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95 results for cid
     
Devanagari
BrahmiEXPERIMENTAL
cidin compound for cit-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidind. even, indeed, also (often merely laying stress on a preceding word;requiring a preceding simple verb to be accentuated[ ] as well as a verb following, if cid-is preceded by an interrogative pronoun [48];in Class. only used after interrogative pronouns and adverbs to render them indefinite, and after jātu- q.v) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidind. like (added to the stem of a substantive exempli gratia, 'for example' agni--, rāja--) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidind. cid-cid- or cid-ca- or cid-u-, as well as, both, and View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidacicchaktiyuktamfn. having power (śakti-) over mind and matter View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidacinmayamfn. consisting of mind and matter View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidacit"thought and non-thought, mind and matter", in compound View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidambaram. Name of the author of a law-book View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidambaran. Name of a town View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidambarapuran. idem or 'n. Name of a town ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidambararahasyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidambarasthalan. equals -pura- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidānanda"thought and joy", in compound View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidānandadaśaślokīf. ten verses in praise of thought and joy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidānandamayamfn. consisting of thought and joy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidānandāśramam. Name of a teacher (equals paramānand-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidānandastavarājam. equals -daśa-ślokī- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidasthimālāf. Name of a commentator or commentary on a grammatical work. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidātmakamfn. consisting of pure thought View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidātmanm. pure thought or intelligence, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidgaganacandrikāf. Name of work Scholiast or Commentator View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidghanam. equals -ātman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidratham. Name of a sāman- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidrathīf. Name of a commentator or commentary View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidratnacaṣakaName of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidrūpamfn. () equals cin-maya- ( cidrūpatva -tva- n.abstr.) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidrūpamfn. wise View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidrūpan. the Universal Spirit as identified with pure thought View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidrūpatvan. cidrūpa
cidullāsamfn. shining like thoughts View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidvilāsam. Name of a pupil of śaṃkarācārya- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidvṛttif. spiritual action View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akiṃcidmfn. not able to do anything, insignificant View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akiṃcidn. nothing, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akutaścidind. not for any reason, unintentionally, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
akutaścidbhaya mfn. having no fear from any quarter, secure. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
ānandacidghanamfn. consisting only of joy and thought, View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kaccidSee under 2. kad-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kañcidekan. Name of a village View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kañcidevāf. idem or 'n. Name of a village ' View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kiṃcidn. (See 2. k/a-) "something", Name of a particular measure (= eight handfuls) commentator or commentary on View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kiṃcidcheṣamf(ā-)n. (cid-ś-) of which only a small remainder is left View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kiṃcidpareind. locative case a little after View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kiṃcidprāṇamfn. having a little life left View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidind. (k/ū--) anywhere View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidarthinmfn. (kūcid-) striving to get anywhere ["seeking oblations from any quarter" ] View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
cidarthinSee 2. k/ū-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuhacidind. (k/uha--) wherever View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuhacidind. to any place View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
kuhacidvidmfn. wherever being View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
māyācidyogam. the union of cit- and māyā- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nakiṃcidn. nothing View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nakiṃcidapisaṃkalpam. no desire for anything View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nakutaścidind. from nowhere, in nakutaścidbhaya -bhaya- mfn. equals a-kutaścid-bh- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
nakutaścidbhayamfn. nakutaścid
namucidviṣ() m. "hater or killer of namuci-", Name of indra-. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
paurarucidevam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidattam. Name of various authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidattabhāskyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidattiyan. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidevam. Name of a man View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidhāmanmfn. having light for an abode View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
rucidhāmann. "abode of light", the sun View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidin compound for sac-cit- above. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidaṃśam. a portion of existence and thought View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandam. plural existence and thought and joy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandamfn. consisting of existence and thought and joy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandan. (pure)"Existence and Thought and Joy", Name of the One self-existing Spirit (= brahma-) etc. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandan. Name of viṣṇu- as identified with brahma- View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandabhāratīm. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandabhujaṃgam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandacāṭum. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandamayamfn. consisting of existence and thought and joy View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandanātham. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandānubhavadīpikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandānubhavapradīpikāf. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandasarasvatīm. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandaśāstrinm. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandāśramam. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandastotran. Name of a hymn. View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandasvāminm. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandatīrtham. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidānandayogīndram. Name of scholars and authors View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
saccidātmanm. the soul which consists of existence and thought View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
sadānandacidātmakamfn. consisting of existence and joy and thought View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
satyānandacidātmanm. true bliss and true intellect ( satyānandacidātmatā ma-- f. ) View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
satyānandacidātmatāf. satyānandacidātman
śucidat(ś/uci--) mfn. bright-toothed View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śucidratham. Name of a king (prob. wrong reading for śucad--or śuci-ratha-). View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śucidrava (?) m. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śucidravya(?) m. Name of a king View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
śucidrumam. "holy tree", the sacred fig-tree View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
vedāntāmṛtacidratnacaṣakam. Name of work View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yatkiṃcidSee under yad- above View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
yatkiṃcidduḥkhan. plural pains of whatever kind View this entry on the original dictionary page scan.
     Apte Search  
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anīcidarśin अनीचिदर्शिन् m. A form of Buddha.
     Macdonell Vedic Search  
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cid cid, enc. pcl. just, even, i. 85, 4. 10; ii. 12, 8. 13. 15; 33, 12; vii. 86, 1. 3. 8; x. 34, 82; 127, 5 [Lat.quid].
     Macdonell Search  
5 results
     
cid enc. pcl. [n. of interrogative, Lat. -quid] in V. emphasizing preceding word (but often to be rendered by stress merely), even, just, very, at least; generalizing nouns, every, all, and esp. pns. and cjs., -- ever, all: with neg. not even; in C. it is used only with in terrogatives (and gâtu), rendering them in definite.
cidātman m. the thinking soul, pure intellect; -ânanda-maya, a. consisting of intellect and joy.
akutaścidbhaya a. afraid of nothing.
nakiṃcid n. nothing: -api-sam kalpa, m. no desire for anything.
nakutaścidbhaya a. not endangered from any quarter.
     Vedic Index of
     Names and Subjects  
31 results
     
akṣa This word occurs frequently, from the Rigveda onwards, both in the singular and plural, meaning ‘ die ’ and ‘ dice.’ Dicing, along with horse-racing, was one of the main amusements of the Vedic Indian ; but, despite the frequent mention of the game in the literature, there is considerable difficulty in obtaining any clear picture of the mode in which it was played. (i) The Material.—The dice appear normally to have been made of Vibhīdaka nuts. Such dice are alluded to in both the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda, hence being called ‘brown’ {babhru), and ‘ born on a windy spot.’ In the ritual game of dice at the Agnyādheya and the Rājasūya ceremonies the material of the dice is not specified, but it is possible that occasionally gold imitations of Vibhīdaka nuts were used. There is no clear trace in the Vedic literature of the later use of cowries as dice. (2^ The Number In the Rigveda the dicer is described as leader of a great horde ’ (senānīr mahato gaiiasya), and in another passage the number is given as tri-pañcāśah, an expression which has been variously interpreted. Ludwig, Weber, and Zimmer render it as fifteen, which is grammatically hardly possible. Roth and Grassmann render it as ‘ con¬sisting of fifty-three.’ Liiders takes it as ‘consisting of one hundred and fifty,’ but he points out that this may be merely a vague expression for a large number. For a small number Zimmer cites a reference in the Rigveda to one who fears ‘ him who holds four’ (caturaś cid dadamānāt), but the sense of that passage is dependent on the view taken of the method of playing the game. (3) The Method of Play.—In several passages of the later Samhitās and Brāhmanas lists are given of expressions con¬nected with dicing. The names are Krta, Tretā, Dvāpara, Áskanda, and Abhibhū in the Taittirīya Samhitā.16 In the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, among the victims at the Purusamedha, the kitava is offered to the Aksarāja, the ādinava-darśa to the Krta, the kalpin to the Tretā, the adhi-kalpin to the Dvāpara, the sabhā-sthānu to the Áskanda. The lists in the parallel version of the Taittirīya Brāhmana are kitava, sabhāvin, ādinava- darśa, bahih-sad, and sabhā-sthānu, and Aksarāja, Krta, Tretā, Dvāpara, and Kali. From the Satapatha Brāhmana it appears that another name of Kali was Abhibhū, and the parallel lists in the Taittirīya and Vājasaneyi Samhitās suggest that Abhibhū and Aksarāja are identical, though both appear in the late Taittirīya Brāhmana list. The names of some of these throws go back even to the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda. Kali occurs in the latter, and Luders shows that in a considerable number of passages in the former Krta means a * throw ’ (not ‘ a stake ’ or * what is won ’ ), and this sense is clearly found in the Atharvaveda. Moreover, that there were more throws (ayāh) than one is proved by a passage in the Rigveda, when the gods are compared to throws as giving or destroying wealth. The nature of the throws is obscure. The St. Petersburg Dictionary conjectures that the names given above were applied either to dice marked 4, 3, 2, or 1, or to the sides of the dice so marked, and the latter interpretation is supported by some late commentators. But there is no evidence for the former interpretation, and, as regards the latter, the shape of the Vibhīdaka nuts, used as dice, forbids any side being properly on the top. Light is thrown on the expressions by the descrip- tion of a ritual game at the Agnyādheya and at the Rājasūya ceremonies. The details are not certain, but it is clear that the game consisted in securing even numbers of dice, usually a number divisible by four, the Krta, the other three throws then being the Tretā, when three remained over after division by four; the Dvāpara, when two was the remainder; and the Kali, when one remained. If five were the dividing number, then the throw which showed no remainder was Kali, the Krta was that when four was left, and so on. The dice had no numerals marked on them, the only question being what was the total number of the dice themselves. There is no reason to doubt that the game as played in the Rigveda was based on the same principle, though the details must remain doubtful. The number of dice used was certainly large, and the reference to throwing fours, and losing by one, points to the use of the Krta as the winning throw. The Atharvaveda, on the other hand, possibly knew of the Kali as the winning throw. In one respect the ordinary game must have differed from the ritual game. In the latter the players merely pick out the number of dice required—no doubt to avoid ominous errors, such as must have happened if a real game had been played. In the secular game the dice were thrown, perhaps on the principle suggested by Luders: the one throwing a certain number on the place of playing, and the other then throwing a number to make up with those already thrown a multiple of four or five. This theory, at any rate, accounts for the later stress laid on the power of computation in a player, as in the Nala. No board appears to have been used, but a depression on which the dice were thrown (adhi-devana, devana,dδ irina36), was made in the ground. No dice box was used, but reference is made to a case for keeping dice in (aksā-vapanaZ7). The throw was called graha or earlier grābhaP The stake is called vij. Serious losses could be made at dicing: in the Rigveda a dicer laments the loss of all his property, including his wife. Luders finds a different form of the game Upanisad.
atharvan The name in the singular denotes the head of a semi-divine family of mythical priests, of whom nothing his­torical can be said. In the plural the family as a whole is meant. In a few places an actual family seems to be referred to. Thus, for instance, they are mentioned as recipients of gifts in the Dānastuti (‘ Praise of Gifts ’), of Aśvattha’s generosity; their use of milk mingled with honey in the ritual is referred to f and a cow that miscarries (ava-tokā) from accident is dedicated to the Atharvans, according to the Taittirīya Brāhmana.
upadhi occurs once each in the Rigveda and the Athar­vaveda, in conjunction with Pradhi, denoting part of the wheel of a chariot. It is impossible to decide exactly what part is meant. Roth, Zimmer and Bloomfield, agree in thinking that the word denotes the spokes collectively. Whitney, considering this improbable, prefers to see in it the designation of a solid wheel, Pradhi being presumably the rim and Upadhi the rest. Other possibilities are that the Upadhi is a rim beneath the felly, or the felly itself as compared with the tire (ordinarily Pavi).
uṣṭi Both of these words, of which the former is quite rare, must have the same sense. Roth and Aufrecht hold that in the Rigveda and the Brāhmanas the sense is ‘ humped bull ’ or ‘ buffalo,’ but the former thinks that in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā the sense is doubtful, and ‘ camel ’ may be meant. Hopkins is decidedly of opinion that the sense in every case is * camel.’ The animal was used as a beast of burden yoked in fours.
kṛṣṇa devakīputra Is mentioned in the Chāndogya Upanisad as a pupil of the mythical Ghora Angirasa. Tradition, and several modern writers like Grierson, Garbe, and von Schroeder, recognize in him the hero Krsna, who later is deified. In their view he is a Ksatriya teacher of morals, as opposed to Brahminism. This is extremely doubtful. It appears better either to regard the coincidence of name as accidental, or to suppose that the reference is a piece of Euhemerism. To identify this Krsna with the preceding, as does the St. Petersburg Dictionary, seems to be quite groundless.
cāturmāsya ‘Four-monthly,’ denotes the festival of the Vedic ritual held at the beginning of the three seasons of four months each, into which the Vedic year was artificially divided. It is clear that the sacrifices commenced with the beginning of each season, and it is certain that the first of them, the Vaiśvadeva, coincided with the Phālgunī full moon, the second, the Varuna-praghāsas, with the AsadhI full moon, and the third, the Sāka-medha, with the Kārttikī full moon. There were, however, two alternative datings: the festivals could also be held in the Caitri, the Srāvanī, and Agrahāyanī (Mārgaśīrsī) full moons, or in the Vaiśākhī, Bhādrapadī, and Pausī full moons. Neither of the later datings is found in a Brāhmana text, but each may well have been known early, since the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana both recognize the full moon in the month Caitra as an alternative to the full moon in the month Phālguna, for the beginning of the year. Jacobi considers that the commencement of the year with the full moon in the asterism Phālgunī, which is supported by other evidence, indicates that the year at one time began with the winter solstice with the moon in Phālgunī, corresponding to the summer solstice when the sun was in Phālgunī. These astronomical conditions, he believes, existed in the time of the Rigveda, and prevailed in the fourth millennium B.C. The alternative dates would then indicate periods when the winter solstice coincided with the Caitrī or the Vaiśākhī full moon. But Oldenberg and Thibaut seem clearly right in holding that the coincidence of Phālgunī with the beginning of spring, which is certain, is fatal to this view, and that there is no difficulty in regarding this date as consistent with the date of the winter solstice in the new moon of Māgha, which is given by the Kausītaki Brāhmana, and which forms the basis of the calculations of the Jyotisa. The full moon in Phālguna would be placed about one month and a half after the winter solstice, or, say, in the first week of February, which date, according to Thibaut, may reasonably be deemed to mark the beginning of a new season in India about 800 B.C. At the same time it must be remembered that the date was necessarily artificial, inasmuch as the year was divided into three seasons, each of four months, and the Indian year does not in fact consist of three equal seasons. The variations of the other datings would then not be unnatural if any school wished to defer its spring festival, the Vaiśvadeva, to the time when spring had really manifested itself. See also Samvatsara.
chadis Is used once in the Rigveda, and not rarely later, to denote the covering of a wagon or the thatch of a house, or something analogous to these. Weber thinks that in one passage of the Atharvaveda the word designates a constella¬tion, and Whitney, who does not decide whether that interpre¬tation is necessary, suggests that the constellation 7, ξ, η, 7r Aquarii may be meant, since the next verse mentions Vicrtau, which is the constellation λ and v Scorpionis, and is not far from Aquarius. See also Chardis.
jana Besides meaning * man’ as an individual, with a tendency to the collective sense, commonly denotes a * people ’ or tribe ’ in the Rigveda and later. Thus, the five tribes ’(Panca Janāh or Janāsah) are frequently referred to, and in one hymn of the Rigveda the people of Yadu ’ (yādva jana) and the Yadus (yādvāh) are synonymous. Again, the king (rājan) is described as protector (gopā) of the people (janasya),’and there are other references to king and Jana. The people of the Bharatas (bhārata jana) is also mentioned ; there is no ground to assume with Hopkins that Jana in this case means a clan or horde (Grāma), as distinguished from a people. It is difficult to say exactly how a people was divided. Zimmer argues from a passage in the Rigveda that a people was divided into cantons (Viś), cantons into joint families or clans, or village communities (Grāma, Vrjana), and these again into single families. He thinks that the four divisions are reflected in the passage in question by Jana, Viś, Janman, and Putrālj, or sons, and argues that each village community was originally founded on relationship. But it is very doubtful whether this precise division of the people can be pressed. The division of the Jana into several Viś may be regarded as probable, for it is supported by the evidence of another passage of the Rigveda, which mentions the Viś as a unit of the fighting men, and thus shows that, as in Homeric times and in ancient Germany, relationship was deemed a good principle of military arrangement. But the subdivision of the Viś into several Gramas is very doubtful. Zimmer admits that neither Grāma nor Vrjana11 has the special sense of a subdivision of the Viś when used for war, for both words only denote generally an armed host. He finds other designations of the village host in Vrā12 and in Vrāja,13 but it is sufficient to say that the former passage is of extremely doubtful import,14 and that the latter has no reference to war at all. It is therefore impossible to state in what exact relation the Grāma in Vedic times stood to the Viś or to the family (Kula or Gotra). The confusion is increased by the vagueness of the sense of both Grāma and Viś. If the latter be regarded as a local division, then no doubt the Grāma must have been a part of a district; but if a Viś was a unit of relationship, then a Grāma may have contained families of different Viśes, or may have sometimes coincided with a Viś, or have contained only a part of a Viś. But in any case the original state of affairs must have been greatly modified by the rise of the system of caste, and the substitu¬tion of a hierarchical for a political point of view. The elements of the people were represented by the family—either as an individual family inhabiting one home (Kula), and con¬sisting often, no doubt, of a joint family of brothers, or as a patriarchal family of sons who still lived with their father—and by the clan, the later Gotra, which included all those who claimed a common ancestor. The Gotra may be regarded as roughly corresponding to the Latin gens and the Greek yevos, and possibly the Viś may be the equivalent of the curia and φprjτpη, and the Jana of the tribus and φυXov or φv\η.i These three divisions may also be seen in the Viś, Zantu, and Daqyu of the Iranian world, where the use of Viś suggests that in the Indian Viś a relationship based on blood rather than locality is meant—and perhaps even in the vicus, pagus, and ciυitas of the old German polity described in the Germania of Tacitus. The family in some form appears as the third element of the Jana in a passage of the Rigveda, where the house {grha) is contrasted with the Jana and the Viś. Possibly, too, another passage contrasts the adhvam, or family sacrifice, with that of the Jana or Viś, rather than, as Zimmer thinks, the village with the two larger units. But it is significant of the particu¬larism of the Vedic Indians that while the king maintained a fire which might be regarded as the sacred fire of the tribe, there is no sure trace of any intermediate cult between that of the king and that of the individual householder. The real elements in the state are the Gotra and the Jana, just as ultimately the gens and tribtis, the γei>oç and ψv\ov, are alone important. It may be that Viś sometimes represents in the older texts what later was known as the Gotra. See Viś. This appears clearly when the constitution of society in the Brāhmana period is considered. The tribe or people still exists, and is presupposed, but the division into Viś disappears. The real division is now the separate castes (Varna), but the numerous sections into which each of them is divided appear to be based in part on the ancient Gotra.
jambha Occurs twice in the Atharvaveda as the name of a disease or a demon of disease. In one passage it is said to be cured by the Jañgida plant; in the other it is described as samhanuh, ‘ bringing the jaws together.’ Weber argued from the Kauśika Sūtra that it was a child’s ailment, especially ‘teething.’ Bloomfield considers it to mean ‘convulsions,’ while Caland thinks it denotes ‘ tetanus.’ Whitney decides for ‘ lockjaw ’ or ‘ convulsions.’
daśoṇya Is the name of a sacrificer mentioned in the Rigveda along with Daśaśipra and others. Whether he is identical with Daśoni cannot be decided.
dharma Are the regular words, the latter in the Rigveda, and both later, for ‘ law ’ or ‘ custom.’ But there is very little evidence in the early literature as to the administra­tion of justice or the code of law followed. On the other hand, the Dharma Sūtras contain full particulars.Criminal Law.—The crimes recognized in Vedic literature vary greatly in importance, while there is no distinction adopted in principle between real crimes and what now are regarded as fanciful bodily defects or infringements of merely conventional practices. The crimes enumerated include the slaying of an embryo (
nakṣatra Is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The śatapatha Brāhmana re­solves it into na-ksatra (‘ no power ’), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta refers it to the root naks, ‘obtain/ following the Taittirīya Brāhmana. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from nakta-tra, ‘ guardian of night/ and more recently the derivation from nak-ksatra, ‘ having rule over night/ seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ‘star/ The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later.—The sense of star ’ appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. The same sense occurs in the later Samhitās also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together, or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, or the moon and the Naksatras, or the Naksatras alone; but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of lunar mansion ’ in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Aghās (plur.) and Arjunī (dual) the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghās (plur.) and Phālgunī (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Sūryā, has no claim to great age. Ludwig and Zimmer have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revatī (£ rich ’) and punarvasīi (‘ bringing wealth again’) in another hymn appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions.—In several passages of the later Samhitās the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kāthaka and Taittirīya Samhitās it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohinī; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitās: the Taittīriya has, and the Kāthaka no number; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittirīya Samhitā and elsewhere. The number 28 is much less well attested: in one passage of the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book, in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number: it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manāzil are 28 in number.28 Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Lātyāyana and Nidāna Sūtras as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidāna Sūtra makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sāvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J• days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda. The Names of the Naksatras.—In addition to the two mentioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda gives the names of Jyesthaghnī (the later Jyesthā) and Vicrtau, which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatīs (plural) and Kyttikās. With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyādhāna, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kāthaka Samhitā, the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, and the Taittirīya Brāhmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikās, Rohinī, Phalgunyas, Hasta; the latter Brāhmana adds Punar- vasū, and in an additional remark excludes Pūrve Phālgunī in favour of Uttare Phālgunī. The śatapatha Brāhmana adds Mrgaśīrsa and Citrā as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasū is recommended by all authorities as suitable for the Punarādheya, 'relaying of the sacred fires,’ which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer. The Kāthaka Samhitā, however, allows Anurādhās also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or 'piling of the fire- altar,’ the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated to 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense. But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitās enumerate the 27, The Taittirīya Brāhmana has a list of the Naksatras which agrees generally with the list of the Samhitās. It runs as follows: Kyttikās, Rohinī, Invakās, Bāhū (dual), Tisya, Aśleṣās, Maghās, Pūrve Phālgunī, Uttare Phālgunī, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Rohinī, Mūlabarhanī, Pūrvā Asādhās', Uttarā Asādhās, Sronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Pūrve Prosthapadās, Uttare Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Apabharanīs. In a later book, however, the list grows to 28, and the full moon is inserted after number 14, and the new moon after number, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra (lunar) month into accordance with the Sāvana (solar) month of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the Samhitās with the following exceptions. The seven stars of the Krttikās are named as Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varsayantī, Cupunīkā, names found also in the Taittirīya and Kāthaka Samhitās. Beside Mrgaśīrsa, Invakās are also mentioned. Then come Ardrā, Punarvasū, Tisya, Aśresās, Maghās (beside which Anaghās, Agadās, and Arun- dhatīs are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citrā, Nistyā, Viśākhe, Anūrādhās, Jyesthā, Mūla, Asādhās, Asā(jhās, Abhijit, śronā, Sravisthās, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadās, Prosthapadās, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanīs. Abhijit, which occurs also in an earlier part of the Brāhmana, is perhaps interpolated. But Weber’s argument that Abhijit is out of place in this list because Brāhmana is here mentioned as the 28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown to him) that the list in the Maitrāyanī Samhitā contains 28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brāhmana at the end as another. In another passage the Taittirīya Brāhmana divides the Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit) respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third book of the Brāhmana60 where the days of the light half of the month and those of the dark half are equated with the Naksatras. The Brāhmana treats the former series as south, the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, and can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity. The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names here (masc.), Viśākhe, Anurādhā, Jyesthā, Mūla, Pūrvā Asādhās, Uttarā Asādhās, Abhijit, śravana, śravisthās, śatabhisaj, Dvayā Prosthapadā, Revatī, Aśvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras.—There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney in his notes on the Sūrya Siddhānta. 1.Krttikās are unquestionably η Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts, include three --------abhrayantī, forming clouds meghayantī, ‘making cloudy’; varsayantī, ‘causing rain’—which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttikā possibly means ‘web/ from the root krt, spin.’ 2. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy,’ is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, <* θ y 8 e Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajāpati in the Aitareya Brāhmana. He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikāndā, ‘ the belt of Orion ’) by the huntsman ’ (Mrgavyādha, Sirius ’). Prajāpati is clearly Orion (Mrgaśiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion’s head). 3.Mrgaśīrsa or Mrgaśiras, also called Invakā or Invagā, seems to be the faint stars λ, φ,1 φ2 Orionis. They are called Andhakā, * blind,’ in the śāntikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness. 4.Ardrā, ‘ moist,’ is the name of the brilliant star, α Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Árdrās in the śāñkhāyana Grhya Sūtra and the Naksatrakalpa, and in the dual as Bāhú, in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,’ denotes the two stars, a and β Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Aśvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri. 6.Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, δ, and θ Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent. 7. Aśresās or Aślesās, which in some texts is certainly to be read Aśresās or Aślesas, denotes δ, e, η, p, σ, and perhaps also ζ, Hydrse. The word means ‘embracer,’ a name which admirably fits the constellation. 8. Maghās, the ‘bounties,’ are the Sickle, or α, γ, ζ, μ, e Leonis. The variants Anaghā, the ‘ sinless one,’ etc.,clearly refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation. 9. 10. Phālgunī, Phalgunyau, Phalgū, Phalg-unīs, Phal- gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Pūrve, ‘ former,’ and Uttare, ‘latter.’ The former is δ and θ Leonis, the latter β and Leonis. According to Weber, the word denotes, like Arjunī, the variant of the Rigveda, a ‘ bright- coloured ’ constellation. 11. Hasta, ‘hand,’ is made up of the five conspicuous stars (δ> Ί, e, a, β) in Corvus, a number which the word itself suggests. According to Geldner, the ‘ five bulls ’ of the Rigveda are this constellation. 12. Citrā, ‘bright,’ is the beautiful star, a Virginis. It is mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, and in that of the ‘ two divine dogs ’ (divyau śvānau) in the śatapatha Brāhmana. 13. Svāti or Nistyā is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice in the śāntikalpa, where it is said to be ‘ ever traversing the northern way ’ (nityam uttara-mārgagam). The Taittirīya Brāhmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajāpati, giving him Citrā (α Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for hand, the Viśākhe (α and β Librae) for thighs, and the Anurādhās (β, δ, and 7r Scorpionis) for standing place, with Nistyā for heart. But Arcturus, being 30° out, spoils this figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, Virginis and κ Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajāpati figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber’s, Whitney is not certain that Nistyā here must mean a star in Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistyā, ‘outcast,’ suggests the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question. 14.Viśākhe is the couple of stars a and β Librae. This mansion is later called Rādhā according to the Amarakośa, and it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rādho Viśākhe, the Viśākhe are prosperity,’ should occur. But probably Rādhā is merely an invention due to the name of the next Naksatra, Anurādhā, wrongly conceived as meaning that which is after or follows Rādhā.’ 15. Anūrādhās or Anurādhā, propitious,’ is β, δ, and tγ (perhaps also p) Scorpionis. 16. Rohinī, ‘ ruddy ’; Jyesthaghnī, * slaying the eldest ’; or Jyesthā, ‘eldest,’ is the name of the constellation σ, α, and τ Scorpionis, of which the central star, a, is the brilliant reddish Antares (or Cor Scorpionis). 17.Vicrtau, ‘ the two releasers ’; Mūla, ‘ root or Mūla- barhanī, ‘ uprooting,’ denote primarily λ and v at the extremity of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine or eleven stars from e to v. 18.19. Asādhās (‘ unconquered ’), distinguished as Pūrvās, ‘ former,’ and Uttarās, ‘ latter,’ are really two constellations, of which the former is composed of γ, δ, e, and η Sagittarii, or of 8 and e only, and the latter of θ, σ, t, and ξ Sagittarii, or of two, σ and ζ, only. It is probable that originally only four stars forming a square were meant as included in the whole constellation —viz., σ and f, with 8 and e. 20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two companions e and ζ. Its location in 6o° north latitude is completely discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian and Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg to support the view that it was a later addition to the system; its occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. In the Taittirīya Brāhmana Abhijit is said to be ‘over Asādhās, under śronā,’ which Weber held to refer to its position in space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded to that of the Arab Manāzil and the Chinese Sieou—viz., a, β Capricorni. But Whitney argues effectively that the words ‘ over ’ and ‘ under ’ really refer to the place of Abhijit in the list, ‘ after ’ Asādhās and ‘ before ’ Sronā. 21. Sronā, ‘lame,’ or Sravana, ‘ ear,’ denotes the bright star a Aquilai with β below and 7 above it. Weber very need- lessly thinks that the name Sravana suggested two ears and the head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the Manāzil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention. 22. śravisthās, ‘ most famous,’ or later Dhanisthās, ‘most wealthy,’ is the diamond-shaped group, α, β, δ, and 7, in the Dolphin, perhaps also ζ in the same constellation. Like the preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manāzil and Sieou. 23. Satabhisaj or śatabhisa, ‘having a hundred physicians,’ seems to be λ Aquarii with the others around it vaguely conceived as numbering a hundred. 24. 25. Prostha-padās (fem. plur.), ‘ feet of a stool,’ or later Bhadra-padās,100 ‘auspicious feet,’ a double asterism forming a square, the former (pūrva) consisting of a and β Pegasi, the latter (uttara) of γ Pegasi and a Andromedse. 26. Revatī, ‘ wealthy,’ denotes a large number of stars (later 32), of which ζ Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where it was crossed by the equator of about 570 a.d., is given as the southernmost. 27. Aśva-yujau, ‘the two horse-harnessers,’ denotes the stars β and ζ Arietis. Aśvinyau101 and Aśvinī102 are later names. 28. Apabharanīs, Bharanīs, or Bharanyas, ‘ the bearers,’ is the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis. The Naksatras and the Months.—In the Brāhmanas the Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may be turned into a feminine and compounded with pūrna-māsa, ‘the full moon,’ as in Tisyā-pūrnamāsa, ‘the full moon in the Naksatra Tisya.’103 Much more often, however, it is turned into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamāsī, ‘the full moon (night)/ or with amāvāsyā, ‘the new moon (night)/ as in Phālgunī paurnamāsl, ‘the full-moon night in the Naksatra Phālgunī’;104 or, as is usual in the Sūtras, the Naksatra adjective alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month itself is called by a name derived105 from that of a Naksatra, but only Phālguna,106 Caitra,107 Vaiśākha,108 Taisya,109 Māgha110 occur in the Brāhmanas, the complete list later being Phālguna, Caitra, Vaiśākha, Jyaistha, Asādha, Srāvana, Prausthapada, Aśvayuja, Kārttika, Mārgaśīrsa, Taisya, Māgha. Strictly speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar year was clearly very restricted: we have seen that as early as the Taittirīya Brāhmana there was a tendency to equate lunar months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up the solar year (see Māsa). The Naksatras and Chronology.—(i) An endeavour has been made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at which the systematic employment of those names was intro¬duced. Sir William Jones111 refers to this possibility, and Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that śrāvana always marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the months did not date before b.c. Ii8I. Weber112 considered that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but Whitney113 has convincingly shown that it is an impossible feat, and Thibaut114 concurs in this view. Twelve became fixed as the number of the months because of the desire, evident in the Brāhmanas, somehow or other to harmonize lunar with solar time; but the selection of twelve Naksatras out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon can have no chronological significance, because full moon at no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly recurrent intervals. (2) All the lists of the Naksatras begin with Krttikās. It is only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Aśvinī, and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star ζ Piscium on the border of Revatī and Aśvinī, say in the course of the sixth century A.D. Weber has therefore accepted the view that the Krttikās were chosen for a similar reason, and the date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with the Naksatras; and both Thibaut and Oldenberg have pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the equinox with the Krttikās. Jacobi has contended that in the Rigveda the commencement of the rains and the summer solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the old, and that further the new year began with the summer solstice in Phālgunī.121 He has also referred to the distinction of the two sets of Deva and Yama Naksatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana as supporting his view of the connexion of the sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory: the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except by translating the word dvādaśa123 as 4 the twelfth (month) * instead of consisting of twelve parts,’ that is, ‘year/ the accepted interpretation; and the division of the Naksatras is not at all satisfactorily explained by a supposed connexion with the sun. It may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikās be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with the vernal equinox, both Whitney and Thibaut are pre¬pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Māgha. (3) The winter solstice in Māgha is assured by a Brāhmana text, for the Kausītaki Brāhmana12® expressly places it in the new moon of Māgha (māghasyāmāυāsyāyām). It is not very important whether we take this with the commentators as the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in Māgha. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch in the following way. If the end of Revatī marked the vernal equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha, when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of Sravisthās. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third quarter of Bharanī, 6f asterisms removed from Sravisthās, and the difference between that and the beginning of Aśvinī = if asterisms = 23 (27 asterisms being = 360°). Taking, the starting-point at 499 a.d., the assured period of Varāha Mihira, Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox corresponding to the winter solstice in Māgha—that is, on the basis of ι° = 72 years as the precession. Pratt arrived at precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas of the junction star of Maghā, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis and Colebrooke arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citrā, which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as 30 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation in the Jyotisa, it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J0 extent each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon; and the result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether out of their asterisms. Nor can we say that the star ζ Piscium early formed the eastern boundary of Revatī; it may possibly not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revatī. Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point— 582 a.d., 560 a.d., or 491 a.d. being variants —is the fact that the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin¬able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate observers, since they made no precise determination of the number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even the Sūrya Siddhānta136 does not know the precession of the equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years for possible errors,137 and the only probable conclusion to be drawn from the datum of the Kausītaki Brāhmana is that it was recording an observation which must have been made some centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the probable date of the Brāhmana literature,138 say B.C. 800-600. (4) Another chronological argument has been derived from the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for Phālguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year, since the full moon in Phālgunī is often described as the ‘ mouth (mukham) of the year.’139 Jacobi140 considers that this was due to the fact that the year was reckoned from the winter solstice, which would coincide with the month of Phālguna about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg and Thibaut, on the other hand, maintain that the choice of Phālguna as the ‘ mouth ’ of the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence of the correspondence of Phālguna and the beginning of spring : as we have seen above in the Kausītaki Brāhmana, the new moon in Māgha is placed at the winter solstice, which puts the full moon of Phālgunī at a month and a half after the winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar. This fact accords with the only natural division of the year into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see Cāturmāsya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the winter solstice coincided with Māghī full moon at the time of the Taittirīya Samhitā (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phālgunī and Caitrī in early periods—viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000¬4000. (5) The passages of the Taittirīya Samhitā and the Pañca¬vimśa Brāhmana, which treat the full moon in Phālguna as the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another alternative is the Ekāstakā, interpreted by the commentators as the eighth day after the full moon in Maghās, a time which might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old year, well be considered as representing the end of the year. A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon; the full moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Álekhana quoted by Ápastamba held, not of Māgha, as Asmarathya, Laugāksi and the Mīmāmsists believed, and as Tilak believes. (6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the year with the month Mārgaśīrsa, as is shown by its other name Agrahāyana (‘ belonging to the commencement of the year ’). Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn equinox in Mrgaśiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in Phālgunī. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra instead of Phālguna. (7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Buhler, from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the Grhya Sūtras, on the principle that study commenced with the rains (as in the Buddhist vassā) which mark the summer solstice. He concludes that if Bhādrapada appears as the date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus because at one time Prosthapadās (the early name of Bhadra- padās) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the case when the winter solstice was in Phālguna. But Whitney155 has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate; we cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the rains and learning—a month like Srāvana might be preferred because of its connexion with the word Sravana, 4 ear ’—and in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that Bhādrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so to coincide. the other astronomical phenomena; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not very complicated ; it consists merely in selecting a star or a star group with which the moon is in conjunction. It is thus impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in China, the Manāzil and the Sieou. The use of the Manāzil in Arabia is consistent and effective ; the calendar is regulated by them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the Manāzil is long posterior to that for the existence of the Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old Testament may really be the lunar mansions. That the Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess held, is, on the other hand, not at all probable. Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers published by him between. 1839 and 1861, attempted to prove the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The latter he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all. He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars observed in the neighbourhood can be referred; they were, as regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were added in B.C. IIOO in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with Mao (= Krttikās), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357. Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory, and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct, but his objections against the basis of Biot’s theory were rein¬forced by Whitney, who insisted that Biot’s supposition of the Sieou’s not having been ultimately derived from a system of lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Lśopold de Saussure, , but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, who has also pointed out that the series does not begin with Mao ( = Krttikās). There remains only the possibility that a common source for all the three sets—Naksatra, Manāzil, and Sieou—may be found in Babylonia. Hommel has endeavoured to show that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the Pleiades ( = Krttikās); but Thibaut’s researches are not favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber, Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the view that in Babylonia is to be found the origin of the system, and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the Adityas, and possibly the word Manā.
nakṣatradarśa (£ Gazer at the lunar mansions ’), an ‘ astro­loger,’ is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or 'human sacrifice,’ in the Yajurveda. A notice in the śatapatha Brāhmana indicates that that work regarded the practice of choosing a particular Naksatra under which to set up the sacrificial fires as an idle one, because it decides in favour of choosing the sun as one’s Naksatra.
pati Under these words denoting primarily, as the evidence collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary shows, ‘ lord ’ and ‘ lady,’ and so * husband ’ and * wife,’ it is convenient to consider the marital relations of the Vedic community. Child Marriage.—Marriage in the early Vedic texts appears essentially as a union of two persons of full development. This is shown by the numerous references to unmarried girls who grow old in the house of their fathers (amā-jur), and who adorn themselves in desire of marriage, as well as to the paraphernalia of spells and potions used in the Atharvavedic tradition to compel the love of man or woman respectively, while even the Rigveda itself seems to present us with a spell by which a lover seeks to send all the household to sleep when he visits his beloved. Child wives first occur regularly in the Sūtra period, though it is still uncertain to what extent the rule of marriage before puberty there obtained. The marriage ritual also quite clearly presumes that the marriage is a real and not a nominal one: an essential feature is the taking of the bride to her husband’s home, and the ensuing cohabitation. Limitations on Marriage.—It is difficult to say with certainty within what limits marriage was allowed. The dialogue of Yama and Yam! in the Rigveda seems clearly to point to a prohibition of the marriage of brother and sister. It can hardly be said, as Weber thinks, to point to a practice that was once in use and later became antiquated. In the Gobhila Grhya Sūtra and the Dharma Sūtras are found prohibitions against marriage in the Gotra (‘ family ’) or within six degrees on the mother’s or father’s side, but in the śatapatha Brāh-mana marriage is allowed in the third or fourth generation, the former being allowed, according to Harisvamin, by the Kanvas, and the second by the Saurāstras, while the Dāksi- nātyas allowed marriage with the daughter of the mother’s brother or the son of the father’s sister, but presumably not with the daughter of the mother’s sister or the son of the father’s brother. The prohibition of marriage within the Gotra cannot then have existed, though naturally marriages outside the Gotra were frequent. Similarity of caste was also not an essential to marriage, as hypergamy was permitted even by the Dharma Sūtras, so that a Brāhmana could marry wives of any lower caste, a Ksatriya wives of the two lowest castes as well as of his own caste, a Vaiśya a Sūdrā as well as a Vaiśyā, although the Sūdrā marriages were later disapproved in toto. Instances of such intermarriage are common in the Epic, and are viewed as normal in the Brhaddevatā. It was considered proper that the younger brothers and sisters should not anticipate their elders by marrying before them. The later Samhitās and Brāhmanas present a series of names expressive of such anticipation, censuring as sinful those who bear them. These terms are the pari-vividāna, or perhaps agre-dadhus, the man who, though a younger brother, marries before his elder brother, the latter being then called the parivitta; the agre-didhisu, the man who weds a younger daughter while her elder sister is still unmarried; and the Didhisū-pati, who is the husband of the latter. The passages do not explicitly say that the exact order of birth must always be followed, but the mention of the terms shows that the order was often broken. Widow Remarriage. The remarriage of a widow was apparently permitted. This seems originally to have taken the form of the marriage of the widow to the brother or other nearest kinsman of the dead man in order to produce children. At any rate, the ceremony is apparently alluded to in a funeral hymn of the Rigveda ; for the alternative explanation, which sees in the verse a reference to the ritual of the Purusamedha (‘human sacrifice’), although accepted by Hillebrandt and Delbruck, is not at all probable, while the ordinary view is supported by the Sūtra evidence. Moreover, another passage of the Rigveda clearly refers to the marriage of the widow and the husband’s brother {devr), which constitutes what the Indians later knew as Niyoga. This custom was probably not followed except in cases where no son was already born. This custom was hardly remarriage in the strict sense, since the brother might—so far as appears—be already married himself. In the Atharvaveda, a verse refers to a charm which would secure the reunion, in the next world, of a wife and her second husband. Though, as Delbruck thinks, this very possibly refers to a case in which the first husband was still alive, but was impotent or had lost caste (patita), still it is certain that the later Dharma Sūtras began to recognize ordinary remarriage in case of the death of the first husband Pischel finds some evidence in the Rigveda to the effect that a woman could remarry if her husband disappeared and could not be found or heard of. Polygamy. A Vedic Indian could have more than one wife. This is proved clearly by many passages in the Rigveda; Manu, according to the Maitrāyanī Samhitā, had ten wives ; and the Satapatha Brāhmana explains polygamy by a characteristic legend. Moreover, the king regularly has four wives attributed to him, the Mahisī, the Parivrktī, the Vāvātā, and the Pālāgalī. The Mahisī appears to be the chief wife, being the first, one married according to the śata¬patha Brāhmana. The Parivrktī, ‘ the neglected,’ is explained by Weber and Pischel as one that has had no son. The Vāvātā is ‘the favourite,’ while the Pālāgalī is, according to Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. The names are curious, and not very intelligible, but the evidence points to the wife first wedded alone being a wife in the fullest sense. This view is supported by the fact emphasized by Delbruck, that in the sacrifice the Patnī is usually mentioned in the singular, apparent exceptions being due to some mythological reason. Zimmer is of opinion that polygamy is dying out in the Rigvedic period, monogamy being developed from pologamy; Weber, however, thinks that polygamy is secondary, a view that is supported by more recent anthropology. Polyandry.—On the other hand, polyandry is not Vedic. There is no passage containing any clear reference to such a custom. The most that can be said is that in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda verses are occasionally found in which husbands are mentioned in relation to a single wife. It is difficult to be certain of the correct explanation of each separate instance of this mode of expression; but even if Weber’s view, that the plural is here used majestatis causa, is not accepted, Delbruck’s explanation by mythology is probably right. In other passages the plural is simply generic. Marital Relations.—Despite polygamy, however, there is ample evidence that the marriage tie was not, as Weber has suggested, lightly regarded as far as the fidelity of the wife was concerned. There is, however, little trace of the husband’s being expected to be faithful as a matter of morality. Several passages, indeed, forbid, with reference to ritual abstinence, intercourse with the strī of another. This may imply that adultery on the husband’s part was otherwise regarded as venial. But as the word strī includes all the ‘womenfolk,’ daughters and slaves, as well as wife, the conclusion can hardly be drawn that intercourse with another man’s ‘wife’ was normally regarded with indifference. The curious ritual of the Varunapraghāsās, in which the wife of the sacrificer is questioned as to her lovers, is shown by Delbruck to be a part of a rite meant to expiate unchastity on the part of a wife, not as a normal question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife. Again, Yājñavalkya’s doctrine in the Satapatha Brāhmana, which seems to assert that no one cares if a wife is unchaste (parah-pumsā) or not, really means that no one cares if the wife is away from the men who are sacrificing, as the wives of the gods are apart from them during the particular rite in question. Monogamy is also evidently approved, so that some higher idea of morality was in course of formation. On the other hand, no Vedic text gives us the rule well known to other Indo-Germanic peoples that the adulterer taken in the act can be killed with impunity, though the later legal literature has traces of this rule. There is also abundant evidence that the standard of ordinary sexual morality was not high. Hetairai. In the Rigveda there are many references to illegitimate love and to the abandonment of the offspring of such unions,ββ especially in the case of a protege of Indra, often mentioned as the parāvrkta or parāvrj. The ‘son of a maiden ’ (kumārī-putra) is already spoken of in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā. Such a person appears with a metronymic in the Upanisad period: this custom may be the origin of metro- nymics such as those which make up a great part of the lists of teachers (Vamśas) of the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad. The Vājasaneyi Samhitā refers to illicit unions of śūdra and Arya, both male and female, besides giving in its list of victims at the Purusamedha, or ‘human sacrifice,’ several whose designations apparently mean ‘ courtesan (atītvarī) and ‘ procuress of abortion ’ (
pitṛ Common from the Rigveda onwards, denotes ‘father, not so much as the ‘begetter’ (janitr) but rather as the pro­tector of the child, this being probably also the etymological sense of the word. The father in the Rigveda stands for all that is good and kind. Hence Agni is compared with a father, while Indra is even dearer than a father. The father carries his son in his arms, and places him on his lap, while the child pulls his garment to attract attention. In later years the son depends on his father for help in trouble, and greets him with joy. It is difficult to ascertain precisely how far the son was subject to parental control, and how long such control continued. Reference is made in the Rigveda to a father’s chastising his son for gambling, and Rjrāśva is said to have been blinded by his father. From the latter statement Zimmer infers the existence of a developed patria potestas, but to lay stress on this isolated and semi-mythical incident would be unwise. It is, however, quite likely that the patria potestas was originally strong, for we have other support for the thesis in the Roman patria potestas. If there is no proof that a father legally controlled his son’s wedding, and not much that he controlled his daughter’s, the fact is in itself not improbable. There is again no evidence to show whether a son, when grown up, normally continued to stay with his father, his wife becoming a member of the father’s household, or whether he set up a house of his own : probably the custom varied. Nor do we know whether the son was granted a special plot of land on marriage or otherwise, or whether he only came into such property after his father’s death. But any excessive estimate of the father’s powers over a son who was no longer a minor and naturally under his control, must be qualified by the fact that in his old age the sons might divide their father’s property, or he might divide it amongst them, and that when the father-in-law became aged he fell under the control of his son’s wife. There are also obscure traces that in old age a father might be exposed, though there is no reason to suppose that this was usual in Vedic India. Normally the son was bound to give his father full obedience. The later Sūtras show in detail the acts of courtesy which he owed his father, and they allow him to eat the remnants of his father’s food. On the other hand, the father was expected to be kind. The story of Sunahśepa in the Aitareya Brāh-mana emphasizes the horror with which the father’s heartless treatment of his son was viewed. The Upanisads insist on the spiritual succession from father to son. The kissing of a son was a frequent and usual token of affection, even in mature years. On the failure of natural children, adoption was possible. It was even resorted to when natural children existed, but when it was desired to secure the presence in the family of a person of specially high qualifications, as in Visvamitra’s adoption of Sunahśepa. It is not clear that adoption from one caste into another was possible, for there is no good evidence that Viśvāmitra was, as Weber holds, a Ksatriya who adopted a Brāhmana. Adoption was also not always in high favour: it may be accidental or not that a hymn of the Vasistha book of the Rigveda condemns the usage. It was also possible for the father who had a daughter, but no sons, to appoint her to bear a son for him. At any rate the practice appears to be referred to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda as interpreted by Yāska. Moreover, it is possible that the difficulty of a brotherless maiden finding a husband may have been due in part to the possibility of her father desiring to make her a Putrikā, the later technical name for a daughter whose son is to belong to her father’s family. There can be no doubt that in a family the father took precedence of the mother. Delbruck explains away the apparent cases to the contrary. There is no trace of the family as a land-owning corporation. The dual form Pitarau regularly means ‘father and mother,’ ‘parents.
pitṛhan ‘Parricide/ is found in the Atharvaveda, Paippa- lāda recension.
punarvasu (‘Bringing goods again’), used in the dual, denotes the fifth in the series of the Vedic Naksatras, or ‘ Lunar Mansions.’ Roth takes the word to have this sense in its only occurrence in the Rigveda, but this must be regarded as decidedly doubtful. The term is, however, found in the ordinary lists of the Naksatras in the later Samhitās and the Brāhmanas.
pratipraśna occurs in the śatapatha Brāhmana applied to Prajāpati as the decider of doubts; it may have been a technical term for an ‘arbitrator’ (cf, Madhyamaśī and Dharma).
prastotṛ Is the name of an assistant of Udgātṛ priest who sings the Prastāva, or prelude of the Sāman chant. His not being mentioned by name in the Rigveda is merely an accident, for he is clearly referred to in one passage, and in the later literature he is a frequent figure. Ludwig erroneously thinks that Praśāstp is the earlier name of the Prastotṛ.
brāmaṇa Descendant of a Brahman' (i.e., of a priest), is found only a few times in the Rigveda, and mostly in its latest parts. In the Atharvaveda and later it is a very common word denoting ‘priest,’ and it appears in the quadruple division of the castes in the Purusa-sūkta (‘hymn of man’) of the Rigveda. It seems certain that in the Rigveda this Brāhmaṇa, or Brahmin, is already a separate caste, differing from the warrior and agricultural castes. The texts regularly claim for them a superiority to the Kṣatriya caste, and the Brahmin is able by his spells or manipulation of the rite to embroil the people and the warriors or the different sections of the warriors. If it is necessary to. recognize, as is sometimes done, that the Brahmin does pay homage to the king at the Rājasūya, nevertheless the unusual fact is carefully explained away so as to leave the priority of the Brahmin unaffected. But it is expressly recognized that the union of the Ksatriya and the Brāhmaṇa is essential for complete prosperity. It is admitted that the king or the nobles might at times oppress the Brahmins, but it is indicated that ruin is then certain swiftly to follow. The Brahmins are gods on earth, like the gods in heaven, but this claim is hardly found in the Rigveda. In the Aitareya Brāhmana the Brahmin is said to be the ‘ recipient of gifts * (ādāyt) and the * drinker of the offering ’ (āpāyT). The other two epithets applied, āvasāyī and yathā- kāma-prayāpya, are more obscure; the former denotes either ‘ dwelling everywhere ’ or ‘ seeking food ’; the latter is usually taken as * moving at pleasure,’ but it must rather allude to the power of the king to assign a place of residence to the Brahmin. In the śatapatha Brāhmana the prerogatives of the Brah¬min are summed up as Arcā, ‘honour’; Dāna, ‘gifts’; Aj'yeyatā,‘ freedom from oppression ’; and Avadhyatā, ‘ freedom from being killed.’ On the other hand, his duties are summed up as Brāhmanya, ‘ purity of descent’; Pratirūpa-caryā, ‘devotion of the duties of his caste’; and Loka-pakti, ‘the perfecting of people ’ (by teaching). ī. Respect paid to Brahmins. The texts are full of references to the civilities to be paid to the Brahmin. He is styled bhagavant, and is provided with good food and entertain¬ment wherever he goes. Indeed, his sanctity exempts him from any close inquiry into his real claim to Brahminhood according to the Pañcavimśa Brāhmana. Gifts to Brahmins. The Dānastuti (‘Praise of gifts’) is a recognized feature of the Rigveda, and the greed of the poets for Dakṣiṇās, or sacrificial fees, is notorious. Vedic texts themselves recognize that the literature thence resulting (Nārā- śamsī) was often false to please the donors. It was, however, a rule that Brahmins should not accept what had been refused by others; this indicates a keen sense of the danger of cheapening their wares. So exclusively theirs was the right to receive gifts that the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa has to explain how Taranta and Purumīlha became able to accept gifts by composing a Rigvedic hymn. The exaggerations in the celebration of the gifts bestowed on the priests has the curious result of giving us a series of numerals of some interest (Daśan). In some passages certain gifts those of a horse or sheep are forbidden, but this rule was not, it is clear, generally observed. Immunities of Brahmins. The Brahmin claimed to be exempt from the ordinary exercise of the royal power. When a king gives all his land and what is on it to the priests, the gift does not cover the property of the Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. The king censures all, but not the Brahmin, nor can he safely oppress any Brahmin other than an ignorant priest. An arbitrator (or a witness) must decide (or speak) for a Brahmin against a non-Brahmin in a legal dispute. The Brahmin’s proper food is the Soma, not Surā or Parisrut, and he is forbidden to eat certain forms of flesh. On the other hand, he alone is allowed to eat the remains of the sacrifice, for no one else is sufficiently holy to consume food which the gods have eaten. Moreover, though he cannot be a physician, he helps the physician by being beside him while he exercises his art. His wife and his cow are both sacred. 4.Legal Position of. Brahmins.—The Taittirīya Samhitā lays down a penalty of a hundred (the unit meant is unknown) for an insult to a Brahmin, and of a thousand for a blow ; but if his blood is drawn, the penalty is a spiritual one. The only real murder is the slaying of a Brahmin according to the śatapatha Brāhmana. The crime of slaying a Brahmin ranks above the sin of killing any other man, but below that of killing an embryo (bhrūna) in the Yajurveda ; the crime of slaying an embryo whose sex is uncertain is on a level with that of slaying a Brahmin. The murder of a Brahmin can be expiated only by the horse sacrifice, or by a lesser rite in the late Taittirīya Araṇyaka.The ritual slaying of a Brahmin is allowed in the later ceremonial, and hinted at in the curious legend of śunahśepa ; and a Purohita might be punished with death for treachery to his master. 5.Purity of Birth. The importance of pure descent is seeη in the stress laid on being a descendant of a Rṣi (ārseya). But, on the other hand, there are clear traces of another doctrine, which requires learning, and not physical descent, as the true criterion of Rsihood. In agreement with this is the fact that Satyakāma Jābāla was received as a pupil, though his parentage was unknown, his mother being a slave girl who had been connected with several men, and that in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa the ceremony on acceptance as a pupil required merely the name of the pupil. So Kavasa is taunted in the Rigveda Brāhmaṇas as being the son of a female slave (Dāsī), and Vatsa cleared himself of a similar imputation by a fire ordeal. Moreover, a very simple rite was adequate to remove doubts as to origin. In these circumstances it is doubtful whether much value attaches to the Pravara lists in which the ancestors of the priest were invoked at the beginning of the sacrifice by the Hotṛ and the Adhvaryu priests.66 Still, in many parts of the ritual the knowledge of two or more genera¬tions was needed, and in one ceremony ten ancestors who have drunk the Soma are required, but a literal performance of the rite is excused. Moreover, there are clear traces of ritual variations in schools, like those of the Vasisthas and the Viśvāmitras. 6. The Conduct of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required to maintain a fair standard of excellence. He was to be kind to all and gentle, offering sacrifice and receiving gifts. Especial stress was laid on purity of speech ; thus Viśvan- tara’s excuse for excluding the Syaparnas from his retinue was their impure (apūtā) speech. Theirs was the craving for knowledge and the life of begging. False Brahmins are those who do not fulfil their duties (cf, Brahmabandhu). But the penances for breach of duty are, in the Sūtras, of a very light and unimportant character. 7. Brahminical Studies. The aim of the priest is to obtain pre-eminence in sacred knowledge (brahma-varcasam), as is stated in numerous passages of Vedic literature. Such distinction is not indeed confined to the Brahmin: the king has it also, but it is not really in a special manner appropriate to the Kṣatriya. Many ritual acts are specified as leading to Brahmavarcasa, but more stress is laid on the study of the sacred texts : the importance of such study is repeatedly insisted upon. The technical name for study is Svādhyāya : the śatapatha Brāhmana is eloquent upon its advantages, and it is asserted that the joy of the learned śrotriya, or ‘student,’ is equal to the highest joy possible. Nāka Maudgfalya held that study and the teaching of others were the true penance (tapas).7δ The object was the ‘ threefold knowledge’ (trayī vidyā), that of the Rc, Yajus, and Sāman, a student of all three Vedas being called tri-śukriya or tn-sukra, ‘thrice pure.’ Other objects of study are enumerated in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, in the Taittirīya Aranyaka, the Chāndogya Upanisad, etc. (See Itihāsa, Purāna; Gāthā, Nārāśamsī; Brahmodya; Anuśās- ana, Anuvyākhyāna, Anvākhyāna, Kalpa, Brāhmaria; Vidyā, Ksatravidyā, Devajanavidyā, Nakçatravidyā, Bhūta- vidyā, Sarpavidyā; Atharvāñgirasah, Daiva, Nidhi, Pitrya, Rāśi; Sūtra, etc.) Directions as to the exact place and time of study are given in the Taittirīya Araṇyaka and in the Sūtras. If study is carried on in the village, it is to be done silently (manasā); if outside, aloud (vācā). Learning is expected even from persons not normally competent as teachers, such as the Carakas, who are recognized in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa as possible sources of information. Here, too, may be mentioned the cases of Brahmins learning from princes, though their absolute value is doubtful, for the priests would naturally represent their patrons as interested in their sacred science: it is thus not necessary to see in these notices any real and independent study on the part of the Kṣatriyas. Yājñavalkya learnt from Janaka, Uddālaka Aruni and two other Brahmins from Pravāhaṇa Jaivali, Drptabālāki Gārgya from Ajātaśatru, and five Brahmins under the lead of Aruṇa from Aśvapati Kaikeya. A few notices show the real educators of thought: wandering scholars went through the country and engaged in disputes and discussions in which a prize was staked by the disputants. Moreover, kings like Janaka offered rewards to the most learned of the Brahmins; Ajātaśatru was jealous of his renown, and imitated his generosity. Again, learned women are several times mentioned in the Brāhmaṇas. A special form of disputation was the Brahmodya, for which there was a regular place at the Aśvamedha (‘ horse sacrifice ’) and at the Daśarātra (‘ ten-day festival,). The reward of learning was the gaining of the title of Kavi or Vipra, ‘ sage.’ 8. The Functions of the Brahmin. The Brahmin was required not merely to practise individual culture, but also to give others the advantage of his skill, either as a teacher or as a sacrificial priest, or as a Purohita. As a teacher the Brahmin has, of course, the special duty of instructing his own son in both study and sacrificial ritual. The texts give examples of this, such as Áruṇi and Svetaketu, or mythically Varuṇa and Bhṛgu. This fact also appears from some of the names in the Vamśa Brāhmana" of the Sāmaveda and the Vamśa (list of teachers) of the śāñkhāyana Áraṇyaka. On the other hand, these Vamśas and the Vamśas of the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa show that a father often preferred to let his son study under a famous teacher. The relation of pupil and teacher is described under Brahmacarya. A teacher might take several pupils, and he was bound to teach them with all his heart and soul. He was bound to reveal everything to his pupil, at any rate to one who was staying with him for a year (saηivatsara-vāsin), an expression which shows, as was natural, that a pupil might easily change teachers. But, nevertheless, certain cases of learning kept secret and only revealed to special persons are enumerated. The exact times and modes of teaching are elaborately laid down in the Sūtras, but not in the earlier texts. As priest the Brahmin operated in all the greater sacrifices; the simple domestic {grhya) rites could normally be performed without his help, but not the more important rites {śrauta). The number varied : the ritual literature requires sixteen priests to be employed at the greatest sacrifices (see Rtvij), but other rites could be accomplished with four, five, six, seven, or ten priests. Again, the Kauçītakins had a seventeenth priest beside the usual sixteen, the Sadasya, so called because he watched the performance from the Sadas, seat.’ In one rite, the Sattra (‘sacrificial session') of the serpents, the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa, adds three more to the sixteen, a second Unnetṛ, an Abhigara, and an Apagara. The later ritual places the Brahman at the head of all the priests, but this is probably not the early view (see Brahman). The sacrifice ensured, if properly performed, primarily the advantages of the sacrificer (yajamāna), but the priest shared in the profit, besides securing the Daksiṇās. Disputes between sacrificers and the priests were not rare, as in the case of Viśvantara and the śyāparṇas, or Janamejaya and the Asitamrgras and the Aiçāvīras are referred to as undesirable priests. Moreover, Viśvāmitra once held the post of Purohita to Sudās, but gave place to Vasiṣtha. The position of Purohita differed considerably from that of the ordinary priest, for the Purohita not merely might officiate at the sacrifice, but was the officiator in all the private sacrifices of his king. Hence he could, and undoubtedly sometimes did, obtain great influence over his master in matters of secular importance; and the power of the priesthood in political as opposed to domestic and religious matters, no doubt rested on the Purohita. There is no recognition in Vedic literature of the rule later prevailing by which, after spending part of his life as a Brahma- cārin, and part as a householder, the Brahmin became an ascetic (later divided into the two stages of Vānaprastha, ‘forest-dweller,’ and Samnyāsin, ‘mystic ’). Yājñavalkya's case shows that study of the Absolute might empty life of all its content for the sage, and drive him to abandon wife and family. In Buddhist times the same phenomenon is seen applying to other than Brahmins. The Buddhist texts are here confirmed in some degree by the Greek authorities. The practice bears a certain resemblance to the habit of kings, in the Epic tradition,of retiring to the forest when active life is over. From the Greek authorities it also appears what is certainly the case in the Buddhist literature that Brahmins practised the most diverse occupations. It is difficult to say how far this was true for the Vedic period. The analogy of the Druids in some respects very close suggests that the Brahmins may have been mainly confined to their professional tasks, including all the learned professions such as astronomy and so forth. This is not contradicted by any Vedic evidence ; for instance, the poet of a hymn of the Rigveda says he is a poet, his father a physician (Bhiṣaj), and his mother a grinder of corn (Upala-prakṣiṇī). This would seem to show that a Brahmin could be a doctor, while his wife would perform the ordinary household duties. So a Purohita could perhaps take the field to assist the king by prayer, as Viśvāmitra, and later on Vasiṣtha do, but this does not show that priests normally fought. Nor do they seem normally to have been agriculturists or merchants. On the other hand, they kept cattle: a Brahmacarin’s duty was to watch his master’s cattle.129 It is therefore needless to suppose that they could not, and did not, on occasion turn to agricultural or mercan¬tile pursuits, as they certainly did later. But it must be remembered that in all probability there was more purity of blood, and less pressure of life, among the Brahmins of the Vedic age than later in Buddhist times, when the Vedic sacrificial apparatus was falling into grave disrepute. It is clear that the Brahmins, whatever their defects, represented the intellectual side of Vedic life, and that the Kṣatriyas, if they played a part in that life, did so only in a secondary degree, and to a minor extent. It is natural to suppose that the Brahmins also composed ballads, the precursors of the epic; for though none such have survived, a few stanzas of this character, celebrating the generosity of patrons, have been preserved by being embedded in priestly compositions. A legend in the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa shows clearly that the Brahmins regarded civilization as being spread by them only: Kosala and Videha, no doubt settled by Aryan tribes, are only rendered civilized and habitable by the influence of pious Brahmins. We need not doubt that the non-Brahminical tribes (see Vrātya) had attained intellectual as well as material civilization, but it is reasonable to assume that their civilization was inferior to that of the Brahmins, for the history of Hinduism is the conquest by the Brahmins not by arms, but by mind of the tribes Aryan and non-Aryan originally beyond the pale.
mātṛvadha ‘Matricide,’ is mentioned as a very grave crime in the Kausītaki Upanisad, but as one that can be expiated by the knowledge of the truth.
mātṛhan Mother-killer,’ matricide,’ occurs in a Vedic quotation mentioned by the commentator on Pāṇini.
varṇa ‘Colour,’ is a common word in the Rigveda and later. A large number of colours are enumerated in Vedic literature, but it is not possible to deduce any clear information as to the accuracy with which the Vedic Indian distinguished colours, or as to the principle on which his distinctions werebased. The Rigveda seems to show that red or yellow colours were the most noticed, but this may be accidental. 'Black' or ‘dark’ is denoted by krsna, 'white' or ‘light-coloured’ by śukla or śveta. 'Black' seems to be meant in one passage of the Rigveda by śyenī also. 'Dark-grey' or 'dusky' is expressed by śyāma. The sense of nīla is doubtful, perhaps ‘dark-blue,’ bluish-black.’ The series of words hart, harina, harit, harita, seems, on the whole, to denote 'yellow,' but 'green' is also a possible rendering, since the epithet is used of the frog. ‘Brown’ is certainly the meaning of babhru, which is used of the Vibhītaka nut (see Akça). ‘Reddish-brown’ seems to be the tinge implied by kapila ('monkey-coloured'), while piūgala appears to denote a shade of brown in which yellow pre-dominates, ‘tawny.’ ‘Yellow ’ is expressed by pita as well as pāiidu. A garment of saffron (māhārajana) is mentioned in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad. Rudhira and lohita are red, while aruna is ‘ruddy.’ Kalmāsa means ‘spotted,’ and śilpa dappled,’ while mingled shades like aruna-piśañga, ‘reddish brown,’ also occur.
viś Is an expression of somewhat doubtful significance. In many passages of the Rigveda the sense of ‘settlement’ or ‘dwelling’ is adequate and probable, since the root viś means to enter’ or ‘settle.’ In other passages, where the Viśaḥ stand in relation to a prince, the term must mean ‘subject’; so, for example, when the people of Tṛṇaskanda or of the Trtsus are mentioned. ' Again, in some passages the general sense of ‘ people ’ is adequate; as when the Rigveda speaks of the ‘Aryan people,’ or the ‘divine people,’ or the ‘ Dāsa people,’ and so on. Sometimes, however, the Viś appear in a more special sense as a subdivision of the Jana or whole people. This is, however, not common, for in most passages one or other of the senses given above is quite possible. Moreover, it is very difficult to decide whether the Viś as a subdivision of the Jana is to be considered as being a local subdivision (canton) or a blood kinship equivalent to a clan in the large sense of the word, while the relation of the Viś to the Grāma or to the Gotra is quite uncertain. In one passage of the Atharvaveda the Viśah are mentioned along with the sabandhavah or relatives, but no definite conclusion can be drawn from that fact. Nor does the analogy of the Roman curia or the Greek φpηrpη throw much light, as these institutions are themselves of obscure character, and the parallelism need not be cogent. It is, at any rate, possible that the Viś may in some cases have been no more than a Gotra or clan, or different clans may sometimes have made up a Viś, while Grāma is more definitely, perhaps, a local designation. But the Vedic evidence is quite inconclusive. Cf. Viśpati. In the later period the sense of Viś is definitely restricted in some cases to denote the third of the classes of the Vedic polity, the people or clansmen as opposed to the nobles (Kṣatra, Kṣatriya) and the priests (Brahman, Brāhmaṇa). For the position of this class, see Vaiśya.
śārṅga The Anukramaṇī (Index) of the Rigveda ascribes a hymn of that text to the śārñgas, Jaritṛ, Droṇa, Sārisṛkva, and Stambamitra. The Mahābhārata contains a tale describing how the four śārñgas, sons of the Rṣi Mandapāla, were saved from the great fire in the Khāṇdava forest by means of prayers. Sieg has attempted to use this tale for the elucida­tion of the hymn in question, but without substantial success. As Oldenberg says, the tale is based on the hymn rather than vice versa.
sabhācara Is one of the victims at the Puruṣamedha (‘human sacrifice’) in the Yajurveda. The St. Petersburg Dictionary thinks it is an adjective equivalent in sense to sabhā-ga,’ ‘going to the assembly.’ As he is dedicated to Dharma, ‘Justice,’ it isjdifficult not to see in him a member of the Sabhā as a law court, perhaps as one of those who sit to decide cases: there is nothing to show whether the whole assembly did so, or only a chosen body. The special use of Sabhācara suggests the latter alternative. See also Sabhāsad.
sabhāsad ‘Sitter in the assembly,’ is probably a technical description of the assessors who decided legal cases in the assembly (cf. Sabhācara). The term, which is found in the Atharvaveda and later, cannot well merely denote any member of the assembly. It is also possible that the Sabhāsads, perhaps the heads of families, were expected to be present at the Sabhā oftener than the ordinary man: the meetings of the assembly for justice may have been more frequent than for general discus­sion and decision.
sarasvatī Is the name of a river frequently mentioned in the Rigveda and later. In many passages of the later texts it is certain the river meant is the modern Sarasvatī, which loses itself in the sands of Patiala (see Vinaśana). Even Roth admits that this river is intended in some passages of the Rigveda. With the Drṣadvatī it formed the western boundary of Brahmāvarta (see Madhyadeśa). It is the holy stream of early Vedic India. The Sūtras mention sacrifices held on its banks as of great importance and sanctity. In many other passages of the Rigveda, and even later, Roth held that another river, the Sindhu (Indus), was really meant: only thus could it be explained why the Sarasvatī is called the ‘foremost of rivers’ (nadītamā), is said to go to the ocean, and is referred to as a large river, on the banks of which many kings, and, indeed, the five tribes, were located. This view is accepted by Zimmer and others. On the other hand, Lassen and Max Muller maintain the identity of the Vedic Sarasvatī with the later Sarasvatī. The latter is of opinion that in Vedic times the Sarasvatī was as large a stream as the Sutlej, and that it actually reached the sea either after union with the Indus or not, being the 'iron citadel,’ as the last boundary on the west, a frontier of the Panjab against the rest of India. There is no conclusive evidence of there having been any great change in the size or course of the Sarasvatī, though it would be impossible to deny that the river may easily have diminished in size. But there are strong reasons to accept the identification of the later and the earlier Sarasvatī throughout. The insistence on the divine character of the river is seen in the very hymn which refers to it as the support of the five tribes, and corresponds well with its later sacredness. Moreover, that hymn alludes to the Pārāvatas, a people shown by the later evidence of the Pañcavimśa Brāhmaṇa to have been in the east, a very long way from their original home, if Sarasvatī means the Indus. Again, the Pūrus, who were settled on the Sarasvatī, could with great difficulty be located in the far west. Moreover, the five tribes might easily be held to be on the Sarasvatī, when they were, as they seem to have been, the western neighbours of the Bharatas in Kurukçetra, and the Sarasvatī could easily be regarded as the boundary of the Panjab in that sense. Again, the ‘seven rivers’ in one passage clearly designate a district: it is most probable that they are not the five rivers with the Indus and the Kubhā (Cabul river), but the five rivers, the Indus and the Sarasvatī. Nor is it difficult to see why the river is said to flow to the sea: either the Vedic poet had never followed the course of the river to its end, or the river did actually penetrate the desert either completely or for a long distance, and only in the Brāhmaṇa period was its disappear ance in the desert found out. It is said, indeed, in the Vājasaneyi Samhitā21 that the five rivers go to the Sarasvatī, but this passage is not only late (as the use of the word Deśa shows), but it does not say that the five rivers meant are those of the Panjab. Moreover, the passage has neither a parallel in the other Samhitās, nor can it possibly be regarded as an early production; if it is late it must refer to the later Sarasvatī. Hillebrandt,22 on the whole, adopts this view of the Saras¬vatī,23 but he also sees in it, besides the designation of a mythical stream, the later Vaitaraṇī,24 as well as the name of the Arghandab in Arachosia.25 This opinion depends essentially on his theory that the sixth Mandala of the Rigveda places the scene of its action in Iranian lands, as opposed to the seventh Maṇdala: it is as untenable as that theory itself. Brunn-hofer at one time accepted the Iranian identification, but later decided for the Oxus, which is quite out of the question. See also Plakṣa Prāsravaṇa.
surā Is the name of an intoxicating ‘ spirituous liquor,’ often mentioned in Vedic literature. In some passages it is referred to favourably, in others with decided disapproval. It is classed with the use of meat and with dicing as an evil in the Atharvaveda, and often with dicing. It was, as opposed to Soma, essentially a drink of ordinary life. It was the drink of men in the Sabhā, and gave rise to broils. Its exact nature is not certain. It may have been a strong spirit prepared from fermented grains and plants, as Eggeling holds, or, as Whitney thought, a kind of beer or ale. Geldner renders it * brandy.’ It is sometimes mentioned in connexion with Madhu. It was kept in skins.
sṛñjaya Is the name of a people mentioned as early as the Rigveda. Sṛñjaya (that is, the king of this people) Daivavāta is celebrated as victorious over the Turvaśas and the Vrcī- vants, and his sacrificial fire is referred to. In connexion with Daivavāta is also mentioned Sāhadevya Somaka, no doubt another prince; for in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa we find Somaka Sāhadevya and his father, Sahadeva (originally Suplan) Sārñjaya, as kings who were anointed by Parvata and Nārada. The Rigveda has also a Dānastuti (‘praise of gifts’) of Prastoka, a Sṛñjaya, who is lauded along with Divodāsa. Moreover, Vītahavya seems to have been a Sṛñjaya, though Zimmer prefers to take the derivative word, Vaitahavya, not as a patronymic, but as an epithet. It seems probable that the Sṛñjayas and the Tptsus were closely allied, for Divodāsa and a Sṛñjaya prince are celebrated together, and the Turvaśas were enemies of both. This view is borne out by the śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, which recognizes Devabhāga śrautarṣa as Purohita of the Kurus and the Sṛñjayas. On the other hand, some disaster certainly befel the Srujayas, at least the Vaitahavyas, for they are said in the Atharvaveda to have offended the BhrgTUS and to have ended miserably. There is, it is true, no precise confirmation of this notice, but both the Kāthaka Saiphitā and the Taittirīya Samhitā, in independent passages, refer to the Sṛñjayas having sustained some serious loss, though the notice is in each case coupled with a ritual error, much as in the Old Testament the fate of kings depends on their devotion to Jahve or their dis¬obedience. It is justifiable to recognize some disaster in this allusion. The geographical position of the Sṛñjayas is uncertain. Hillebrandt suggests that in early times they must be looked for west of the Indus with Divodāsa; he also mentions, though he does not definitely adopt, the suggestion of Brunnhofer that the Sṛñjayas are to be compared with the Xapáyyai10 of the Greeks, and to be located in Drangiana. Zimmer is inclined to locate them on the upper Indus; but it is difficult to decide definitely in favour of any particular location. They may well have been a good deal farther east than the Indus, since their allies, the Tṛtsus, were in the Madhyadeśa, and were certainly absorbed in the Kurus. Of the history of this clan we have one notice. They expelled Duçtarītu Pauηisāyana, one of their kings, from the hereditary monarchy—of ten generations—and also drove out Revottaras Pā^ava Cākra Sthapati, probably his minister, who, however, succeeded in effecting the restoration of the king, despite the opposition of the Kuru prince, Balhika Prātīpya. Very probably this Kuru prince may have been at the bottom of the movement which led to the expulsion of the king and his minister. But the restoration of the king can hardly be regarded, in accordance with Bloomfield’s view, as a defeat of the Sṛñjayas.
soma Was the famous plant which was used for the prepara­tion of the libation of Soma made at the Vedic sacrifice. Its importance is sufficiently shown by the fact that the whole of the ninth Maṇdala of the Rigveda, and six hymns in other Maṇdalas, are devoted to its praise. Nevertheless, little is actually known of the plant. Its twigs or shoots are described as brown (babhru), ruddy (aruna), or tawny (hari).s Possibly its twigs hang down if the epithet Naicāśākha refers to the plant as Hillebrandt thinks. The shoot is called amśu, while the plant as a whole is called andhas, which also denotes the juice. Parvan is the stem. Kξip, ‘finger,’ is used as a designation of the shoots, which may therefore have resembled fingers in shape; vaksanā and vāna also seem to have the sense of the shoot. There is some slight evidence to suggest that the stem was not round, but angular. The plant grew on the mountains, that of Mūjavant being specially renowned. These notices are inadequate to identify the plant. It has been held to be the Sarcostemma viminalc or the Asclepias acida (Sarcostemma brevistigma). Roth held that the Sarcostemma acidiim more nearly met the requirements of the case. Watt suggested the Afghan grape as the real Soma, and Rice thought a sugar-cane might be meant, while Max Mūller and Rājendralāla Mitra suggested that the juice was used as an ingredient in a kind of beer—i.e., that the Soma plant was a species of hop. Hillebrandt considers that neither hops nor the grape can explain the references to Soma. It is very probable that the plant cannot now be identified. In the Yajurveda the plant is purchased ere it is pressed. Hillebrandt considers that the sale must be assumed for the Rigveda. It grew on a mountain, and could not be obtained by ordinary people: perhaps some special tribe or prince owned it, like the Kīkatas. As it stands, the ritual performance is clearly an acquisition of the Soma from the Gandharvas (represented by a śūdra), a ritual imitation of the action which may have been one of the sources of the drama. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining the real plant from a great distance, several substitutes were allowed in the Brāhmaṇa period. The plant was prepared for use by being pounded with stones or in a mortar. The former was the normal method of pro¬cedure, appearing in the Rigveda as the usual one. The stones are called grāvan or αdn, and were, of course, held in the hands. The plant was laid on boards one beside the other (Adhiṣavana), and, according at least to the later ritual, a hole was dug below, so that the pounding of the plant by means of the stones resulted in a loud noise, doubtless a prophylactic against demoniac influences. The plant was placed on a skin and on the Vedi—-which was no longer done in the later ritual—Dhiṣaṇā in some passages denoting the Vedi. Sometimes the mortar and pestle were used in place of the stones. This use, though Iranian, was apparently not common in Vedic times. Camū denotes the vessel used for the offering to the god, Kalaśa and Camasa those used for the priests to drink from. Sometimes the Camū denotes the mortar and pestle. Perhaps the vessel was so called because of its mortar-like shape. The skin on which the shoots were placed was called Tvac, or twice go (‘cow-hide). Kośa, Sadhastha, Dru, Vana, Droṇa, are all terms used for Soma vessels, while Sruva denotes the ladle.’ Apparently the plant was sometimes steeped in water to increase its yield of juice. It is not possible to describe exactly the details of the process of pressing the Soma as practised in the Rigveda. It was certainly purified by being pressed through a sieve (Pavitra). The Soma was then used unmixed (βukra, śuci) for Indra and Vāyu, but the Kanvas seem to have dropped this usage. The juice is described as brown (babhru)," tawny (hart), or ruddy (aruna), and as having a fragrant smell, at least as a rule. Soma was mixed with milk (Gavāśir), curd or sour milk (Dadhyāśir), or grain (Yavāśir). The admixtures are alluded to with various figurative expressions, as Atka, ‘ armour ’j Vastra or Vāsas, 'garment'; Abhiśrī, 'admixturerūpa, ‘beautyJ; śrl, ‘splendour’; rasa, ‘flavour’; prayas, ‘ dainty ’; and perhaps nabhas, ‘ fragrance.’ The adjective tīvra denotes the ‘ pungent ’ flavour of Soma when so mixed. The Soma shoots, after the juice has been pressed out, are denoted by rjīsa, ‘residue.’ It seems probable that in some cases honey was mixed with Soma: perhaps the kośa madhti-ścut, ' the pail distilling sweetness,’ was used for the mixing. It seems doubtful if Surā was ever so mixed. There were three pressings a day of Soma, as opposed to the two of the Avesta. The evening pressing was specially connected with the Rbhus, the midday with Indra, the morning with Agni, but the ritual shows that many other gods also had their share. The drinker of Soma and the nondrinker are sharply discriminated in the texts. Localities where Soma was consumed were Árjīka, Pastyāvant, śaryaṇāvant, Suṣomā, the territory of the Pañcajanāh or ‘five peoples,’ and so on. The effects of Soma in exhilarating and exciting the drinkers are often alluded to. It is difficult to decide if Soma was ever a popular, as opposed to a hieratic drink. The evidence for its actual popularity is very slight, and not decisive.
       Bloomfield Vedic
         Concordance  
6 results
     
cid asi VS.4.19; 12.53; TS.1.2.4.1; 4.2.4.4; 6.1.7.4 (bis); MS.1.1.8: 4.11; 1.2.4: 13.3; 2.7.11: 90.3; 3.7.5: 81.14; 4.2.5: 26.14; 4.9.4: 124.7; 4.9.15: 134.12; KS.2.5; 16.11; 24.3; śB.3.2.4.16; 7.1.1.30; Kś.7.6.15; 17.1.12; Apś.1.22.3; 4.10.4; 10.22.8; 16.14.7; Mś.1.2.3.4; 1.4.2.10; 2.1.3.35; --4.2.21; 6.1.5.4; 9.5.5.15; N.5.5.
cid asi samudrayoniḥ TS.4.7.13.1a; MS.4.9.11: 132.6; TB.3.10.4.2; TA.4.11.6a; 5.9.9.
takacid aśamīd idam # AVP.1.94.4d.
dakacid asravīt purā # AVP.1.94.4c.
paricid asi # VS.12.53; TS.4.2.4.4; MS.1.1.8: 4.11; 2.7.11: 90.3; KS.16.11; śB.7.1.1.30; Apś.1.22.3; 16.14.7; Mś.1.2.3.4; 6.1.5.4.
yatrācidhvaṃ maruto gachathed u tat # RV.5.55.7b.
     Dictionary of Sanskrit
     Grammar
     KV Abhyankar
"cid" has 27 results.
     
cidasthimālāname of a commentary on the Laghusabdendusekhara by Vaidyanatha Payagunde,one of the distinguished disciples of Nagesabhatta.
cidrūpāśrayanamed also चिद्रूपाश्रम who wrote a learned commentary named विषमी on the Paribhasendusekhara of Nagesabhatta
akṛtrimanon-technical: not formed or not arrived at by grammatical operations such as the application of affixes to crude bases and so on; natural; assigned only by accident. cf the gram. maxim कृत्रिमाकृतिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसंप्रत्ययः which means "in cases of doubt whether an operation refers to that expressed by the technical sense or to that which is expressed by the ordinary sense of a term, the operation refers to what is expressed by the technical sense." Par. śek. Par.9 also Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on I.1.28.
aniṭ(1)not admitting the augment इट् to be prefixed to it; the term is strictly to be applied to ārdhadhātuka affixes placed after such roots as have their vowel characterized by a grave accent ( अनुदात्तस्वर ); the term अनिट् being explained as अनिडादि qualifying the अार्धधातुक affix; (2) in a secondary way, it has become customary to call such roots अनिट् as do not allow the augment इट् to be prefixed to an ārdhadhātuka affix placed after them. Such roots are termed अनुदात्त verily because they are possessed of an anudātta vowel. e. g. कृ, भृ, जि, गम् , हन् et cetera, and others as against भु, धू, तॄ, श्वि, वृ, वद्, फल्, चल्, et cetera, and others which have their vowel characterized by an acute (उदात्त ) accent. For a complete list of such roots see the well-known stanzas given in the Siddhāntakaumudī incidentally on अात्मनेपदेष्वनतः P. VII.1.5. ऊदॄदन्तैर्यौतिरुक्ष्णुशीङ्स्नु....निहताः स्मृताः ॥ १ ॥ शक्लृपच्मुचिरिचवच्विच् .........धातवो द्व्यधिकं शतम् ॥ as also some lists by ancient grammarians given in the Mahābhāṣya on एकाच उपदेशेनुदात्तात्. P. VII. 2.10 or in the Kāśikā on the same rule P. VII.2.10.
aśvādi(1)a class of words headed by the word अश्व to which the affix फञ्(अायन) is added in the sense of गोत्र (grandchildren et cetera, and others); exempli gratia, for exampleआश्वायनः जातायनः, औत्सायनः et cetera, and others; confer, compare P.IV.1. 110; (2) a class of words headed by the word अश्व to which the taddhita affix यत् is added in the sense of a cause of the type of a meeting or an accidental circumstance; exempli gratia, for example आश्विकम् अाश्मिकम् confer, compare P. V.1.39.
naipātikaaccessory; accidental; निपातात् अागतानि.
patañjalithe reputed author of the Mahābhāșya, known as the Pātañjala Mahābhāșya after him. His date is determined definitely as the second century B.C. on the strength of the internal evidence supplied by the text of the Mahābhāșya itselfeminine. The words Gonardiya and Gonikāputra which are found in the Mahābhāșya are believed to be referring to the author himself and, on their strength he is said to have been the son of Goņikā and a resident of the country called Gonarda in his days. On the strength of the internal evidence supplied by the Mahābhāșya, it can be said that Patañjali received his education at Takșaśila and that he was,just like Pāņini, very familiar with villages and towns in and near Vāhika and Gāndhāra countries. Nothing can definitely be said about his birthplace, and although it might be believed that his native place was Gonarda,its exact situation has not been defined so far. About his parentage too,no definite information is available. Tradition says that he was the foster-son of a childless woman named Gonikā to whom he was handed over by a sage of Gonarda, in whose hands he fell down from the sky in the evening at the time of the offering of water-handfuls to the Sun in the west; confer, compareपतत् + अञ्जलि, the derivation of the word given by the commentators. Apart from anecdotes and legendary information, it can be said with certainty that Patañjali was a thorough scholar of Sanskrit Grammar who had studied the available texts of the Vedic Literature and Grammar and availed himself of information gathered personally by visiting the various schools of Sanskrit Grammar and observing the methods of explanations given by teachers there. His Mahābhāșya supplies an invaluable fund of information on the ways in which the Grammar rules of Pāņini were explained in those days in the various grammar schools. This information is supplied by him in the Vārttikas which he has exhaustively given and explainedition He had a remarkable mastery over Sanskrit Language which was a spoken one at his time and it can be safely said that in respect of style, the Mahābhāșya excels all the other Bhāșyas in the different branches of learning out of which two, those of Śabaraswāmin and Śańkarācārya,are selected for comparison. It is believed by scholars that he was equally conversant with other śāstras, especially Yoga and Vaidyaka, on which he has written learned treatises. He is said to be the author of the Yogasūtras which,hence are called Pātañjala Yogasūtras, and the redactor of the Carakasamhitā. There are scholars who believe that he wrote the Mahābhāșya only, and not the other two. They base their argument mainly on the supposition that it is impossible for a scholar to have an equally unmatching mastery over three different śāstras at a time. The argument has no strength, especially in India where there are many instances of scholars possessing sound scholarship in different branches of learning. Apart from legends and statements of Cakradhara, Nāgesa and others, about his being the author of three works on three different śāstras, there is a direct reference to Patañjali's proficiency in Grammar, Yoga and Medicine in the work of King Bhoja of the eleventh century and an indirect one in the Vākyapadīya of Bhartŗhari of the seventh century A. D. There is a work on the life of Patañjali, written by a scholar of grammar of the South,named Ramabhadra which gives many stories and incidents of his life out of which it is difficult to find out the grains of true incidents from the legendary husk with which they are coveredition For details,see Patañjala Mahābhāșya D.E.Society's edition Vol. VII pages 349 to 374. See also the word महाभाष्य.
puruṣottamadevaa famous grammarian believed to have been a Buddhist, who flourished in the reign of Lakșmaņasena in the latter half of the twelfth century in Bengal. Many works on grammar are ascribed to him, the prominent ones among which are the Bhāșāvŗtti and the Paribhāșāvŗtti, the Gaņavŗtti and the Jñapakasamuccaya and a commentary on the Mahābhāșya called Prāņapaņā of which only a fragment is available. Besides these works on grammar, he has written some lexicographical works of which Hārāvalī, Trikāņdaśeșa, Dvirūpakosa, and Ekaaksarakosa are the prominent ones. The Bhasavrtti has got a lucid commentary on it written by Srstidhara.
paurvāparya(1)a relation between two operations or rules based upon their anterior and ulterior positions, which is many times taken into consideration for deciding their relative strength; (2) the order of words; cf शब्देनार्थान्वाच्यान् दृष्ट्वा बुद्धौ कुर्यात् पौर्वापर्यम् Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ).on P 1.4.109 Vart. 10 cf also पौर्वापर्यमकालव्यपेतं सेहिता, P. I. 4.109 Vart. 8.
prācīnamatathe view or doctrine of the former or rather older grammarians. The word is used in many commentary books and the meaning of the word is to be decided according to the context. For example in the works of Ramacandra, the author of the Prakriyakaumudi and his followers, the word refers to the view given by the writers of the Kasikavrtti and the commentaries thereon in the works of Bhattoji and his pupils, it refers to the writer of the Prakriyakaumudi in addition to the writers of the Kasika, while in the works of Nagesa it refers to the writings of Bhattoji and his pupils. For details see Vyakarana Mahabhasya Vol. V1I pp. 23-24 D. E. Society's Edition.
prāptiapplication of a rule, arrival at a particular form; incidence, occurrence of a particular rule;confer, compare अनन्तरा या प्राप्तिः सा प्रतिषिध्यते Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P. I. 1.43.
balīyastvarelative superiority in strength possessed by rules of grammar or by operations based on rules of grammar. This Superiority is decided generally on any one or more of the four recognised criteria such as परत्व, नित्यत्व, अन्तरङ्गत्व and अपवादत्व. The phrase अन्तरङ्गबलीयस्त्वात् very frequently occurs in the varttikas and in the Mahabhasya; confer, compare M.Bh. on P. III. 1.67, VI.i.17, 85 Vart. 15, VI. 4.62 and VII.1.1.
yadṛcchāśabdliterally a chance-word: Samjna-sabda or proper noun which is given accidentally without any found used attention to derivation or authority confer, compare अयं , तर्हि यदृच्छाशब्दोsपरिहार्यः। लृफिङ्: लृफिङ्ङ् Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ).on Siva Stra2.
yaugapadyasimultaneity of occurrence; simultaneous possibility of the application of two rules which evidently cannot apply simultaneously, but scope has to be given to one of the two, the priority being decided on the criteria of परत्व, नित्यत्व, अन्तरङ्गत्व and अपवादत्व;confer, compare न चास्ति यौगपदद्येन संभव: Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Sūtras of Pāṇini (Dr. Kielhorn's edition ). on P.I.1.57; cf also M.Bh. on I. 4.1 , I. 4.2, II. 1.3 et cetera, and others
vājasaneyeiprātiśākhyathe Pratisakhya work belonging to the Vajasaneyi branch of the White Yajurveda, which is the only Pratisakhya existing to-day representing all the branches of the Sukla Yajurveda. Its authorship is attributed to Katyayana, and on account of its striking resemblance with Panini's sutras at various places, its author Katyayana is likely to be the same as the Varttikakara Katyayana. It is quite reasonable to expect that the subject matter in this Pratisakhya is based on that in the ancient Prtisakhya works of the same White school of the Yajurveda.The work has a lucid commentary called Bhasya written by Uvvata.
śabdparavipratiṣedhacl,. comparatively superior strength possessed by a word, which in the text of a particular sutra is later than another word, which is put in earlier in the Sutra. This शब्दपरविप्रतिषेधे is contrasted with the standard शास्त्रपरविप्रतिषेध which is laid down by Panini in his rule विप्रतिषेधे परं कार्यम् and which lays down the superior strength of that rule which is put by Panini later on in his Astadhyayi: e. g. in the rule विभाषा गमहनविदविशाम्,it is not the word हन् although occuring earlier, but the word विश् occuring later in the rule, which helps us to decide which विद् should be taken confer, compareज्ञानार्तस्य सत्यपि विदरूपत्वे अर्थस्य भेदकत्वेन रूपवदाश्रयणात्प्रतिषेधाभावः | यद्यपि हन्तिना साहचर्ये विदेरस्ति तथापि शब्दपरविप्रतिषेधाद् विशिर्व्यवस्थाहेतुर्न हान्तिः ! Kaiyata on P. VII.2.18:confer, compare also, P.VI.1.158 V.12.
saralāname of a comparatively modern lucid commentary written by Taranatha Tarkavacaspati on the Siddhantakaumudi.
siddhāntakaumudīa critical and scholarly commentary on the Sutras of Panini, in which the several Sutras are arranged topicwise and fully explained with examples and counter examples. The work is exhaustive, yet not voluminous, difficult yet popular, and critical yet lucid. The work is next in importance to the Mahabhasya in the system of Panini, and its study prepares the way for understanding the Mahabhasya. It is prescribed for study in the courses of Vyakarana at every academy and Pathasala and is expected to be committed to memory by students who want to be thorough scholars of Vyakarana.By virtue of its methodical treatment it has thrown into the back-ground all kindred works and glosses or Vrttis on the Sutras of Panini. It is arranged into two halves, the first half dealing with seven topics ( 1 ) संज्ञापरिभाषा, ( 2 ) पञ्त्वसंधि, ( 3 ) षड्लिङ्ग, ( 4 ) स्त्रीप्रत्यय, ( 5 ) कारक, ( 6 ) समास, ( 7 ) तद्धित, and the latter half dealing with five topics, ( 1 ) दशगणी, ( 2 ) द्वादशप्राक्रिया ( 3 ) कृदन्त ( 4 ) वैदिकी and ( 5 ) स्वर. The author भट्टोजीदीक्षित has himself written a scholarly gloss on it called प्रौढमनेरमा on which, his grandson, Hari Diksita has written a learned commentary named लघुशब्दरत्न or simple शब्दरत्न. The Siddhāntakaumudi has got a large number of commentaries on it out of which, the commentaries प्रौढमनेरमा, बालमनोरमा, (by वासुदेवदीक्षित) तत्त्वबोधिनी and लघुशब्देन्दुशेखर are read by almost every true scholar of Vyakarana. Besides these four, there are a dozen or more commentaries some of which can be given below with their names and authors ( I ) सुबेाधिनी by जयकृष्णमौनि, ( 2 ) सुबोधिनी by रामकृष्णभट्ट ( 3 ) वृहृच्छब्देन्दुशेखर by नागेश, ( 4 ) बालमनेारमा by अनन्तपण्डित, ( 5 ) वैयाकरणसिद्धान्तरहृस्य by नीलकण्ठ, ( 6 ) रत्नार्णव, by कृष्णमिश्र ( 7 ) वैयाकरणसिद्धान्तरत्नाकर by रामकृष्ण, ( 8 ) सरला by तारानाथ,(9) सुमनोरमा by तिरुमल्ल,(10)सिद्वान्तकौमुदीव्याख्या by लक्ष्मीनृसिंह, (11 )सिद्धान्तकौमुदीव्याख्या by विश्वेश्वरतीर्थ, (12) रत्नाकर by शिवरामेन्द्रसरस्वती and (13) प्रकाश by तोलापदीक्षित. Although the real name of the work is वैयाकरणसिद्धान्ततकौमुदी, as given by the author, still popularly the work is well known by the name सिद्धान्तकौमुदी. The work has got two abridged forms, the Madhyakaumudi and the Laghukaumudi both written by Varadaraja, the pupil of Bhattoji Diksita.
sphoṭaname given to the radical Sabda which communicates the meaning to the hearers as different from ध्वनि or the sound in ordinary experience.The Vaiyakaranas,who followed Panini and who were headed by Bhartihari entered into discussions regarding the philosophy of Grammar, and introduced by way of deduction from Panini's grammar, an important theory that शब्द which communicates the meaning is different from the sound which is produced and heard and which is merely instrumental in the manifestation of an internal voice which is called Sphota.स्फुटयतेनेन अर्थः: इति स्फोटः or स्फोटः शब्दो ध्वनिस्तस्य व्यायमादुपजायते Vakyapadiya; confer, compare also अभिव्यक्तवादको मध्यमावस्थ आन्तर: शब्द: Kaiyata's Pradipa. For, details see Vakyapadiya I and Sabdakaustubha Ahnika 1. It is doubtful whether this Sphota theory was. advocated before Panini. The word स्फोटायन has been put by Panini in the rule अवङ् स्फोटायनस्य only incidentally and, in fact, nothing can be definitely deduced from it although Haradatta says that स्फोटायन was the originator of the स्फोटवाद. The word स्फोट is not actually found in the Pratisakhya works. However, commentators on the Pratisakhya works have introduced it in their explanations of the texts which describe वर्णोत्पत्ति or production of sound; confer, compare commentary on R.Pr.XIII.4, T.Pr. II.1. Grammarians have given various kinds of sphota; confer, compare स्फोटो द्विधा | व्यक्तिस्फोटो जातिस्फोटश्च। व्यक्तिस्पोटः सखण्ड अखण्डश्च । सखण्ड। वर्णपदवाक्यभेदेन त्रिधा। अखण्ड: पदवाक्यभेदेन द्विधा ! एवं पञ्च व्यक्तिस्फोटाः| जातिस्फोट: वर्णपदवाक्यभेदेन त्रिधा। इत्येवमष्टौ स्फोटः तत्र अखण्डवाक्यस्फोट एव मुख्य इति नव्याः । वाक्य जातिस्फोट इति तु प्राञ्चः॥; confer, compare also पदप्रकृतिः संहिता इति प्रातिशाख्यमत्र मानम् । पदानां प्रकृतिरिति षष्ठीतत्पुरुषे अखण्डवाक्यस्फोटपक्षः । बहुव्रीहौ सखण्डबाक्यस्फोट:||
svaritapratijñāthe conventional dictum that a particular rule or part of a rule, is marked with the accent स्वरित which enables the grammarians to decide that that rule or that part of a rule is to occur in each of the subsequent Sutras, the limit of continuation being ascertained from convention. It is possible that Panini in his original recital of the Astadhyayi recited the words in the rules with the necessary accents; probably he recited every word, which was not to proceed further, with one acute or with one circumflex vowel, while, the words which were to proceed to the next rule or rules, were marked with an actual circumflex accent ( स्वरित ), or with a neutralization of the acute and the grave accents (स्वरितत्व), that is, probably without accents or by एकश्रुति or by प्रचय; cf स्वरितेनाधिकार: P. I.3.II and the Mahabhasya thereon.
     DCS with thanks   
22 results
     
cidghana noun (masculine)
Frequency rank 23975/72933
cidi noun (masculine) name of a son of Kaiśika
Frequency rank 52350/72933
cidvant adjective possessing cit
Frequency rank 34983/72933
cidāhlādā noun (feminine)
Frequency rank 34982/72933
cidānanda noun (masculine) (Trika:) Name einer der Ānandabhūmis
Frequency rank 23974/72933
cidānandāy verb (denominative ātmanepada)
Frequency rank 52351/72933
cidātman noun (masculine) pure thought or intelligence (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 23973/72933
akutaścidbhaya adjective having no fear from any quarter (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
secure (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 41547/72933
uccidiṅga noun (masculine) a kind of animal (?)
Frequency rank 47051/72933
uccidiṅgaka noun (neuter) a kind of animal (?)
Frequency rank 47052/72933
katicid indeclinable
Frequency rank 9343/72933
kathaṃcid indeclinable
Frequency rank 2622/72933
kadācid indeclinable irgendwann
Frequency rank 905/72933
kaścid pronoun someone
Frequency rank 56/72933
kutaścid indeclinable
Frequency rank 9811/72933
kutracid indeclinable anywhere somewhere
Frequency rank 6135/72933
kvacid indeclinable anywhere at any time sometimes somewhere
Frequency rank 593/72933
śucidratha noun (masculine) name of a king (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 67864/72933
śucidrava noun (masculine) name of a king (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 40090/72933
śucidruma noun (masculine) the sacred fig-tree (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 67865/72933
saccidānanda noun (neuter) (pure) "Existence and Thought and Joy" (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of the One self-existing spirit (Brahma) (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))
name of Viṣṇu as identified with Brahma (Monier-Williams, Sir M. (1988))

Frequency rank 15272/72933
saccidānandaka adjective
Frequency rank 68613/72933
Ayurvedic Medical
Dictionary
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abhighāta

trauma; accident; infliction of injury; damage.

acchapitta

pellucid choler; a byproduct of second stage of digestion or amlāvasthāpāka.

āgantu,āgantuka

stray; accidental; incidental; invasive; āgantu,āgantukajvara exogenous fever.

amla

sour taste; amlameha acid urine.

amlapitta

hyperacidity, ulcer.

amlavarga,amlapañcaka

sour fruits of orange (nāraṅga), rhubarb (amlavetasa), acid lime (nimbu), sweet lime (mātuluṅga), lemon (jambīra).

avakṛta

a wide laceration due to accident.

avasthāpāka

(avastha.pāka) process of digestion; ingested substances pass through three stages in which they become successively sweet, acid and pungent.

cidrodara

perforation of intestines; peritonitis.

drāvaka

solvent, distilled mineral acids.

ghaṭana

happening; an accident.

ghṛṣṭa

small laceration due to accident.

kaphajābhiṣyanda

vernal keratoconjunctivitis or spring catarrh: a recurrent, bilateral, and selflimiting inflammation of conjunctiva, having a periodic seasonal incidence.

karīra

Plant caper plant, Capparis aphylla, C. decidua.

kasamarda

Plant Cassia occidentalis; negro coffee, stinking weed.

lavalīphala

country gooseberry, Phyllathus acidus.

naimittika

casual, accidental.

niṣṭhāpāka

(during the process of digestion) the tastes are subject to a process governed by the rule that sweet, acid and pungent substances do not change their taste, whereas the salt taste is transformed into sweet one, and the bitter and astringent taste into a pungent one.

pradeha

unctuous paste, thick and viscid ointment, hot ointment; juices made semisolid by cooking; pradehasveda poultice or cataplasm, soft moist mass, heated and medicated, applied on the skin to treat pain.

prasrastha

flaccidity, laxity, relaxation; prolapse of uterus.

pravilambita

body parts hanging loose due to accident.

śāliparṇi

Plant salpan, Desmodium gangeticum, D. laxiflorum. (in north India); Pseudarthria viscida is used in south India.

sithilānga

flaccidity, flaccid limbs.

śveta

1. white; 2. third layer of skin, stratum luciderm.

upadeśa

one of tantrayuktis, instruction, elucidation, injunction.

vātarakta

gout and arthritis; a kind of arthritis that occurs when uric acid builds up in blood and causes joint inflammation.

venāmra

Plant cashewnut tree, Anacardium occidentale.

     Wordnet Search "cid" has 28 results.
     

cid

brahma, brahmatatvam, cidānandam, aśabda   

sā paramā tathā ca nityasattā yā jagataḥ mūlakāraṇam asti tathā ca yā sadcidānandasvarūpā asti iti manyante।

brahma ekam eva।

cid

durgā, umā, kātyāyanī, gaurī, brahmāṇī, kālī, haimavatī, īśvarā, śivā, bhavānī, rudrāṇī, sarvāṇī, sarvamaṅgalā, aparṇā, pārvatī, mṛḍānī, līlāvatī, caṇaḍikā, ambikā, śāradā, caṇḍī, caṇḍā, caṇḍanāyikā, girijā, maṅgalā, nārāyaṇī, mahāmāyā, vaiṣṇavī, maheśvarī, koṭṭavī, ṣaṣṭhī, mādhavī, naganandinī, jayantī, bhārgavī, rambhā, siṃharathā, satī, bhrāmarī, dakṣakanyā, mahiṣamardinī, herambajananī, sāvitrī, kṛṣṇapiṅgalā, vṛṣākapāyī, lambā, himaśailajā, kārttikeyaprasūḥ, ādyā, nityā, vidyā, śubhahkarī, sāttvikī, rājasī, tāmasī, bhīmā, nandanandinī, mahāmāyī, śūladharā, sunandā, śumyabhaghātinī, hrī, parvatarājatanayā, himālayasutā, maheśvaravanitā, satyā, bhagavatī, īśānā, sanātanī, mahākālī, śivānī, haravallabhā, ugracaṇḍā, cāmuṇḍā, vidhātrī, ānandā, mahāmātrā, mahāmudrā, mākarī, bhaumī, kalyāṇī, kṛṣṇā, mānadātrī, madālasā, māninī, cārvaṅgī, vāṇī, īśā, valeśī, bhramarī, bhūṣyā, phālgunī, yatī, brahmamayī, bhāvinī, devī, acintā, trinetrā, triśūlā, carcikā, tīvrā, nandinī, nandā, dharitriṇī, mātṛkā, cidānandasvarūpiṇī, manasvinī, mahādevī, nidrārūpā, bhavānikā, tārā, nīlasarasvatī, kālikā, ugratārā, kāmeśvarī, sundarī, bhairavī, rājarājeśvarī, bhuvaneśī, tvaritā, mahālakṣmī, rājīvalocanī, dhanadā, vāgīśvarī, tripurā, jvālmukhī, vagalāmukhī, siddhavidyā, annapūrṇā, viśālākṣī, subhagā, saguṇā, nirguṇā, dhavalā, gītiḥ, gītavādyapriyā, aṭṭālavāsinī, aṭṭahāsinī, ghorā, premā, vaṭeśvarī, kīrtidā, buddhidā, avīrā, paṇḍitālayavāsinī, maṇḍitā, saṃvatsarā, kṛṣṇarūpā, balipriyā, tumulā, kāminī, kāmarūpā, puṇyadā, viṣṇucakradharā, pañcamā, vṛndāvanasvarūpiṇī, ayodhyārupiṇī, māyāvatī, jīmūtavasanā, jagannāthasvarūpiṇī, kṛttivasanā, triyāmā, jamalārjunī, yāminī, yaśodā, yādavī, jagatī, kṛṣṇajāyā, satyabhāmā, subhadrikā, lakṣmaṇā, digambarī, pṛthukā, tīkṣṇā, ācārā, akrūrā, jāhnavī, gaṇḍakī, dhyeyā, jṛmbhaṇī, mohinī, vikārā, akṣaravāsinī, aṃśakā, patrikā, pavitrikā, tulasī, atulā, jānakī, vandyā, kāmanā, nārasiṃhī, girīśā, sādhvī, kalyāṇī, kamalā, kāntā, śāntā, kulā, vedamātā, karmadā, sandhyā, tripurasundarī, rāseśī, dakṣayajñavināśinī, anantā, dharmeśvarī, cakreśvarī, khañjanā, vidagdhā, kuñjikā, citrā, sulekhā, caturbhujā, rākā, prajñā, ṛdbhidā, tāpinī, tapā, sumantrā, dūtī, aśanī, karālā, kālakī, kuṣmāṇḍī, kaiṭabhā, kaiṭabhī, kṣatriyā, kṣamā, kṣemā, caṇḍālikā, jayantī, bheruṇḍā   

sā devī yayā naike daityāḥ hatāḥ tathā ca yā ādiśaktiḥ asti iti manyate।

navarātrotsave sthāne sthāne durgāyāḥ pratiṣṭhāpanā kriyate।

cid

kutrāpi, kutracit, kutracid, kutra api, kūcid, kva   

kasmin api sthāne।

atra tatra kutrāpi saḥ na dṛśyate।

cid

yatkiñcid, yatkiñcit, kiñcid, kiñcit, manāk, manāg   

svalpamātrāyām।

asya duṣṭapuruṣasya mṛtyoḥ yatkiñcid api na śocāmi aham ।

cid

rāmānujam, cidāmbaram, padmanābham rāmānujam, sī.pī.rāmānujam   

bhārate jātaḥ khyātaḥ gaṇitajñaḥ।

rāmānujam mahodayasya pitā madrāsa-ucca-nyāyālaye vidhijñaḥ āsīt।

cid

cidambaram   

bhāratadeśasya cennaīnagare vartamānaṃ nagaram।

saḥ cidambare nivasati।

cid

śucidrathaḥ   

ekaḥ rājā ।

śucidrathasya ullekhaḥ purāṇe asti

cid

śucidravaḥ   

ekaḥ rājā ।

śucidravasya ullekhaḥ viṣṇupurāṇe asti

cid

paurarucidevaḥ   

ekaḥ puruṣaḥ ।

kathāsaritsāgare paurarucidevasya varṇanaṃ vidyate

cid

saccidānandatīrthaḥ   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandatīrthaḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandatīrthaḥ   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandatīrthaḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandanāthaḥ   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandanāthaḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandanāthaḥ   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandanāthaḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandabhāratī   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandabhāratī iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandabhāratī   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandabhāratī iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandayogīndraḥ   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandayogīndraḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandayogīndraḥ   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandayogīndraḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandaśāstrī   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandaśāstrī iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandaśāstrī   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandaśāstrī iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandasarasvatī   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandasasvatī iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandasarasvatī   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandasarasvatī iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandastotram   

ekaḥ ślokaḥ ।

saccidānandastrotrasya ullekhaḥ koṣe asti

cid

saccidānandasvāmī   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandasvāmī iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandasvāmī   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandasvāmī iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandāśramaḥ   

viduṣāṃ nāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandāśramaḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike vidvāṃsaḥ āsan

cid

saccidānandāśramaḥ   

lekhakanāmaviśeṣaḥ ।

saccidānandāśramaḥ iti nāmakāḥ naike lekhakāḥ āsan

cid

kapaṭacīḍā   

ekaḥ vṛkṣaḥ ।

kapaṭacīḍāyāḥ ullekhaḥ nighaṇṭuprakāśe asti

cid

kañcidekam   

ekaḥ grāmaḥ ।

kañcidekasya ullekhaḥ mahābhārate asti

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