिः परिकीर्तितम् ॥ -Comp. -नादः Sound ओम्.
अप्रतिहत a. 1 Not obstructed or impeded, irresistible; ˚हतान् पुत्रान् K.62; अस्मद्गृहे ˚गतिः Pt.1 free to move; तोयस्येवाप्रतिहतरयः U.3.36; जृम्भतामप्रतिहतप्रसरमार्यस्य क्रोध- ज्योतिः Ve.1. -2 Unimpaired, unmarred, unrepulsed, unaffected, at home in every respect; सा बुद्धिरप्रतिहता Bh.2.4; Pt.5.26; so ˚चित्त, ˚ मनस्. -3 Not disappointed. -4. A kind of deity; अपराजित-अप्रतिहत-जयन्त- वैजयन्त-कोष्ठकान्...पुरमध्ये कारयेत् Kau.A.2.4. -Comp. -नेत्र a. of unimpaired eyes. (-त्रः) N. of a Buddhist deity.
अर्थतः ind. [अर्थ-तसिल्] 1 With reference to the meaning or a particular object; यच्चार्थतो गौरवम् Māl.1.7 depth of meaning; दधति परिस्फुटमर्थतो$भिधानम् Śi.7.28. -2 In fact, really, truly; न नामतः केवलमर्थतो$पि Śi.3.56. इत्यादिष्टमर्थतो भवति Mv.3. -3 For the sake of money, gain or profit; ऐश्वर्यादनपेतमीश्वरमयं लोको$र्थतः सेवते Mu.1.14. -4 On account of, by reason of. -5 By reason of
wealth or a particular purpose; अर्थतः पुरुषो नारी या नारी सार्थतः पुमान् Mk.3.27.
आर्हत a. (-ती f.) [अर्हत्-अण्] Belonging to the Jaina doctrines. -तः 1 A Jaina, a follower of Jaina doctirnes. -2 A Buddhist. -तम् The doctrines of Jainas.
आहत p. p. 1 Struck, beaten (as a drum &c.); हदये दिग्धशरैरिवाहतः Ku.4.25,3; R.4.23,12.77. -2 Trodden; पादाहतं यदुत्थाय मूर्धानमधिरोहति Śi.2.46; गजदन्ता- हता वृक्षाः Rām. -3 Injured, killed. -4 Dispelled, destroyed, removed. -5 Multiplied (in Math.) सूर्याब्धि- संख्यया द्वित्रिसागरैरयुताहतैः Sūrya Ś.; एकैकमब्देषु नवाहतेषु Bṛi. S.8.22. -5 Known, understood. -6 Rolled (as dice). -7 Uttered falsely. -तः A drum. -तम् 1 A new cloth or garment. -2 An old garment. -3 A nonsensical or meaningless speech, an assertion of impossibility; e. g. एष वन्ध्यासुतो याति Śubhāṣ. -Comp. -लक्षण a. = आहितलक्षण q. v. under आधा.
निहत p. p. 1 Struck down, smitten, killed, slain. -2 Struck into, infixed. -3 Attached or devoted. -Comp. -अर्थता a kind of fault in poetry; ग्राम्यो$प्रतीतसन्दिग्धनेयार्थ- निहतार्थता S. D.
पृष्ठतस् ind. 1 Behind, behind the back, from behind; गच्छतः पृष्ठतो$न्वियात् Ms.4.154;8.3; नमः पुरस्ता- दथ पृष्ठतस्ते Bg.11.4. -2 Towards the back, backwards; गच्छ पृष्ठतः. -3 On the back. -4 Behind the back, secretly, covertly. (पृष्ठतः कृ means 1 to place on the back, leave behind. -2 to neglect, forsake, abandon. -3 to renounce, desist from, leave off, resign; येनाशाः पृष्ठतः कृत्वा नैराश्यमवलम्बितम् H.1.124; लज्जां पृष्टतः कृत्वा K.; पृष्ठतो गम् to follow; पृष्ठतो भू 1 to stand at the back. -2 to be disregarded.)
प्रहत p. p. 1 Wounded, killed, slain. -2 Beaten, struck (as a drum); स स्वयं प्रहतपुष्करः कृती R.19.14; Me.66. -3 Repulsed, overcome, defeated. -4 Spread, expanded. -5 Contiguous. -6 Beaten, frequented (as a track). -7 Accomplished, learned. -Comp. -मुरज a. having drums beaten; resounding with the beating of drums; संगीताय प्रहतमुरजाः स्निग्धपर्जन्यघोषम् Me.66.
विनिहत p. p. 1 Struck down, wounded. -2 Killed. -3 Completely overcome. -तः 1 Any great or unavoidable calamity, such as that inflicted by fate or heaven. -2 A portent, comet. -Comp. -आत्मन् one who has lost his soul; स त्वां विनिहतात्मानं ...... जाने पापसमाचारम् Rām.4.17.22.
व्याहत p. p. 1 Obstructed, impeded. -2 Repelled, repulsed. -3 Foiled, disappointed; Śi.3.4. -4 Confused, bewildered, alarmed. -Comp. -अर्थता one of the faults of composition; see K. P.7.
संहत p. p. 1 Struck together, wounded. -2 Closed, shut; मैथिलः श्रुतदेवश्च युगपत् संहताञ्जली Bhāg.1.86.25. -3 Well-knit, firmly united. -4 Closely joined or allied; नसंहतास्तस्य नभिन्नवृत्तयः Ki.1.19. -5 Compact, firm, solid; ततो जज्ञे मांसपेशी लोहाष्ठीलेव संहता Mb.1.115.12. -6 Combined, joined, keeping together, being in a body, being very close; जालमादाय गच्छन्ति संहताः पक्षिणो$प्यमी Pt.2.8;5. 11; H.1.34. -7 Of one accord. -8 Assembled, collected. -9 Composite, compound (said of a kind of odour); इष्टश्चानिष्टगन्धश्च ...... संहतः स्निग्धः Mb.12.184.28 (com. संहतश्चित्रगन्धो$नेकद्रव्यकल्कगतः). -1 Strong-limbed, athletic. -11 Killed. -Comp. -जानु a. knock-kneed. -भ्रू a. knitting the eyebrows. -स्तनी a woman whose breasts are very close to each other. -हस्त a. holding each other by the hand.
1. dhá put, III. dádhāti, v. 83, 1; supply with (inst.), ii. 35, 12; bestow, ipv. dhehí, x. 14, 11; dhattá, i. 85, 12; ii. 12, 5; x. 15, 7; dadhāta, x. 15, 4. [237] 7; dadhātana, x. 15, 11; dhattá̄m, iv. 51, 11; dadhantu, vii. 63, 6; perform, ipf. dhatta, i. 85, 9; bestow, s ao. sb. dhāsathas, i. 160, 5; establish,pf. dadhé, x. 129, 7; ds. desire to bestow, didhiṣanti, ii. 35, 5; support, dídhiṣāmi, ii. 35, 12 [Gk. τἰθημι]. ádhi- put on (acc.): pf. dadhire, i. 85, 2; ao. ádhita, x. 127, 1. á̄- deposit, root ao. sb. dhās, v. 83, 7. ní- deposit, root ao. dhātam, vii. 71, 5; ps. ao. ádhāyi, viii. 48, 10. pári- put around, vi. 54, 10. prá- put from (ab.) into (lc.), vii. 61, 3. ví- impose: pf. dadhur, iv. 51, 6; divide, ipf. ádadhur, x. 90, 11. purás- place at the head, appoint Purohita: pf. dadhire, iv. 50, 1.
pp. √ han: -ka, a. (--°ree;) afflicted by (fate); --°ree; (instead of °ree;--, gnly. after names), the accursed, wretched; -kilbisha, a. having one's sins effaced; -ketas, a. dejected in heart; -kkhâya,a. bereft of charm; -gîvana, n., -gîvita, n. accursed life; -gyotir-nisîtha, m. starless night; -tvit-ka, -tvish, a. bereft of light, having its lustre dimmed; (á)-putra, a. whose son or sons have been slain; -buddhi, a. bereft of understanding; -mati, a. whose intellect is lost, mad; -mânasa, a. despondent-minded; -mûrkha, m. great block-head; (á)-varkas, a. bereft of vigour, decayed (AV.); -vidhi, m. accursed fate; a. ill starred; -vritta, a.defective in metre; -sish- ta, pp. left out of the slain; -sesha, a. id.; -hridaya, n. cursed heart; -½âsa, a. bereft of hope, desperate; hopeless=wretched, foolish, wicked (sts. used playfully).
pp. unimpeded, boundless; -hâra, m. non-avoidance; -hârya, fp. unavoidable; -hîya-mâna, pr. pt. ps. not being omitted, not wanting; -hrita, pp. un avoided, practised; -hvrita, pp.unscathed.
cpv. m. one of the elders; â, f. nurse; -tâ, f., -tva, n. superiority, pre cedence; primogeniture; -pâla, m. N.; -va yas, a. older than (--°ree;); -varnin, m. Brâhman; -vritti, a. behaving like an elder brother; -sâman, n. N. of a Sâman; a. one who chants this Sâman; -sâma-ga, a. id.; -½âsrama, m. most excellent order (that of the householder); a. living in the householder stage.
a. having one's forces destroyed; -½artha, a. of obsolete meaning: -tâ, f., -tva, n. use of an obsolete meaning; -½ushtra, a. whose camels have been slain; -hantavya, fp. to be slain ordestroyed; -hantri, m. slayer; destroyer; dispeller; preventer; -hava, m. summons, call; -hnava, m. denial; secrecy, conceal ment; contradiction; surpassing; expiation; excuse, craving pardon (a ceremony); -hnuti, f.denial; -hrâda, m. sound, note.
ad. prp. on or at the back; from behind; backward; behind (g., --°ree;); with the back=with averted face; be hind the back, secretly; -tah kri, take on the back; turn one's back to; put behind one, abandon, renounce, disregard; -to gam, follow; pursue; -to bhû, be behind one, be of no account.
a. hostilely dis posed; -hata-raya, a. whose current is im peded by (--°ree;); -hati, f. blow; rebound; -hantavya, fp. to be opposed; -hantri, m. warder off, preventer; -hartrí, m.withdrawer; destroyer; remover, preventer; a kind of priest, assistant of the Udgâtri; -harsha, m. expression of joy; -harshana, a. causing joy in return; -hasta, m. (person at one's hand), substitute, deputy, proxy: -ka,m. substitute, -tva, n. deputyship; -hastin, m. keeper of a brothel.
pp. thoroughly beaten; justly killed; -hána, a. easy to slay (V.); -hántu, a. id. (RV.); -háva, a. (V.) easily invoked, listening willingly; invoking well; n. (V.) successful invocation; -hásta, a. (V.)fair handed; deft of hand; (sú)-hita, pp. C.: very suitable; very salutary; perfectly satis fied, fully sated (esp. with food and drink; Br., S.; rare in C.); (sú)-huta, pp. V., E.: well offered (sacrifice); well sacrificed to (C.); n.right sacrifice (V.): -hut, a. offering a right sacrifice (S.); -hrik-khoka-vivardha na, a. increasing the sorrow of one's friends; -hrig-gana, m. sg. friend, friends: pl. friends; -hrit-tama, spv. best of friends; -hrit-tâ, f., -hrit-tva, n. friendship; -hrit-tyâga, m. desertion of a friend: -hrid, m. [good hearted] friend; ally (-hrido ganâh, friends): --°ree; a. fond of, addicted to; closely resembling; -hridaya, a. kind-hearted (V.): -tama, spv.; -hrid-bheda, m. separation of friends; -hrid vadha, m. slaying a friend; -hrid-vâkya, n. speech or advice of a friend; -hrin-nârî, f. female friend; -hrin-mitra, n. sg. friends and allies; -hemanta, m. good winter (S.); -hótri (orsú-), m. good sacrificer (V.); -hotra, m. N.
was a kind of ‘ drum.’ A ‘ drummer * (ādambarā- ghāta) is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purusa-medha (‘ human sacrifice ’) in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā.
Is the name of a Rsi mentioned frequently in the Rigveda, and occasionally elsewhere. He appears to have been a descendant of a female slave named Uśij. He must have been a Pajra by family, as he bears the epithet Pajriya, and his descendants are called Pajras. In a hymn of the Rigveda he celebrates the prince Svanaya Bhāvya, who dwelt on the Sindhu (Indus), as having bestowed magnificent gifts on him ; and the list of Nārāśamsas (‘ Praises of Heroes ’) in the Sāñkhāyana Srauta Sūtra mentions one by Kaksīvant Auśija in honour of Svanaya Bhāvayavya. In his old age he obtained as a wife the maiden Vrcayā. He appears to have lived to be a hundred, the typical length of life in the Vedas. He seems always to be thought of as belonging to the past, and in a hymn of the fourth book of the Rigveda he is mentioned with the semi-mythical Kutsa and Kavi Uśanas. Later, also, he is a teacher of bygone days. In Vedic literature he is not connected with Dīrghatamas beyond being once mentioned along with him in a hymn of the Rigveda. But in the Brhaddevatā he appears as a son of Dīrghatamas by a slave woman, Uśij. Weber14 considers that Kaksīvant was originally a Ksatriya, not a Brāhmana, quoting in favour of this view the fact that he is mentioned beside kings like Para Atnāra, Vītahavya Srāyasa, and Trasadasyu Paurukutsya. But that these are all kings is an unnecessary assumption : these persons are mentioned in the passages in question undoubtedly only as famous men of old, to whom are ascribed mythical sacrificial performances, and who thus gained numerous sons.
Appears in the Rigveda as a Dāsa, an enemy of Dīrghatamas, who seems to have engaged him in single combat and defeated him. The St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that he is rather a supernatural being allied to Trita (c/. the Avestan Thrita and Thraetaona).
Denotes in the Atharvaveda and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana the period of life between 90 and 100 years which the Rigveda calls the daśama yuga, ‘ the tenth stage of life.’ Longevity seems not to have been rare among the Vedic Indians, for the desire to live a ‘hundred autumns’ (śaradal} śatam) is constantly expressed. Dīrghatamas is said to have lived ioo years, and Mahidāsa Aitareya is credited with 116. Onesikritos reported that they sometimes lived 130 years, a statement with which corresponds the wish expressed in the Jātaka for a life of 120 years. Probably the number was always rather imaginary than real, but the com¬parative brevity of modern life in India9 may be accounted for by the cumulative effect of fever, which is hardly known to the Rigveda. See Takman.
‘Ordeal,’ is a term not found until the later literature, but several references to the practice of ordeals have been seen in Vedic literature. The fire ordeal seen in the Atharvaveda1 by Schlagintweit, Weber, Ludwig, Zimmer, and others, has been disproved by Grill, Bloomfield, and Whitney. But such an ordeal appears in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, and an ordeal with a glowing axe occurs in the Chāndogya Upanisad as applied in an accusation of theft. Geldner suggests that this usage is referred to even in the Rigveda, but this is most improbable. Ludwig and Griffith discover in another passage of the Rigveda references to Dīrghatamas’ having been subjected to the fire and water ordeals, but this view cannot be supported. According to Weber the 'balance’ ordeal is referred to in the śatapatha Brāhmana, but see Tulā.
(‘ Long darkness ’) Māmateya (* son of Mamatā ’) Aucathya (‘son of Ucatha’) is mentioned as a singer in one hymn of the Rigveda, and is referred to in several passages by his metronymic, Māmateya, alone. He is said, both in the Rigveda and in the Sāñkhāyana Áranyaka, to have attained the tenth decade of life. In the Aitareya Brāhmana he appears as the priest of Bharata. The Brhaddevatā contains a preposterous legend made up of fragments of the Rigveda,® according to which Dīrghatamas was born blind, but recovered his sight; in old age he was thrown into a river by his servants, one of whom, Traitana, attacked him, but killed himself instead. Carried down by the stream, he was cast up in the Añga country, where he married Uśij, a slave girl, and begot Kaksīvant. The two legends here combined are not even consistent, for the second ignores Dīrghatamas’ recovery of sight. To attach any historical importance to them, as does Pargiter, would seem to be unwise.
Is the name of a people of great importance in the Rigveda and the later literature. In the Rigveda they appear prominently in the third and seventh Maṇdalas in connexion with Sudās and the Tftsus, while in the sixth Maṇdala they are associated with Divodāsa. In one passage the Bharatas are, like the Tṛtsus, enemies of the Pūrus: there can be little doubt that Ludwig’s view of the identity of the Bharatas and and Tṛtsus is practically correct. More precisely Oldenberg considers that the Tṛtsus are the Vasiṣhas, the family singers of the Bharatas; while Geldner recognizes, with perhaps more probability, in the Tṛtsus the royal family of the Bharatas. That the Tṛtsus and Bharatas were enemies, as Zimmer holds, is most improbable even on geographical grounds, for the Tṛtsus in Zimmer’s view occupied the country to the east of the Paruçṇī (Ravi), and the Bharatas must therefore be regarded as coming against the Tṛtsus from the west, whereas the Rigveda recognizes two Bharata chiefs on the Sarasvatī, Ápayā, and Dpçadvatī that is, in the holy land of India, the Madhyadeśa. Hillebrandt sees in the connexion of the Tṛtsus and the Bharatas a fusion of two tribes; but this is not supported by any evidence beyond the fact that in his opinion some such theory is needed to explain Divodāsa's appearing in connexion with the Bharadvāja family, while Sudās, his son, or perhaps grandson {cf. Pijavana), is connected with the Vasiṣthas and the Viśvāmitras. In the later literature the Bharatas appear as especially famous. The śatapatha Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as a king, sacrificer of the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and śatānīka Sātrājita, as another Bharata who offered that sacrifice. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa mentions Bharata Dauh- ṣanti as receiving the kingly coronation from Dlrghatamas Māmateya, and śatānīka as being consecrated by Somaśuçman Vājaratnāyana, a priest whose name is of quite late origin. The geographical position of the Bharata people is clearly shown by the fact that the Bharata kings win victories over the Kāśis, and make offerings on the Yamunā (Jumna) and Gañgfā (Ganges). Moreover, in the formula of the king’s proclamation for the people, the variants recorded include Kuravah, Pañcālāh, Kuru-Pañcālāh,, and Bharatāh ; and the Mahābhārata consistently recognizes the royal family of the Kurus as a Bharata family. It is therefore extremely probable that Oldenberg is right in holding that the Bharatas in the times of the Brāhmaṇas were merging in the Kuru-Pañcāla people. The ritual practices of the Bharatas are repeatedly mentioned in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, and the Taittirīya Aranyaka. Already in the Rigveda there is mention made of Agni Bhārata (‘of the Bharatas’). In the Apr! hymns occurs a goddess Bhāratī, the personified divine protective power of the Bharatas : her association in the hymns with Sarasvatī reflects the connexion 'of the Bharatas with the Sarasvatī in the Rigveda. Again, in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa Agni is referred to as brāhmana Bhārata, ‘priest of the Bharatas,’ and is invited to dispose of the offering Manusvat Bharatavat, ‘like Manu,’ ‘like Bharata.’ In one or two passages Sudās or Divodāsa and, on the other hand, Purukutsa or Trasadasyu appear in a friendly relation. Possibly this points, as Oldenberg suggests, to the union of Bharatas and Pūrus with the Kurus. A Bharata is referred to in the fifth Mandala of the Rigveda who he was is uncertain.
Is, according to Sāyaṇa, in one passage of the Rigveda, the wife of Ucathya and the mother of Dīrg*hatamas. But the word may be merely an abstract noun meaning ‘ selfinterest,’ a sense which it often has in the later language. Oldenberg finds a mention of Mamata (masc.) in a verse of the Rigveda as the name of a Bharadvāja.
In the Rigveda frequently denotes a ‘generation’; but the expression daśame yuge applied to Dirg’hatamas in one passage must mean ‘tenth decade’ of life. There is no reference in the older Vedic texts to the five-year cycle (see Samvatsara). The quotation from the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa given in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, and by Zimmer and others, is merely a citation from a modern text in the commentary on that work. Nor do the older Vedic texts know of any series of Yugas or ages such as are usual later. In the Atharvaveda6 there are mentioned in order a hundred years, an ayuta (10,000?), and then two, three, or four Yugas: the inference from this seems to be that a Yuga means more than an ayuta, but is not very certain. Zimmer adduces a passage from the Rigveda, but the reference there, whatever it may be, is certainly not to the four ages {cf. also Triyug’a). The Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa recognizes long periods of time—e.g., one of 100,000 years. To the four ages, Kali, Dvāpara, Tretā, and Kṛta, there is no certain reference in Vedic literature, though the names occur as the designations of throws at dice (see Akça). In the Aitareya Brāhmana the names occur, but it is not clear that the ages are really meant. Haug thought that the dice were meant: this view is at least as probable as the alternative explanation, which is accepted by Weber, Roth,Wilson, Max Mūller, and Muir. Roth, indeed, believes that the verse is an inter¬polation ; but in any case it must be remembered that the passage is from a late book of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. Four ages—Puṣya, Dvāpara, Khārvā, and Kṛta—are mentioned in the late Sadvimśa Brāhmaṇa, and the Dvāpara in the Gopatha Brāhmana.
Occurs once in the plural in the Atharvaveda, where the Paippalāda recension reads vaghatah. Roth once conjectured raghavaḥ, 'swift,' as correct reading. Bloomfield who in his translation explains the word as 'falcons,' in his notes inclines to think Roth's conjecture likely. Ludwig suggests 'bees' as the meaning. Possibly some kind of a bird may be intended.
(lit. ‘colour’) In the Rigveda is applied to denote classes of men, the Dāsa and the Aryan Varṇa being contrasted, as other passages show, on account of colour. But this use is confined to distinguishing two colours: in this respect the Rigveda differs fundamentally from the later Samhitās and Brāhmaṇas, where the four castes (varnūh) are already fully recognized. (a) Caste in the Rigveda.—The use of the term Varṇa is not, of course, conclusive for the question whether caste existed in the Rigveda. In one sense it must be admitted to have existed: the Puruṣa-sūkta, ‘hymn of man,’ in the tenth Maṇdala clearly contemplates the division of mankind into four classes—the Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, Vaiśya, and śūdra. But the hymn being admittedly late,6 its evidence is not cogent for the bulk of the Rigveda.' Zimmer has with great force com- batted the view that the Rigveda was produced in a society that knew the caste system. He points out that the Brāhmaṇas show us the Vedic Indians on the Indus as unbrah- minized, and not under the caste system; he argues that the Rigveda was the product of tribes living in the Indus region and the Panjab; later on a part of this people, who had wandered farther east, developed the peculiar civilization of the caste system. He adopts the arguments of Muir, derived from the study of the data of the Rigveda, viz.: that (a) the four castes appear only in the late Purusasūkta; (6) the term Varṇa, as shown above, covers the three highest castes of later times, and is only contrasted with Dāsa; (c) that Brāhmaṇa is rare in the Rigveda, Kṣatriya occurs seldom, Rājanya only in the Purusasūkta, where too, alone, Vaiśya and śūdra are found; (d) that Brahman denotes at first ‘poet,’ ‘sage,’ and then ‘ officiating priest,’ or still later a special class of priest; (e) that in some only of the passages where it occurs does Brahman denote a ‘priest by profession,’ while in others it denotes something peculiar to the individual, designating a person distinguished for genius or virtue, or specially chosen to receive divine inspiration. Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, as Muir admits, already denotes a hereditary professional priesthood. Zimmer connects the change from the casteless system of the Rigveda to the elaborate system of the Yajurveda with the advance of the Vedic Indians to the east, comparing the Ger¬manic invasions that transformed the German tribes into monarchies closely allied with the church. The needs of a conquering people evoke the monarch; the lesser princes sink to the position of nobles ; for repelling the attacks of aborigines or of other Aryan tribes, and for quelling the revolts of the subdued population, the state requires a standing army in the shape of the armed retainers of the king, and beside the nobility of the lesser princes arises that of the king’s chief retainers, as the Thegns supplemented the Gesiths of the Anglo-Saxon monarchies. At the same time the people ceased to take part in military matters, and under climatic influences left the conduct of war to the nobility and their retainers, devoting themselves to agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade. But the advantage won by the nobles over the people was shared by them with the priesthood, the origin of whose power lies in the Purohitaship, as Roth first saw. Originally the prince could sacrifice for himself and the people, but the Rigveda itself shows cases, like those of Viśvāmitra and Vasiçtha illustrating forcibly the power of the Purohita, though at the same time the right of the noble to act as Purohita is seen in the case of Devāpi Arṣtisena.le The Brahmins saw their opportunity, through the Purohitaship, of gaining practical power during the confusion and difficulties of the wars of invasion, and secured it, though only after many struggles, the traces of which are seen in the Epic tradition. The Atharvaveda also preserves relics of these conflicts in its narration of the ruin of the Spñjayas because of oppressing Brahmins, and besides other hymns of the Atharvaveda, the śatarudriya litany of the Yajurveda reflects the period of storm and stress when the aboriginal population was still seething with discontent, and Rudra was worshipped as the patron god of all sorts of evil doers. This version of the development of caste has received a good deal of acceptance in it's main outlines, and it may almost be regarded as the recognized version. It has, however, always been opposed by some scholars, such as Haug, Kern, Ludwig, and more recently by Oldenberg25 and by Geldner.25 The matter may be to some extent simplified by recognizing at once that the caste system is one that has progressively developed, and that it is not legitimate to see in the Rigveda the full caste system even of the Yajurveda; but at the same time it is difficult to doubt that the system was already well on its way to general acceptance. The argument from the non- brahminical character of the Vrātyas of the Indus and Panjab loses its force when it is remembered that there is much evidence in favour of placing the composition of the bulk of the Rigveda, especially the books in which Sudās appears with Vasiṣṭha and Viśvāmitra, in the east, the later Madhyadeśa, a view supported by Pischel, Geldner, Hopkins,30 and Mac¬donell.81 Nor is it possible to maintain that Brahman in the Rigveda merely means a ‘poet or sage.’ It is admitted by Muir that in some passages it must mean a hereditary profession ; in fact, there is not a single passage in which it occurs where the sense of priest is not allowable, since the priest was of course the singer. Moreover, there are traces in the Rigveda of the threefold or fourfold division of the people into brahma, ksafram, and vitofi, or into the three classes and the servile population. Nor even in respect to the later period, any more than to the Rigveda, is the view correct that regards the Vaiśyas as not taking part in war. The Rigveda evidently knows of no restriction of war to a nobility and its retainers, but the late Atharvaveda equally classes the folk with the bala, power,’ representing the Viś as associated with the Sabhā, Samiti, and Senā, the assemblies of the people and the armed host. Zimmer explains these references as due to tradition only; but this is hardly a legitimate argument, resting, as it does, on the false assumption that only a Kṣatriya can fight. But it is (see Kçatriya) very doubtful whether Kṣatriya means anything more than a member of the nobility, though later, in the Epic, it included the retainers of the nobility, who increased in numbers with the growth of military monarchies, and though later the ordinary people did not necessarily take part in wars, an abstention that is, however, much exaggerated if it is treated as an absolute one. The Kṣatriyas were no doubt a hereditary body; monarchy was already hereditary (see Rājan), and it is admitted that the śūdras were a separate body: thus all the elements of the caste system were already in existence. The Purohita, indeed, was a person of great importance, but it is clear, as Oldenberg37 urges, that he was not the creator of the power of the priesthood, but owed his position, and the influence he could in consequence exert, to the fact that the sacrifice required for its proper performance the aid of a hereditary priest in whose possession was the traditional sacred knowledge. Nor can any argument for the non-existence of the caste system be derived from cases like that of Devāpi. For, in the first place, the Upaniṣads show kings in the exercise of the priestly functions of learning and teaching, and the Upaniṣads are certainly contemporaneous with an elaborated caste system. In the second place the Rigvedic evidence is very weak, for Devāpi, who certainly acts as Purohita, is not stated in the Rigveda to be a prince at all, though Yāska calls him a Kauravya; the hymns attributed to kings and others cannot be vindicated for them by certain evidence, though here, again, the Brāhmaṇas do not scruple to recognize Rājanyarṣis, or royal sages’; and the famous Viśvāmitra shows in the Rigveda no sign of the royal character which the Brāhmaṇas insist on fastening on him in the shape of royal descent in the line of Jahnu. (6) Caste in the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas. The relation between the later and the earlier periods of the Vedic history of caste must probably be regarded in the main as the hardening of a system already formed by the time of the Rigveda. etc. Three castes Brāhmaṇa, Rājan, śūdraare mentioned in the Atharvaveda, and two castes are repeatedly mentioned together, either Brahman and Kṣatra, or Kṣatra and Viś. 2.The Relation of the Castes. The ritual literature is full of minute differences respecting the castes. Thus, for example, the śatapatha prescribes different sizes of funeral mounds for the four castes. Different modes of address are laid down for the four castes, as ehi, approach ’; āgaccha, ‘come’; ādrava, run up ’; ādhāva, hasten up,’ which differ in degrees of politeness. The representatives of the four castes are dedicated at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) to different deities. The Sūtras have many similar rules. But the three upper castes in some respects differ markedly from the fourth, the śūdras. The latter are in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa declared not fit to be addressed by a Dīkṣita, consecrated person,’ and no śūdra is to milk the cow whose milk is to be used for the Agnihotra ('fire-oblation’). On the other hand, in certain passages, the śūdra is given a place in the Soma sacrifice, and in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa there are given formulas for the placing of the sacrificial fire not only for the three upper castes, but also for the Rathakāra, chariot-maker.’ Again, in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, the Brāhmaṇa is opposed as eater of the oblation to the members of the other three castes. The characteristics of the several castes are given under Brāhmaṇa, Kçatriya and Rājan, Vaiśya, śūdra: they may be briefly summed up as follows : The Viś forms the basis of the state on which the Brahman and Kṣatra rest;®3 the Brahman and Kṣatra are superior to the Viś j®4 while all three classes are superior to the śūdras. The real power of the state rested with the king and his nobles, with their retainers, who may be deemed the Kṣatriya element. Engaged in the business of the protection of the country, its administration, the decision of legal cases, and in war, the nobles subsisted, no doubt, on the revenues in kind levied from the people, the king granting to them villages (see Grāma) for their maintenance, while some of them, no doubt, had lands of their own cultivated for them by slaves or by tenants. The states were seemingly small there are no clear signs of any really large kingdoms, despite the mention of Mahārājas. The people, engaged in agriculture, pastoral pursuits, and trade (Vaṇij), paid tribute to the king and nobles for the protection afforded them. That, as Baden- Powell suggests, they were not themselves agriculturists is probably erroneous; some might be landowners on a large scale, and draw their revenues from śūdra tenants, or even Aryan tenants, but that the people as a whole were in this position is extremely unlikely. In war the people shared the conflicts of the nobles, for there was not yet any absolute separation of the functions of the several classes. The priests may be divided into two classes the Purohitas of the kings, who guided their employers by their counsel, and were in a position to acquire great influence in the state, as it is evident they actually did, and the ordinary priests who led quiet lives, except when they were engaged on some great festival of a king or a wealthy noble. The relations and functions of the castes are well summed up in a passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, which treats of them as opposed to the Kṣatriya. The Brāhmaṇa is a receiver of gifts (ā-dāyī), a drinker of Soma (ā-pāyī), a seeker of food (āvasāyī), and liable to removal at will (yathākāma-prayāpyaīi).n The Vaiśya is tributary to another (anyasya balikrt), to be lived on by another (anyasyādyal}), and to be oppressed at will (yathā- kāma-jyeyal}). The śūdra is the servant of another (anyasya j>resyah), to be expelled at will (kāmotthāpyah), and to be slain at pleasure {yathākāma-vadhyah). The descriptions seem calculated to show the relation of each of the castes to the Rājanya. Even the Brāhmaṇa he can control, whilst the Vaiśya is his inferior and tributary, whom he can remove without cause from his land, but who is still free, and whom he cannot maim or slay without due process. The śūdra has no rights of property or life against the noble, especially the king. The passage is a late one, and the high place of the Kṣatriya is to some extent accounted for by this fact. It is clear that in the course of time the Vaiśya fell more and more in position with the hardening of the divisions of caste. Weber shows reason for believing that the Vājapeya sacrifice, a festival of which a chariot race forms an integral part, was, as the śāñkhāyana śrauta Sūtra says, once a sacrifice for a Vaiśya, as well as for a priest or king. But the king, too, had to suffer diminution of his influence at the hands of the priest: the Taittirīya texts show that the Vājapeya was originally a lesser sacrifice which, in the case of a king, was followed by the Rājasūya, or consecration of him as an overlord of lesser kings, and in that of the Brahmin by the Bṛhaspatisava, a festival celebrated on his appointment as a royal Purohita. But the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa exalts the Vājapeya, in which a priest could be the sacrificer, over the Rājasūya, from which he was excluded, and identifies it with the Bṛhaspatisava, a clear piece of juggling in the interests of the priestly pretentions. But we must not overestimate the value of such passages, or the exaltation of the Purohita in the later books of the śatapatha and Aitareya Brāhmanas as evidence of a real growth in the priestly power: these books represent the views of the priests of what their own powers should be, and to some extent were in the Madhyadeśa. Another side of the picture is presented in the Pāli literature, which, belonging to a later period than the Vedic, undoubtedly underestimates the position of the priests ; while the Epic, more nearly contemporaneous with the later Vedic period, displays, despite all priestly redaction, the temporal superiority of the nobility in clear light. Although clear distinctions were made between the different castes, there is little trace in Vedic literature of one of the leading characteristics of the later system, the impurity communicated by the touch or contact of the inferior castes, which is seen both directly in the purification rendered necessary in case of contact with a śūdra, and indirectly in the prohibition of eating in company with men of lower caste. It is true that prohibition of eating in company with others does appear, but hot in connexion with caste: its purpose is to preserve the peculiar sanctity of those who perform a certain rite or believe in a certain doctrine; for persons who eat of the same food together, according to primitive thought, acquire the same characteristics and enter into a sacramental communion. But Vedic literature does not yet show that to take food from an inferior caste was forbidden as destroying purity. Nor, of course, has the caste system developed the constitution with a head, a council, and common festivals which the modern caste has; for such an organization is not found even in the Epic or in the Pāli literature. The Vedic characteristics of caste are heredity, pursuit of a common occupation, and restriction on intermarriage. 3. Restrictions on Intermarriage. Arrian, in his Indica, probably on the authority of Megasthenes, makes the prohibi¬tion of marriage between <γevη, no doubt castes,’ a characteristic of Indian life. The evidence of Pāli literature is in favour of this view, though it shows that a king could marry whom he wished, and could make his son by that wife the heir apparent. But it equally shows that there were others who held that not the father’s but the mother’s rank determined the social standing of the son. Though Manu recognizes the possibility of marriage with the next lower caste as producing legitimate children, still he condemns the marriage of an Aryan with a woman of lower caste. The Pāraskara Gṛhya Sūtra allows the marriage of a Kṣatriya with a wife of his own caste or of the lower caste, of a Brahmin with a wife of his own caste or of the two lower classes, and of a Vaiśya with a Vaiśya wife only. But it quotes the opinion of others that all of them can marry a śūdra wife, while other authorities condemn the marriage with a śūdra wife in certain circumstances, which implies that in other cases it might be justified. The earlier literature bears out this impression: much stress is laid on descent from a Rṣi, and on purity of descent ; but there is other evidence for the view that even a Brāhmaṇa need not be of pure lineage. Kavaṣa Ailūṣa is taunted with being the son of a Dāsī, ‘slave woman,’ and Vatsa was accused of being a śūdrā’s son, but established his purity by walking unhurt through the flames of a fire ordeal. He who is learned (śiiśruvān) is said to be a Brāhmaṇa, descended from a Rṣi (1ārseya), in the Taittirīya Samhitā; and Satyakāma, son of Jabālā, was accepted as a pupil by Hāridrumata Gautama, though he could not name his father. The Kāthaka Samhitā says that knowledge is all-important, not descent. But all this merely goes to show that there was a measure of laxity in the hereditary character of caste, not that it was not based on heredity. The Yajurveda Samhitās recognize the illicit union of Árya and śūdrā, and vice versa: it is not unlikely that if illicit unions took place, legal marriage was quite possible. The Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, indeed, recognizes such a case in that of Dīrghatamas, son of the slave girl Uśij, if we may adopt the description of Uśij given in the Brhaddevatā. In a hymn of the Atharvaveda extreme claims are put forward for the Brāhmaṇa, who alone is a true husband and the real husband, even if the woman has had others, a Rājanya or a Vaiśya: a śūdra Husband is not mentioned, probably on purpose. The marriage of Brāhmaṇas with Rājanya women is illustrated by the cases of Sukanyā, daughter of king śaryāta, who married Cyavana, and of Rathaviti’s daughter, who married śyāvāśva. 4.Occupation and Caste.—The Greek authorities and the evidence of the Jātakas concur in showing it to have been the general rule that each caste was confined to its own occupations, but that the Brāhmaṇas did engage in many professions beside that of simple priest, while all castes gave members to the śramaṇas, or homeless ascetics. The Jātakas recognize the Brahmins as engaged in all sorts of occupations, as merchants, traders, agriculturists, and so forth. Matters are somewhat simpler in Vedic literature, where the Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas appear as practically confined to their own professions of sacrifice and military or administrative functions. Ludwig sees in Dīrgliaśravas in the Rigveda a Brahmin reduced by indigence to acting as a merchant, as allowed even later by the Sūtra literature; but this is not certain, though it is perfectly possible. More interesting is the question how far the Ksatriyas practised the duties of priests; the evidence here is conflicting. The best known case is, of course, that of Viśvāmitra. In the Rigveda he appears merely as a priest who is attached to the court of Sudās, king of the Tftsus ; but in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa he is called a king, a descendant of Jahnu, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa refers to śunahśepa’s succeeding, through his adoption by Viśvāmitra, to the divine lore (daiva veda) of the Gāthins and the lordship of the Jahnus. That in fact this tradition is correct seems most improbable, but it serves at least to illustrate the existence of seers of royal origin. Such figures appear more than once in the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana, which knows the technical terms Rājanyarçi and Devarājan corresponding to the later Rājarṣi, royal sage.’ The Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa says of one who knows a certain doctrine, ‘being a king he becomes a seer’ (rājā sann rsir bhavati), and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brāhmana applies the term Rāj'anya to a Brāhmaṇa. Again, it is argued that Devāpi Árstiseṇa, who acted as Purohita, according to the Rigveda, for śantanu, was a prince, as Yāska says or implies he was. But this assumption seems to be only an error of Yāska’s. Since nothing in the Rigveda alludes to any relationship, it is impossible to accept Sieg’s view that the Rigveda recognizes the two as brothers, but presents the fact of a prince acting the part of Purohita as unusual and requiring explanation. The principle, however, thus accepted by Sieg as to princes in the Rigveda seems sound enough. Again, Muir has argued that Hindu tradition, as shown in Sāyaṇa, regards many hymns of the Rigveda as composed by royal personages, but he admits that in many cases the ascription is wrong; it may be added that in the case of Prthī Vainya, where the hymn ascribed to him seems to be his, it is not shown in the hymn itself that he is other than a seer; the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa calls him a king, but that is probably of no more value than the later tradition as to Viśvāmitra. The case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas mentioned in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa has been cited as that of a king sacrificing without priestly aid, but the interpretation iś quite uncertain, while the parallel of the Kaśyapas, Asitamrgas, and Bhūtavīras mentioned in the course of the narrative renders it highly probable that the king had other priests to carry out the sacrifice. Somewhat different are a series of other cases found in the Upaniṣads, where the Brahma doctrine is ascribed to royal persons. Thus Janaka is said in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa to have become a Brahman; Ajātaśatru taught Gārgya Bālāki Pravāhaṇa Jaivali instructed śvetaketu Áruṇeya, as well as śilaka śālāvatya and Caikitāyana Dālbhya; and Aśvapati Kaikeya taught Brahmins. It has been deduced from such passages that the Brahma doctrine was a product of the Kṣatriyas. This conclusion is, however, entirely doubtful, for kings were naturally willing to be flattered by the ascription to them of philosophic activity, and elsewhere the opinion of a Rājanya is treated with contempt. It is probably a fair deduction that the royal caste did not much concern itself with the sacred lore of the priests, though it is not unlikely that individual exceptions occurred. But that warriors became priests, that an actual change of caste took place, is quite unproved by a single genuine example. That it was impossible we cannot say, but it seems not to have taken place. To be distinguished from a caste change, as Fick points out, is the fact that a member of any caste could, in the later period at least, become a śramaṇa, as is recorded in effect of many kings in the Epic. Whether the practice is Vedic is not clear: Yāska records it of Devāpi, but this is not evidence for times much anterior to the rise of Buddhism. On the other hand, the Brahmins, or at least the Purohitas, accompanied the princes in battle, and probably, like the mediaeval clergy, were not unprepared to fight, as Vasistha and Viśvāmitra seem to have done, and as priests do even in the Epic from time to time. But a priest cannot be said to change caste by acting in this way. More generally the possibility of the occurrence of change of caste may be seen in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,138 where śyāparṇa Sāyakāyana is represented as speaking of his off¬spring as if they could have become the nobles, priests, and commons of the śalvas; and in the Aitareya Brāhmana,139 where Viśvantara is told that if the wrong offering were made his children would be of the three other castes. A drunken Rṣi of the Rigveda140 talks as if he could be converted into a king. On the other hand, certain kings, such as Para Átṇāra, are spoken of as performers of Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions.’ As evidence for caste exchange all this amounts to little; later a Brahmin might become a king, while the Rṣi in the Rigveda is represented as speaking in a state of intoxication; the great kings could be called sacrificers if, for the nonce, they were consecrated (dīksita), and so temporarily became Brahmins.The hypothetical passages, too, do not help much. It would be unwise to deny the possibility of caste exchange, but it is not clearly indicated by any record. Even cases like that of Satyakāma Jābāla do not go far; for ex hypothesi that teacher did not know who his father was, and the latter could quite well have been a Brahmin. It may therefore be held that the priests and the nobles practised hereditary occupations, and that either class was a closed body into which a man must be born. These two Varṇas may thus be fairly regarded as castes. The Vaiśyas offer more difficulty, for they practised a great variety of occupations (see Vaiśya). Fick concludes that there is no exact sense in which they can be called a caste, since, in the Buddhist literature, they were divided into various groups, which themselves practised endogamy such as the gahapatis, or smaller landowners, the setthis, or large merchants and members of the various guilds, while there are clear traces in the legal textbooks of a view that Brāhmana and Kṣatriya stand opposed to all the other members of the community. But we need hardly accept this view for Vedic times, when the Vaiśya, the ordinary freeman of the tribe, formed a class or caste in all probability, which was severed by its free status from the śūdras, and which was severed by its lack of priestly or noble blood from the two higher classes in the state. It is probably legitimate to hold that any Vaiśya could marry any member of the caste, and that the later divisions within the category of Vaiśyas are growths of divisions parallel with the original process by which priest and noble had grown into separate entities. The process can be seen to-day when new tribes fall under the caste system: each class tries to elevate itself in the social scale by refusing to intermarry with inferior classes on equal terms—hypergamy is often allowed—and so those Vaiśyas who acquired wealth in trade (śreṣthin) or agriculture (the Pāli Gahapatis) would become distinct, as sub-castes, from the ordinary Vaiśyas. But it is not legitimate to regard Vaiśya as a theoretic caste; rather it is an old caste which is in process of dividing into innumerable sub-castes under influences of occupation, religion, or geographical situation. Fick denies also that the śūdras ever formed a single caste: he regards the term as covering the numerous inferior races and tribes defeated by the Aryan invaders, but originally as denoting only one special tribe. It is reasonable to suppose that śūdra was the name given by the Vedic Indians to the nations opposing them, and that these ranked as slaves beside the three castes—nobles, priests, and people—just as in the Anglo-Saxon and early German constitution beside the priests, the nobiles or eorls, and the ingenui, ordinary freemen or ceorls, there was a distinct class of slaves proper; the use of a generic expression to cover them seems natural, whatever its origin (see śūdra). In the Aryan view a marriage of śūdras could hardly be regulated by rules; any śūdra could wed another, if such a marriage could be called a marriage at all, for a slave cannot in early law be deemed to be capable of marriage proper. But what applied in the early Vedic period became no doubt less and less applicable later when many aboriginal tribes and princes must have come into the Aryan community by peaceful means, or by conquest, without loss of personal liberty, and when the term śūdra would cover many sorts of people who were not really slaves, but were freemen of a humble character occupied in such functions as supplying the numerous needs of the village, like the Caṇdālas, or tribes living under Aryan control, or independent, such as the Niṣādas. But it is also probable that the śūdras came to include men of Aryan race, and that the Vedic period saw the degradation of Aryans to a lower social status. This seems, at any rate, to have been the case with the Rathakāras. In the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa the Rathakāra is placed as a special class along with the Brāhmaṇas, Rājanyas, and Vaiśyas: this can hardly be interpreted except to mean that the Rathakāras were not included in the Aryan classes, though it is just possible that only a subdivision of the Vaiśyas is meant. There is other evidence that the Rathakāras were regarded as śūdras. But in the Atharvaveda the Rathakāras and the Karmāras appear in a position of importance in connexion with the selection of the king; these two classes are also referred to in an honourable way in the Vājasaneyi Sarphitā; in the śata¬patha Brāhmaṇa, too, the Rathakāra is mentioned as a a person of high standing. It is impossible to accept the view suggested by Fick that these classes were originally non- Aryan ; we must recognize that the Rathakāras, in early Vedic times esteemed for their skill, later became degraded because of the growth of the feeling that manual labour was not dignified. The development of this idea was a departure from the Aryan conception; it is not unnatural, however undesirable, and has a faint parallel in the class distinctions of modern Europe. Similarly, the Karmāra, the Takṣan the Carmamna, or ‘tanner,’ the weaver and others, quite dignified occupations in the Rigveda, are reckoned as śūdras in the Pāli texts. The later theory, which appears fully developed in the Dharma Sūtras, deduces the several castes other than the original four from the intermarriage of the several castes. This theory has no justification in the early Vedic literature. In some cases it is obviously wrong; for example, the Sūta is said to be a caste of this kind, whereas it is perfectly clear that if the Sūtas did form a caste, it was one ultimately due to occupation. But there is no evidence at all that the Sūtas, Grāmaηīs, and other members of occupations were real castes in the sense that they were endogamic in the early Vedic period. All that we can say is that there was a steady progress by which caste after caste was formed, occupation being an important determining feature, just as in modern times there are castes bearing names like Gopāla (cowherd ’) Kaivarta or Dhīvara ('fisherman'), and Vaṇij (‘merchant’). Fick finds in the Jātakas mention of a number of occupations whose members did not form part of any caste at all, such as the attendants on the court, the actors and dancers who went from village to village, and the wild tribes that lived in the mountains, fishermen, hunters, and so on. In Vedic times these people presumably fell under the conception of śūdra, and may have included the Parṇaka, Paulkasa, Bainda, who are mentioned with many others in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa in the list of victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’). The slaves also, whom Fick includes in the same category, were certainly included in the term śūdra. 5. Origin of the Castes.—The question of the origin of the castes presents some difficulty. The ultimate cause of the extreme rigidity of the caste system, as compared with the features of any other Aryan society, must probably be sought in the sharp distinction drawn from the beginning between the Aryan and the śūdra. The contrast which the Vedic Indians felt as existing between themselves and the conquered population, and which probably rested originally on the difference of colour between the upper and the lower classes, tended to accentuate the natural distinctions of birth, occupation, and locality which normally existed among the Aryan Indians, but which among other Aryan peoples never developed into a caste system like that of India. The doctrine of hypergamy which marks the practical working of the caste system, seems clearly to point to the feeling that the Aryan could marry the śūdrā, but not the śūdra the Aryā. This distinction probably lies at the back of all other divisions: its force may be illustrated by the peculiar state of feeling as to mixed marriages, for example, in the Southern States of America and in South Africa, or even in India itself, between the new invaders from Europe and the mingled population which now peoples the country. Marriages between persons of the white and the dark race are disapproved in principle, but varying degrees of condemnation attach to (1) the marriage of a man of the white race with a woman of the dark race; (2) an informal connexion between these two; (3) a marriage between a woman of the white race and a man of the dark race; and (4) an informal connexion between these two. Each category, on the whole, is subject to more severe reprobation than the preceding one. This race element, it would seem, is what has converted social divisions into castes. There appears, then, to be a large element of truth in the theory, best represented by Risley, which explains caste in the main as a matter of blood, and which holds that the higher the caste is, the greater is the proportion of Aryan blood. The chief rival theory is undoubtedly that of Senart, which places the greatest stress on the Aryan constitution of the family. According to Senart the Aryan people practised in affairs of marriage both a rule of exogamy, and one of endogamy. A man must marry a woman of equal birth, but not one of the same gens, according to Roman law as interpreted by Senart and Kovalevsky ; and an Athenian must marry an Athenian woman, but not one of the same γez/oç. In India these rules are reproduced in the form that one must not marry within the Gotra, but not without the caste. The theory, though attractively developed, is not convincing; the Latin and Greek parallels are not even probably accurate ; and in India the rule forbidding marriage within the Gotra is one which grows in strictness as the evidence grows later in date. On the other hand, it is not necessary to deny that the development of caste may have been helped by the family traditions of some gentes, or Gotras. The Patricians of Rome for a long time declined intermarriage with the plebeians; the Athenian Eupatridai seem to have kept their yevη pure from contamination by union with lower blood; and there may well have been noble families among the Vedic Indians who intermarried only among themselves. The Germans known to Tacitus163 were divided into nobiles and ingenui, and the Anglo-Saxons into eorls and ceorls, noble and non-noble freemen.1®4 The origin of nobility need not be sought in the Vedic period proper, for it may already have existed. It may have been due to the fact that the king, whom we must regard as originally elected by the people, was as king often in close relation with, or regarded as an incarnation of, the deity;165 and that hereditary kingship would tend to increase the tradition of especially sacred blood: thus the royal family and its offshoots would be anxious to maintain the purity of their blood. In India, beside the sanctity of the king, there was the sanctity of the priest. Here we have in the family exclusiveness of king and nobles, and the similar exclusiveness of a priesthood which was not celibate, influences that make for caste, especially when accompanying the deep opposition between the general folk and the servile aborigines. Caste, once created, naturally developed in different directions. Nesfield166 was inclined to see in occupation the one ground of caste. It is hardly necessary seriously to criticize this view considered as an ultimate explanation of caste, but it is perfectly certain that gilds of workers tend to become castes. The carpenters (Tak§an), the chariot-makers (Rathakāra), the fisher¬men (Dhaivara) and others are clearly of the type of caste, and the number extends itself as time goes on. But this is not to say that caste is founded on occupation pure and simple in its first origin, or that mere difference of occupation would have produced the system of caste without the interposition of the fundamental difference between Aryan and Dāsa or śūdra blood and colour. This difference rendered increasingly important what the history of the Aryan peoples shows us to be declining, the distinction between the noble and the non-noble freemen, a distinction not of course ultimate, but one which seems to have been developed in the Aryan people before the separation of its various.branches. It is well known that the Iranian polity presents a division of classes comparable in some respects with the Indian polity. The priests (Athravas) and warriors (Rathaesthas) are unmistakably parallel, and the two lower classes seem to correspond closely to the Pāli Gahapatis, and perhaps to the śūdras. But they are certainly not castes in the Indian sense of the word. There is no probability in the view of Senart or of Risley that the names of the old classes were later superimposed artificially on a system of castes that were different from them in origin. We cannot say that the castes existed before the classes, and that the classes were borrowed by India from Iran, as Risley maintains, ignoring the early Brāhmaṇa evidence for the four Varnas, and treating the transfer as late. Nor can we say with Senart that the castes and classes are of independent origin. If there had been no Varṇa, caste might never have arisen; both colour and class occupation are needed for a plausible account of the rise of caste.
Seems to denote a yoke borne on the shoulders to enable one to carry a weight. But it is found in the Brāhmaṇas used only metaphorically in such phrases as vi-vivadha, ‘with the weight unequally distributed,’ and sa- vīvadhata, ‘equality of burden.’
Is a word of unknown meaning applied to Takman in the Atharvaveda. It is variously spelled in the manuscript as hruda, hūdn, rūdu, and so forth; the Paippalāda recension reads hudu, ‘ram.’ Henry2 has conjectured that the word is the equivalent of a proto-Semitic harūdu, ‘gold’ (Assyrian huraçu and Hebrew harūṣ), while Hatávy suggests that it may be the Greek χ\ωρός, ‘greenish-yellow’; but both conjectures are highly improbable. Weber thinks ‘cramp’ is meant.
duritā padāni (N. duritāni viśvā) # AVś.12.2.28c; N.6.12d (see Roth's Erl"auterungen zum Nirukta, p. 80). Cf. ati viśvāni, aty enaṃ, antar dadhānā, apaghnā no, apa bādhatāṃ, and taranto viśvā.
tiṣṭhata (AVś.Kauś. tiṣṭhatā) pra taratā sakhāyaḥ # RV.10.53.8b; AVś.12.2.27a; VS.35.10b; śB.13.8.4.3b; TA.6.3.2b; Kauś.71.24; 86.27. See vīrayadhvaṃ pra etc.
no agne bṛhato (TSṃS. śatino) dāḥ sahasriṇaḥ # RV.2.2.7a; TS.2.2.12.6a; MS.4.12.2a: 180.7. Ps: dā no agne bṛhataḥ śś.3.2.4; dā no agne MS.4.14.16: 242.8; Mś.5.1.10.59.
te krūraṃ yad āsthitaṃ tat ta āpyāyatāṃ niṣṭyāyatāṃ tat te śudhyatu (TS.Apś. āpyāyataṃ tat ta etena śundhatām) # VS.6.15; TS.1.3.9.1; śB.3.8.2.9--10; Apś.7.18.8. P: yat te krūram Kś.6.6.6. See next two.
adjective (in arithm.) multiplied (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
(in astron.) touched (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
cheated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
come into contact (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
deceived (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
defective (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
deprived of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
destroyed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
eine Stufe des svaras
ended (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
gone (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
heaten (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hit by (instr. or comp.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hopeless (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hurt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
injured (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
killed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
knocked out (as an eye) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
lost (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
marred (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
miserable (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
raised (as dust) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
ruined (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
slain (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
smitten (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck off (as a head) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struggling with (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
suffering from (instr. or comp.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
undone (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
useless (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
violated (sexually) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
visited or afflicted or tormented by (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
whirled up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
worthless (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
wounded (lit. and fig.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
wretched (of persons and things) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
noun (neuter) hurting (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
killing (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
multiplication (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
striking (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective bereft of sense (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
confounded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
dispirited (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
mad (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
perplexed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective afflicted by (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
cursed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
miserable (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective eine Stufe des svaras
intact (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
new and unbleached (as cloth) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not multiplied (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
produced otherwise than by beating (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unbeaten (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unwounded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective humble (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not lifted up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unopposed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unsurpassed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective indestructible (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
irresistible (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not passed away (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unaffected (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unimpaired (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
uninjured (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
uninterrupted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unobstructed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective intact (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unhurt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
untilled (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
waste (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
indeclinable for the profit of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
for the sake of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
in fact (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
really (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
towards a particular object (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
truly (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective not refused or sent away (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unimpeded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unobstructed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective not contradictory (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not disappointed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unimpeded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unresisted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective disagreeing (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
disunited (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
having no acquaintances or relations (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not coagulated (as blood) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not formed into a ball (as faeces) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not living in common (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unconnected (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective new (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not beaten (as a drum) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
not killed
unbeaten (as clothes in washing) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unblemished (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unhurt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
uninjured (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unsoiled (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
unwashed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
amṛta Frequency rank 7388/72933
noun (masculine) a Buddhist (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a follower of Jaina doctrines (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
a Jaina (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective beaten (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
blunted (said of a Visarga when changed to o) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
caused to sound (as a drum etc.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
destroyed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
fastened (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
fixed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
frustrated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hit (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hurt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
known (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
mentioned (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
multiplied (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
rendered null (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
repeated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
rubbed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
understood (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
uttered falsely (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
noun (neuter) assertion of an impossibility (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
new cloth or clothes (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
old cloth or raiment (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective famed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
one whose marks or characteristics are mentioned (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
reputed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective abounding in (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
agitated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
arrogant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
elevated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
enhanced (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
exceeding (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
excessive (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
excited (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
full of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
haughty (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
high (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
ill-behaved (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
intense (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
lifted up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
puffed up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
raised (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
raised (as dust) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
rude (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
stirred up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck (as a lute) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
turned up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
vain (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
violent (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
noun (neuter) a kind of oil prepared with fragrant substances (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
sulfurated butter prepared from milk boiled with the addition of sulfur
sulphur-butter (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
noun (masculine) name of a Ṛṣi with the patron. Aucathya and the metron. Māmateya; son of Mamatā; quarrels with Bṛhaspati about space in the womb (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective averted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
contradicted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
refuted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
rejected (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
repelled (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck down or back (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
tilled (the earth) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
turned over (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
indeclinable backwards (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
behind (with gen. or ifc.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
covertly (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
from or on or behind the back (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
secretly (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
to the back (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
indeclinable at the head of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
before (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
before all others (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
before the face of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
first (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
in front of (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
in the first place (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
opposite to (with gen. or ifc.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
indeclinable at the head (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
by means of the mouth (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
from before (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
from or at the mouth (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
in the front (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective conflicting with (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
confused (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
contradictory (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
disappointed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hit (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
impeded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
obstructed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
repelled (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck at (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective abounding in (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
arrogant (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
elevated (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
flowing (as a river) high up on (comp.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
full of (comp.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
heaving (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
high (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
impudent (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
increased (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
intense (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
lofty (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
puffed up with pride (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
raised well up (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
swelling (as waters) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
swelling with (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
towering (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
uplifted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
violent (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
whirled up (as dust) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
adjective (prob.) complex (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
accompanied or attended by (instr.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
athletic (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
become solid (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
closely joined or united with (instr.) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
coherent (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
combined (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
compact (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
compacted (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
composite (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
compound (said of a partic. tone and odour) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
contiguous (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
firm (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
forming one mass or body (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hard (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
hurt (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
intensive (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
keeping together (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
killed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
strong (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
strong-limbed (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
struck together (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
wounded (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
